Relevant bibliographies by topics / 1534-1572

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Academic literature on the topic '1534-1572'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 30 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "1534-1572"

1

Zwartjes, Otto. "The description of the indigenous languages of Portuguese America by the jesuits during the colonial period: The impact of the latin grammar of Manuel Álvares." Historiographia Linguistica International Journal for the History of the Language Sciences 29, no. 1-2 (2002): 19–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.29.1-2.06zwa.

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SUMMARY The paper explores three grammars of two indigenous languages of Brazil written in Portuguese during the colonial period: two grammars of the Tupi language composed by José Anchieta (1534–1597) in 1595 and Luís Figueira (1575–1643) in 1621 (2nd ed., 1687), and one grammar of the Kiriri language, written by Luis Vincêncio Mamiani (1652–1730) in 1699. Although most studies agree that these grammars were based on a Latin framework, they usually do not specify which grammar in particular served as a model. It is known, however, that the Latin grammar by Manuel Álvares (1526–1582), first published in 1572, became the main Latin school grammar for Jesuits all over the world. This article tries to give answers to questions such as why did the Jesuits favour this grammar, which grammars were used by them before 1572, how did the Portuguese missionaries in Brazil adapt or copy Álvares’ model, which parts of speech did they particularly use, and which definitions did they select and which elements did they discuss, add or omit?RÉSUMÉ Cet article étudie trois grammaires de deux langues indigènes du Brésil écrites en portugais durant l’époque coloniale: deux grammaires de la langue des Tupi ont été composées par Anchieta (1534–1597) en 1595 et Luís Figueira (1575–1643) en 1621 (2e éd. en 1687) et une grammaire de la langue des Kiriri, écrite par Luis Vincêncio Mamiani (1652–1730) en 1699. Bien que la plupart des études s’accordent pour dire que ces grammaires étaient fondées sur des structures latines, d’habitude elles ne fournissaient davantage de détails quant aux sources possibles. La grammaire latine de Manuel Álvares (1526–1582) fut publiée en 1572 pour la première fois et devint la grammaire scolaire latine des Jésuites dans le monde entier. Cet article tente d’apporter une réponse aux questions suivantes: pourquoi avaient-ils choisi cette grammaire, quelles grammaires étaient utilisées avant 1572, comment les missionnaires portugais au Brésil ont-ils adapté ou copié le modèle des Álvares, dans quelle mesure cette grammaire a-t-elle été particulièrement utilisée, quelles définitions ont-ils choisi et de quels éléments ont-ils discuté, et lesquels a-t-on ajouté ou omis?ZUSAMMENFASSUNG In dem Beitrag werden drei Grammtiken der Kolonialzeit analysiert, welche zwei Eingeborenensprachen Brasiliens beschreiben: zwei Grammatiken des Tupí, eine 1595 von José Anchieta (1534–1597) verfaßte und eine 1621 von Luís Figueira redigierte (2. Aufl., 1687), sowie eine Grammatik des Kiriri, die Luis Vincêncio Mamiani (1652–1730) 1699 erstellt hat. Auch wenn man üblicherweise davon ausgeht, daß diese Grammatiken auf dem Gedankengut lateinischer Grammatiken basieren, so wird doch nie präzisiert, welche lateinische Grammatik konkret als Modell gedient hat. Man weiß allerdings auch, daß die lateinische Grammatik von Manuel Álvares (1526–1582), welche 1572 zum erstenmal erschien, zur Standardgrammatik der Jesuiten in der ganzen Welt wurde. In diesem Beitrag wird versucht, Fragen zu beantworten wie: Warum favorisierten die Jesuiten diese Grammatik? Welche Grammatiken wurden von ihnen vor 1572 benutzt? Wie haben die Jesuiten Brasiliens die Grammatik von Álvares adaptiert bzw. kopiert? Welche Redeteile waren von besonderer Wichtigkeit für sie, welche Definitionen wählten sie aus und welche Details diskutierten sie vorrangig, bzw. welche ergänzten sie oder ließen sie ganz weg?
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2

Huang, H. T., J. L. He, S. D. Liu, F. Q. Liu, X. Q. Yang, H. W. Yang, Y. Yang, and H. Yang. "Synchronized generation of 1534 and 1572 nm by the mixed optical parameter oscillation." Laser Physics Letters 8, no. 5 (March 1, 2011): 358–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/lapl.201110004.

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3

Zwartjes, Otto. "The description of the indigenous languages of Portuguese America by the Jesuits during the colonial period." Historiographia Linguistica 29, no. 1-2 (August 12, 2002): 19–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.29.1.06zwa.

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Summary The paper explores three grammars of two indigenous languages of Brazil written in Portuguese during the colonial period: two grammars of the Tupi language composed by José Anchieta (1534–1597) in 1595 and Luís Figueira (1575–1643) in 1621 (2nd ed., 1687), and one grammar of the Kiriri language, written by Luis Vincêncio Mamiani (1652–1730) in 1699. Although most studies agree that these grammars were based on a Latin framework, they usually do not specify which grammar in particular served as a model. It is known, however, that the Latin grammar by Manuel Álvares (1526–1582), first published in 1572, became the main Latin school grammar for Jesuits all over the world. This article tries to give answers to questions such as why did the Jesuits favour this grammar, which grammars were used by them before 1572, how did the Portuguese missionaries in Brazil adapt or copy Álvares’ model, which parts of speech did they particularly use, and which definitions did they select and which elements did they discuss, add or omit?
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4

van Staalduine-Sulman, Eveline. "Christianized Targums The Usefulness of the Zamora Manuscripts and the Antwerp Polyglot Bible for an Edition of the Targum of the Former Prophets." Aramaic Studies 10, no. 1 (2012): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-0101006.

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There are two versions of the Targum of Samuel with Latin translation that have been written or edited by Christian scholars. The first is present in two manuscripts of Alfonso de Zamora, viz. MSS 7542 (Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid; dated 1533) and M-1, M-2 and M-3 (Biblioteca General Histórica, Universidad de Salamanca; dated 1532–1534). The second is edited in the Antwerp Polyglot Bible (1569–1572). Both the manuscripts and the Polyglot Bible were clearly made for a Christian readership, which is demonstrated in this article. The question arises of whether the Aramaic text in these manuscripts and this edition is suitable for the planned new critical edition of Targum Samuel.
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5

Robles, José A. "Las tesis panteístas de Isaac Newton." Diánoia. Revista de Filosofía 46, no. 46 (September 2, 2016): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.21898/dia.v46i46.474.

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<p class='p1'>En este escrito, análisis de algunas tesis teológicas de Newton que figuran en su texto de publicación póstuma, “De gravitatione et æquipondio fluidorum” (ca. 1668), sostengo que su autor mantuvo una posición panteísta que aún permanecerá en obras posteriores, como en su Opticks (1704) y en el “Escolio general” al “Sistema del mundo” en las ediciones de 1713/1726 (2a. y 3a.) de su prodigiosa obra Philosophiæ naturalis principia mathematica. Además de dar argumentos en apoyo de la conclusión señalada con respecto a la posición de Newton, también considero dos interesantes propuestas sobre la Creación, la de Juan Escoto Erígena (ca. 810–877) y la del cabalista judío del siglo XVI, Isaac Luria (1534–1572), quienes fueron considerados panteístas (las propuestas del pensador irlandés fueron condenadas por el Concilio de París de 1210, 333 años después de su muerte) aun cuando ellos no tuviesen este designio. Finalmente, intento darles sentido a las tesis teológicas de Newton dentro de un contexto de filosofía natural.</p>
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6

Fine, Lawrence. "The Art of Metoposcopy: A Study in Isaac Luria's Charismatic Knowledge." AJS Review 11, no. 1 (1986): 79–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400001525.

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Amongst the most important roles which Isaac Luria (1534–1572), the preeminent kabbalist of sixteenth-century Safed, played in the lives of his disciples was that of physician of the soul. Before they could practice rituals which were intended to enable them to bind their souls to the divine realm, and to “repair” that realm in accordance with the teachings of Lurianic mythology, his disciples had first to mend theirownsouls, to cleanse and purify them of all imperfection No individual whose own soul had failed to achieve a certain level of perfection could hope to engage successfully in the intricate and elaborate contemplative rituals-such as theYiḥudim-which Luria devised. A person had to undergo a period during which he cultivated certain spiritual and moral traits and atoned for whatever sins he might have committed. Luria, in fact, provided his followers with highly detailed rituals of atonement by which they were to mend their souls. These penitential acts were known astikkunei avonot(“amends of sin”) whose purpose, in the words of Hayyim Vital's son Shmuel, was to “mend his soul"”and “cleanse him from the filth of the disease of his sins.” Hayyim Vital (1542–1620), Luria's chief disciple, himself introduces thetikkunei avonotwith a discussion of the relationship between one's soul and sin.
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7

Chajes, J. H. "Diagramming Sabbateanism." IMAGES 13, no. 1 (November 25, 2020): 108–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18718000-12340124.

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Abstract Scholars have only recently started to study ilanot (lit., “trees”), the cosmographic genre constituted by the wedding of kabbalistic diagrams—the trees of the metonymic name—and large parchment sheets. Differences of kabbalistic opinion naturally found expression in these “maps of God.” The Sabbatean messianic movement of the 1660s and its prolonged and impactful afterlife produced, among other things, a number of distinctive kabbalistic opinions. For the most part, these innovations were tightly integrated with the speculations associated with “Lurianic” Kabbalah based on the teachings of R. Isaac Luria (1534–1572). The great Lurianic ilanot were designed and circulated in the second third of the seventeenth century, not long before the emergence of Sabbateanism, but their golden age was “the long eighteenth century”—a British coinage for roughly 1660–1830—and thus coincided with the profound and pervasive absorption of Sabbatean elements in precisely those sectors that produced and consumed these artifacts, including nascent Hasidism. The deceptively simple question at the heart of this article is this: What would it mean to diagram Sabbateanism? Or to put it another way, what would constitute a Sabbatean ilan? How might distinctive Sabbatean ideas have found diagrammatic expression in this genre? Once identified as such, what do Sabbatean ilanot tell us about the meanings of Sabbateanism in the contexts within which they were produced?
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8

Cohén, Esther. "La ética judía y el concepto del mal." Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales 37, no. 147 (August 13, 1992). http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/fcpys.2448492xe.1992.147.51549.

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Breve análisis en tomo al concepto del mal en la ética judía, a partir de la frase bíblica <em>naasé benishma</em>, “haremos y escucharemos” (<em>Exodo</em> 24-7), la cual resume el imperativo ético del pensamiento bíblico hebreo, y cuyo significado radica en anteponer la acción frente a cualquier tipo de cuestionamiento. Se aborda en particular la teología de Isaac Luria (<em>Safed</em> 1534-1572), con cuya cábala la frase bíblica recupera su sentido original.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "1534-1572"

1

Hamias, Michel. "L'oeuvre exégétique de Rabbi Yaacov Abi'hserah." Paris 8, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA081050.

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La these se veut pour but de mettre en lumiere l'originalite de rabbi yaacov abihserah. La premiere partie retrace l'historique des grands courants de la cabale et permet de situer la mouvance d'idees dans laquelle evolue l'auteur, dans la lignee de rabbi ishaq luria. La seconde partie montre la specificite des techniques d'hermeneutiques utilisees par l'auteur qui manie les methodes cabalistiques de la guematria et du notarigon. La troisieme partie determine les grandes idees de la cabale abordees par le commentateur qui insiste sur le processus eschatologique de redressement de la presence divine. Le dernier pan de la these enumere les principaux themes ethiques de la pensee de l'auteur dont l'ideal de justice et charite constitue le fil conducteur. On peut remarquer que l'exegese de l'auteur le situe dans le courant de la pensee hassidique avec une coloration orientale qui le place parmi les grands maitres de la cabale et du hassidisme sepharade
The aim of the thesis is to reveal the originality of rabbi yaacov abihserah. The first part retraces the main currents of the kabbalah and defines the sphere of influence within which he was active, following the tradition of rabbin isaac louria. The second part examines the specificity of the commentator's hermenentical method and his use of kabbalistic techniques such as "guematria" ans "notarigon" the third part presents the major ideas of the kabbalah treated by rabbi yaacov abihserah with the emphasis falling on the eschaatalogical process of the restoration of the divine presence. The las part of the thesis enumerates the leading ethical themes of the expositor's thought, which is permeated throughout with an ideal of justice and charity. Rabbi yaacov abihserah's exegetical work places him in the mainstream of chassidic thought, albeit with oriental overtones, and thus ranks him among the great masters of the kabbalah and sephardic chassidism
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2

Darmon, Julien. "La loi du secret : la kabbale comme source de halakha chez r. Joseph Caro et les décisionnaires séfarades ultérieurs." Paris, EHESS, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007EHES0110.

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Contrairement à une idée répandue, les questions légales et rituelles sont au centre des préoccupations des kabbalistes. Et, en retour, la littérature halakhique est très loin d'avoir ignoré le discours kabbalistique sur ces questions. Depuis les débuts de la kabbale, voire dans le Talmud déjà, les deux ordres de discours s'interpénétrent. Leur unité organique et la finalité messianique de leur dialectique trouve son expression la plus claire dans l'introduction du 'Ets Hayyim, principal texte de la kabbale lurianique. A la lumière des notions qui y sont exposées, et guidée par le concept de hiérohistoire emprunté à Henry Corbin, cette étude propose une relecture phénoménologique de trois points précis du rituel juif qui ont cristallisé autour d'eux l'essentiel des discussions sur les rapports entre kabbale et halakha. Il en résulte un regard nouveau sur les moteurs métahistoriques et eschatologiques de l'histoire des pratiques religieuses juives
Contrary to a well-spread notion, legal and ritual issues are an important focus of kabbalistic discourse and the halakhic literature, in turn, is far from having negleted what the kabbalists had to say. Since the historic beginnings of kabbalah, and even in the Talmud, legal and symbolic discourses interpenetrate. Their organic unity and the messianic telos of their dialectics are best articulated in the introduction to the main text of Lurianic kabbalah, 'Ets Hayyim. In the light of the notions presented therein, and following the concept of hierohistory borrowed from Henry Corbin, this study proposes a phenomenological re-reading of three precise aspects of the Jewish ritual, which have crystallized the essential discussions about the relationship between halakhah and kabbalah. The result is a new outlook on the metahistorical and eschatological motives behind the history of Jewish religious practices
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Books on the topic "1534-1572"

1

Vital, Ḥayyim ben Joseph. Window of the soul: The kabbalah of Rabbi Isaac Luria (1534-1572) : selections from Chayyim Vital. San Francisco, CA: Weiserbooks, 2008.

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2

Window of the soul: The kabbalah of Rabbi Isaac Luria (1534-1572) : selections from Chayyim Vital. New York, N.Y: Bloch Pub. Co., 2006.

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3

Kaplan, Aryeh. Meditation and Kabbalah. Northvale, N.J: Jason Aronson, 1995.

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1934-1983, Kaplan Aryeh, ed. Meditation and Kabbalah. York Beach, Me: S. Weiser, 1985.

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Kaplan, Aryeh. Mediṭatsyah ṿe-ḳabalah. Yerushalayim: Ruaḥ Yiśraʼel-Argaman, 1995.

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6

missing], [name. Physician of the soul, healer of the cosmos: Isaac Luria and his kabbalistic fellowship. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2003.

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7

Fine, Lawrence. Physician of the Soul, Healer of the Cosmos: Isaac Luria and his Kabbalistic Fellowship (Stanford Studies in Jewish History and C). Stanford University Press, 2003.

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Fine, Lawrence. Physician of the Soul, Healer of the Cosmos: Isaac Luria and his Kabbalistic Fellowship (Stanford Studies in Jewish History and C). Stanford University Press, 2003.

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9

Vital, Hayyim Ben Joseph, Isaac Ben Solomon Luria, and Eliahu Klein. Kabbalah of Creation: Isaac Luria's Earlier Mysticism. Jason Aronson, 2000.

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Klein, Eliahu. Kabbalah of Creation: Isaac Luria's Earlier Mysticism. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Incorporated, 1999.

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Book chapters on the topic "1534-1572"

1

"Isaac Luria, the Cabalist 1534-1572." In The Jew in the Medieval World, 289–94. Hebrew Union College Press, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvd58td4.57.

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