Academic literature on the topic '1809-1849 Criticism and interpretation'

This research analyzes Syarif Hidayatullah's da'wah (preaching) and politics using the concept of religious moderation. This research is a library research with main sources, archives, documents, books, journals, and other related works. The sources are obtained from searches on authoritative websites, such as Delpher, British Library, KITLV, and so on. By applying historical analysis, in the form of source criticism, interpretation and historiography, this research uses a biographical approach and leadership theory. This research shows that Syarif Hidayatullah as a scholar and umara has applied the principle of religious moderation in Cirebon Palace. The religious moderation applied by Syarif Hidayatullah is based on religion-based politics. Where, his political policy succeeded in controlling ritual issues, religious ceremonies, da’wah, and socio-politics. Thus, Syarif Hidayatullah not only succeeded as a politician who expanded the territory, but also succeeded in becoming a role model of religious leaders who prioritize the principle of wasathiyah (moderate). Keywords: syarif hidayatullah, political da'wah, moderation REFERENCES Graff and Th. Pigeaud. Islamic Kingdoms in Java, the Transition from Majapahit to Mataram. Translation of Grafitipers and KITLV, First Cet. Jakarta: Temprint, 1985. Suprapto, H. M. Bibit. Encyclopedia of Nusantara Ulama: Life History, Works, and History of Struggle of 157 Nusantara Ulama. Jakarta; Gelegar Media Indonesia, 2009 Ibrahim, Tatang. History of Islamic Culture, Madrasah Tsanawiyah for Class IX Semester 1 and 2. Bandung: CV ARMICO, 2009 Azra, Azyumardi. Network of Middle Eastern and Archipelago Scholars in the XVII and XVIII Centuries; Roots of Indonesian Islamic Reform. Bandung: Mizan, 1994 Bekhofer. Jr, Robert F. A Behavioral Approach to Historical Analysis. New York: Free Press, 1971 Tamburakka, Rustam E. Introduction to Historical Science, Philosophical Theory of History, History of Philosophy and Science and Technology Jakarta: PT Rineka Cipta, 1999 Gottschalk, Louis. Understanding History, ed. Nugroho Notosusanto. Yogyakarta: UI Press Publishing Foundation, 1971 Abdurrahman, Dudung. Historical Research Methods. Jakarta: Logos, 1999 Zuhri, Saifuddin. History of Islamic Revival and Its Development in Indonesia. Bandung: P.T. AL-Maarif, second cet. 1980 Sutrisno, Budiono Hadi. History of the Walisongo Mission of Islamization in Java. Yogyakarta: Graha Pustaka, 2009 Kartodirdjo, Sartono. Introduction to New Indonesian History: From Emporium to Empire Volume I. Jakarta: Gramedia, 1987 Ekajati, Edi S. Local History of West Java. Jakarta: Interumas Sejahtera, 1992 Al Qurtuby, Sumanto. Chinese-Islamic-Javanese Currents. Yogyakarta: Inspeal Ahimsakarya Press, 2003 Sunyoto, Agus. Wali Songo: Reconstructing a Dismissed History. Jakarta: Transpustaka, 2011 Tjandrasasmita, Uka. Archaeology of Islam Nusantara. Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama, 2009 Sunardjo, RH. Unang. A Glimpse into the History of the Kingdom of Cerbon 1479-1809. Bandung: Tarsito, 1983 Bochari, M. Sanggupri and Wiwi Kuswiah. History of the Traditional Kingdom of Cirebon. Jakarta: CV. Suko Rejo Bersinar, 2001 Wildan, Dadan. Syarif Hidayatullah. Ciputat: Salima, 2012 Siti Fauziyah, "The Gait of Sunan Gunung Jati in Building Islamic Political Power in West Java", Tsaqafah, Journal of Religion and Culture, Vol.13 No.1 January-June 2015. Nindia Farah Islamiati, "The Strategy of Spreading Islam of Sunan Gunung Jati Through the Politics of the Sultanate of Cirebon (1479-1568)", Thesis, Faculty of Ushuluddin, Adab, and Humanities, UIN Prof. KH. Saifuddin Zuhri, Purwokerto, 2023. Hanif Cahyo Adi Kistoro, "The Relevance of the Value Concept of Sunan Gunung Jati's Petatah Petitih in Islamic Education", Journal of Islamic Religious Education At-Thariqah, Vol.4 No.2, July-December 2019. Ministry of Religious Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia, Religious Moderation Eman Suryaman, The Life Path of Sunan Gunung Djati: The Factual History and Leadership Philosophy of a Pandhita-Raja, (Bandung, Marja Publisher, 2015), 96-97. Agus Iswanto, et al, "Narratives of Religious Moderation in the Manuscript of Serat Carub Kandha," Jurnal Lektur Keagamaan, June 30, 2021. Kris Nandang and Suciyati Ramdhani, "The Da'wah Path of Sunan Gunung Jati in Cirebon: Building Ethno-Religious Identity and Moderation Values in a Multicultural Society," Sheikh Nurjati: Journal of Social Religion, Vol.02 No.02, 2022. Achmad Wildan Khoerun Nahar, et al, "The Cultural Concept of Walisongo's Da'wah Strengthens Religious Moderation", Muasarah: Journal of Contemporary Islamic Studies, Vol. 5, No. 2, 2021. Asep Supriatna, et al, "Methods of Spreading Islam Sunan Gunung Jati in the Perspective of Modern Islamic Education," Edukatif: Journal of Educational Sciences, Volume 3, Number 4, 2021. Syarifah Aini, et al, "The Role of Sunan Gunung Djati in the Islamization of Mauk District Community, Tangerang Regency," Journal of History Education, Vol.12 No.1 2023.

The research aims to define Tafsir Sufi Ishaari and Tafsir Al Bahr Al-Madid by Ibn Ajibah (1809). The research as well will extrapolate Tafsir Sufi Ishaari for Quranic verses in the book which related to the issue of the heart purification. The methodology for this research in analyzing information depends on the descriptive approach, and on collecting all facts and information. It also uses the analytical and criticism approach by matching the scholarly conditions of acceptance regarding Tafsir Sufi Ishari with what was interpreted by Ibn Al Ajibah. Then compare, evaluate and criticize it. Therefore, the findings indicate that the Tafsir Sufi Ishari-which is one of the types of the Quranic exegesis based on interpretations of verses contrasts the classical commentaries- by Ibn Ajibah in the issue of the heart purification that matching the conditions were based on two foundations. Firstly: The Tafsir Sufi Ishari was interpreted accordingly to general verses meaning and exegesis. Secondly: The relationship between Tafsir Sufi Ishari to al-Ma'thur is like the relationship causes and effect. The study also revealed that the contradictions with conditions ion Tafsir Sufi Ishari in this issue are based on three foundations. Firstly : interpretations of Ibn Ajibah were so far from the common use of Arabic understanding. Secondly: The interpretations made were analogous compared to other normal exegesis. Thirdly: to generalize some issues which are strictly individuals. In facts, if Ibn Ajibah limited his interpretation to his Ishari views there is no differences between him and the doctrine of Shiites Batiniyyah!, But our trust in his scholary Tafsir, his confirmation of classical interpretation and his condemnation of Batiniyyah understanding make his Tafsir Ishari valid and well concerned.

The Danish neoclassical painter Nicolai Abraham Abildgaard (1743-1809) received his artistic education in rome where he was influenced by the Swedish artist Sergei and the Swiss Fuseli. In 1777, he returned to Copenhagen where he became a professor at the Royal Academy of Fine Arts. In Rome, he encountered the thoughts of the European Enlightenment, revolutionary thoughts and opinions he was to hold for the rest of his life. In Copenhagen, he turned out to be a most satirical critic of the institutions of the absolute monarchy and the state church. Since the Reformation, the Danish clergy has guarded the Lutheran principle of interpretation of the Bible as a field of their own in order to protect the lay reader from misreadings of the text. The enlightened theologians, artists and philosophers show a great effort to let anyone read the Bible just they was he desires. In a number of satirical, blasphemical and erotic drawings with biblical themes in The Royal Collection of Prints and Drawings in Copenhagen, Abildgaard shows how he chose to interpret some passages of the Bible that until then had been explained through reference to other parts of the Bible by the clergy. Abildgaard provokes by reading and showing the Biblical texts without the guidance of the church's authorized interpretation - as documents of an ancient natural, raw, primitive but absolutely free society. the enlighted freedom of reading the Bible in one's own manner finds it counterpart in the popular magazines of theological criticism and satire of the 1790s.

The Hørning runestone revisited In 1849, farmer Jens Mortensen was ploughing his field when he found a runestone. It has since been known as the Hørning runestone (figs. 1 & 2). Jens Mortensen had the farm from 1809 until 1853. The field, cadastral parcel no. 3, extended from the village all the way northwards to the watercourse Aarhus Å. The text on the Hørning stoneThe Hørning stone has attracted attention from both archaeological illustrators and runologists since its discovery. The text appears quite straightforward and is translated as ‘Tóki Smith raised the stone in memory of Þorgísl Guðmundr’s son, who gave him gold(?) and freedom’. The final part of the text could, however, also be understood as a reference to Þorgísl Guðmundr’s son’s inclusion of Tóki Smith in his family. There are good examples of both possibilities in the provincial laws and the sagas. Tóki Smith was also behind the Grensten runestone (fig. 3), found near Randers, bearing the text ‘Tóki Smith raised this stone in memory of Hrifli, son of Ásgeirr Bjǫrn’s son. May God help their souls’. The Gylling runestone (fig. 4), found south of Odder, is possibly also linked to Tóki Smith. It bears the text ‘Tóki Þorgísl›s son raised this stone in memory of ... good and risbiik his brother’. Future investigations and 3D scanning of the Gylling runestone may provide data for a more comprehensive understanding of the inscription and a discussion of its relationship to the Hørning and Grensten runestones.The discovery site of the Hørning runestoneThe exact find site for the runestone is unknown, but several old notes from the National Museum’s archive provide some information on the distance from the bridge Bering Bro and the proximity to two burial mounds. The site can therefore be determined to within an area of c. 50 x 50 m on cadastral no. 3 (figs. 5 & 6).The stone’s subsequent fateIn 1849, rural dean Peder Mikkelsen Schinnerup arranged for the runestone to be placed at Hørning church. It was later moved to the church porch before, at some point, being consigned to the cemetery dyke by the road to Aarhus, where it remained until 1873. In 1850, Schinnerup wrote to the Inspector for the Conservation of Antiquarian Monuments in Denmark, J.J.A. Worsaae (fig. 7), saying that the stone would be placed in the church porch. Worsaae saw the stone that same year and gave his first interpretation of the text.In 1852, the office of pastor was taken over by Knud Peter Knudsen (fig. 8), who was not thought to have had any interest in culture or ancient monuments. Via a travelling salesman, Knudsen contacted the museum in Aarhus to hear if they would accept the runestone. His offer was rejected by Professor Lund, the museum director. As the runestone is an ancient monument owned by the state, it could not be moved without authorisation from the National Museum of Denmark in Copenhagen. Knudsen then hired a local haulier to transport the stone to the museum in Aarhus, where there was great surprise when, with no prior warning, the runestone was suddenly unloaded. Worsaae is informed of the situation and writes “To the Society for the Historical-Antiquarian Collection in Aarhus”. “I take the liberty of officially requesting the board of the honourable society to take over the supervision of this stone’s preservation in a safe and suitable place until a more detailed decision on its definitive placement can be made”.This sets the stage for a lengthy clarification and discussion of the actual purpose and function of the runestone. Museum director Professor Lund and curator Vilhelm Boye at the museum in Aarhus are most intent on returning the stone to Hørning church. In a letter from 1873, Boye writes to Worsaae about the difficulties with the stone and the priest in Hørning, “that if one could drink or eat the stone, he (Knudsen) would never have let it go”. Furthermore, he writes that “Professor Lund is very happy that the stone is here and wishes that it may remain in its current location until it can be set up in the new museum, which they probably intend to begin in the spring. His opinion is not that it should become the property of the society, but that it should be entrusted to it for safekeeping forever”.The Hørning runestone remained at the museum in Aarhus and can still be seen today in the Viking Age exhibition at Moesgård Museum.A new runestone in copyThe background for the renewed interest in the Hørning runestone is the discovery of the impressive grave of the ‘Viking from Fregerslev’ near Skanderborg in 2012 and local wishes for a copy of the runestone to be erected in Hørning. The ‘Viking from Fregerslev’ was buried in a chamber grave together with a wealth of equipment from his horse, dated to c. AD 950. The grave was excavated in 2017 with overwhelming results. For several years, wishes had been expressed by local groups and individuals for a copy of the Hørning runestone to be erected in the square in Hørning. In response, an accurate copy as possible (fig. 9) was produced by Filip’s stonemasonry in Horsens and rune carver Erik Sandquist and erected in a newly designed square by the church in Hørning.Runestones, their texts and their locations in the landscape are, in themselves, wonderful monuments that take us closer to the people of the Viking Age. They provide a unique opportunity to create brief biographies of the characters who appear in the texts, and thereby contribute to both local history and storytelling in general. Future 3D scans may bring us even closer to Tóki Smith and his contemporaries. Very few runestones have, however, been found in their original location, so it may prove useful to examine the archives thoroughly in the search for a find site. The more pieces that can be assembled in this way, the better the overall story.