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1
Arnold, Heather E. "Taking the abolition of the family seriously." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.540933.
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Kayaoglu, Turan. "Sovereignty, state-building, and the abolition of extraterritoriality /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10777.
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Imren, Ozturk Sibel. "The Effects Of The Abolition On The Bektashiorder." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615172/index.pdf.
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The abolition of the Bektashi Order in 1826 was a turning point for Bektashism. Although the Order was abolished, Bektashism continued to exist clandestinely. The reasons of the abolition are explained extensively by the chroniclers which gave official reasons of the abolition. One of the reasons is that Bektashism was abolished due to its connection with the Janissary Corps.
Following the abolition Bektashism was subjected to severe control of the Ottoman Empire. Initially, some Bektashi disciples were exiled, and others were executed in Istanbul. The Bektashi tekkes were destroyed and their waqf revenues were confiscated. Thus, the structure of the Bektashi Order changed after the abolition without ceasing.
Moreover, it is known that the Bektashi tradition in the nineteenth century declined. As a result of the abolition, the unity within the Order ended, and the leadership struggle within Bektashism between the Ç<br>elebi and the Babagâ<br>n became apparent. In this sense, from this struggle within the Order arose issues, such as lineage claims, the representation problem and waqf administration. In the historical context the Ottoman Empire was interested more in the Ç<br>elebi branch. On the contrary, the Babagâ<br>n branch did not have any official relation with the Ottoman Empire. Therefore the Ç<br>elebi branch played an important role in comparison with the Babagâ<br>n branch. In this thesis, I analyze the discussions inside the Order resulting from the abolition on Bektashism, which were voiced by the main branches of the Bektashi Order at the end of the nineteenth century.
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Johnston, Sasha. "Slavery, abolition and the myth of white benevolence." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/9043.
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This thesis interrogates gestures of remembrance in British culture, specifically as they serve to construct and maintain a collective memory of Britain’s involvement in Atlantic slavery and abolitionism. I am particularly interested in what representations of slavery and abolitionism tell us about the permissible limits of Britain’s historical narratives, and the relationship of those narratives to contemporary ideals of national identity. The achievement of abolition in the nineteenth century – or “the emancipation moment,” as David Brion Davis so appropriately describes it – enabled a form of strategic denial, wherein the self-congratulatory celebration of abolition was used to elide important moral and ethical questions engendered by Britain’s participation in Atlantic slavery. As a result, Britain was not required to contend with its paradoxical position as champion of both slavery and abolition. Through an examination of various public debates initiated by the 2007 bicentennial of abolition in Britain, and an analysis of “Breaking the Chains” – an exhibit in Bristol’s British Empire and Commonwealth Museum – I seek to demonstrate that the discursive formation of slavery and abolition in contemporary Britain continues to both inform and invoke what I am calling the myth of white British benevolence. This allows many Britons to cling to a national identity that is grounded in assumptions about racial whiteness, and to avoid having to confront the ways in which the legacy of slavery (and its abolition) informs racial/ethnic tensions in Britain, putting future policies and practices of multiculturalism into question.
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Brugger, E. Christian. "Capital punishment, abolition and Roman Catholic moral tradition." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:352bddad-62d7-4621-9043-b603afdc5855.
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The last fifty years have seen a turn in the Catholic Church's public attitude toward capital punishment. From openly defending the right of the state to kill malefactors, the Church has become an outspoken opponent. What accounts for this? How can it be reconciled with Catholic tradition? Should the current teaching be called a 'development of doctrine'? Can we expect further change? These questions shape this thesis. The work is divided into three parts comprising a total of eight chapters. Part I undertakes a detailed exegesis of the death penalty teaching of the Catechism of the Catholic Church (1997). I conclude that the text, while not explicitly stating that the death penalty is in itself wrong, lays down premises which when carried to their logical conclusions, yield just such a conclusion. This conclusion is checked and confirmed by the fundamental moral reasoning found in the papal encyclicals Evangelium Vitae and Veritatis Splendor. In light of this conclusion (what I call the new position), Part II asks the question: may the Church, constrained by sound biblical interpretation and dogmatic tradition, legitimately teach in a definitive way that capital punishment is per se wrong? This is a question which concerns the development of doctrine. Before it can be answered the Church's traditional teaching needs to be precisely formulated so that it can be placed in juxtaposition to the new teaching. An analysis of statements throughout ecclesiastical history is therefore undertaken and what we might call the cumulative consensus of ecclesiastical writers on capital punishment is formulated. The authoritative nature of this teaching is analyzed to determine what kinds of developments it admits and excludes. Judging its nature admits of a development like the one described in Part I, models are proposed to explain modes by which it might be understood to be developing. Finally, a systematic and philosophically consistent account of the new position is proposed and its implications for other teachings in the Church's tradition of 'justifiable violence' is examined.
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Doris, Glen Ian. "The Scottish Enlightenment and the politics of abolition." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2011. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=166092.
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This thesis examines the relationship between Scottish Enlightenment philosophy and Abolitionist activism. This work asserts that Scottish philosophers opposed legislative Abolition, and that Henry Dundas’s ‘gradual’ amendment to Wilberforce’s 1792 Slave Trade bill was partly motivated by fear of radical change. This amendment has been acknowledged by many as the reason the Slave Trade was allowed to continue, despite public disapprobation, until 1807. First, by examining the writings of those Scottish Enlightenment thinkers critical of slavery, this work demonstrates that their ideas were largely theoretical and lacked engagement with the problem of slavery in British society. Second, in examining why, when their writings against slavery have been so lauded, they made so little a direct contribution to the Abolitionist movement, this thesis explores the Scottish Enlightenment theory of spontaneous order in the generation of social institutions. Drawing upon the warnings of some of these Scottish literati, this thesis will argue that their belief in spontaneous order encouraged them to view any attempt at altering social structures (such as the Slave Trade) through legislation as dangerous innovations that should be opposed by enlightened thinkers and politicians. This thesis next examines the parliamentary debates surrounding the 1792 Abolition bill, highlighting the similarities between the Scottish Enlightenment polemic against radical change and the arguments of those opposing Wilberforce’s Slave Trade bill. MPs embraced Dundas’ gradual Abolition idea despite petitions in support of the original bill signed by their constituents, the views of whom were considered secondary to their own judgement on such matters. That the 1792 failure of Abolition was not due to a denial of the principle of ending slavery but a rejection of abrupt change demonstrates that the Scottish Enlightenment, through the agency of Dundas, encouraged delaying the abolition of the Slave Trade for fifteen years.
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Atkins, Jr David Lee. "Perfectly White: Light-Skinned Slaves and the Abolition Movement 1835 - 1865." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/78283.
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This project looks at American abolitionists use of light-skinned slaves to prove to Northerners slavery was an abomination. This project is also a study of the social constructions of race and the meanings of skin color in Northern and Southern American societies. This research draws mostly upon primary sources including anti-slavery newspapers, images, slave narratives, and slave testimonies. The stories of light-skinned slaves in this thesis challenged the neat assumptions of what it meant to be white or black and deeply disturbed white Americans. The descriptions and images of these former slaves blurred the lines between black and white and made Northerners, and in some instances Southerners, rethink how they decided a person's racial classification. Light-skinned slaves were living proof of the evils of the American slave system and they were one of the tools abolitionists used to help end slavery.<br>Master of Arts
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Johnson, Alana Ingrid Nicole. "The abolition of chattel slavery in Barbados, 1833-1876." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251935.
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Parker, Lisa Karee. "A World of Our Own: William Blake and Abolition." unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11302006-120306/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.<br>Title from title screen. Christine Gallant, committee chair; Paul Schmidt, LeeAnne Richardson, committee members. Electronic text (130 p. : ill., some col.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 20, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 123-130).
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Tohme, Roni. "Abolition of the death penalty : a process in motion." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32816.
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Following slavery, capital punishment is slowly finding its way toward abolition. This trend is manifested both in international criminal law norms and international human rights norms.<br>In the international criminal law field, capital punishment, accepted under the Nuremberg and Tokyo Charters, was rejected half a century later in the Statute of the International Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia, then in the Statute of the International Tribunal for Rwanda, and most recently in the Rome Statute.<br>Parallel to developments in the international criminal law field, a similar evolution was experienced in the area of international human rights. The trend towards abolition in the human rights field began with the restriction of the death penalty application to a certain group of people and crimes. However, a European human rights instrument, Protocol No. 6 to the ECHR, shifted the trend from restriction to abolition of the death penalty.<br>For the abolitionist cause to succeed, the abolitionist trend should be accepted by retentionist countries such as the US and the Islamic states of the Middle East and Africa. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Chieffo-Reidway, Toby Maria. "Nathaniel Jocelyn: in the service of art and abolition." W&M ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623473.
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Through my dissertation, I embark on a biographical, cultural and historical study of artist and abolitionist Nathaniel Jocelyn (1796-1881), primarily known as a nineteenth-century portrait painter and engraver in New Haven, Connecticut. Although Jocelyn received little formal training, he sought to become a preeminent portrait painter. Together with his younger brother, Simeon Smith Jocelyn (1799-1879), he established a successful engraving firm designing banknotes, maps, atlases, and book illustrations.;Jocelyn lived in an age of evangelical revivalism commonly called the Second Great Awakening. He was a devout Congregationalist and saw the various aspects of his life embedded in his religious convictions. Jocelyn's diary chronicles his beliefs, social views, hopes, fears, daily struggles, and his plans to develop and attain artistic acclaim and economic success.;My dissertation reveals an artist not unlike other enterprising men of the New Republic or most portrait painters of his era who struggled to earn a living. Yet Jocelyn was extraordinary because he created the most important portrait of an African in the nineteenth-century, Cinque (c.1813-1879), leader of the Amistad rebellion of 1839. This portrait challenged Jacksonian-era concepts of portraiture and became one of the most significant icons for the abolitionist movement. For Jocelyn the portrayal of Cinque was the galvanizing event of his life as an artist, abolitionist, and Christian.;Jocelyn not only challenged the concept of conventional portraiture, but also nineteenth-century racial stereotypes by depicting a black man as a man of dignity. Jocelyn used Cinque's portrait to dissociate black skin and African-ness from traditional depictions of black men that linked them with slavery. Jocelyn was not afraid to show an African as a man of power, independence, and intelligence---traits portraitists generally associated with white people.;His depiction of Cinque as an idealized hero was intentional, and it aided the abolitionist cause. Nathaniel Jocelyn created a visual abolitionist language in his portrayal of Cinque by crossing the boundaries of race and imbuing the portrait with an iconography rich with abolitionist and Christian symbolism.;Jocelyn led a multifaceted life as a Christian, abolitionist, portrait painter, inventor, engraver, and esteemed teacher. He had the confidence, admiration, and respect of his peers and the New Haven notables as he maintained intimate ties with the world of art and abolition.
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Ivan, Adrien D. "Masters No More: Abolition and Texas Planters, 1860-1890." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc33171/.
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This dissertation is a study of the effects of the abolition of slavery on the economic and political elite of six Texas counties between 1860 and 1890. It focuses on Austin, Brazoria, Colorado, Fort Bend, Matagorda, and Wharton Counties. These areas contain the overwhelming majority of Stephen F. Austin's "Old Three Hundred," the original American settlers of Texas. In addition to being the oldest settled region, these counties contained many of the wealthiest slaveholders within the state. This section of the state, along with the northeast along the Louisiana border, includes the highest concentration of Texas' antebellum plantations. This study asks two central questions. First, what were the effects of abolition on the fortunes of the planter class within these six counties? Did a new elite emerge as a result of the end of slavery, or, despite the liquidation of a substantial portion of their estates, did members of the former planter class sustain their economic dominance over the counties? Second, what were abolition's effects on the counties' prewar political elite, defined as the county judge? Who were in power before the war and who were in power after it? Did abolition contribute to a new kind of politician?
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Guess, Teresa J. "Ritual action & death penalty abolition : a case study /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9946258.
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Weber, Timothy S. "The abolition of nuclear weapons : implications for U.S. Security Interest." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA359908.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1998.<br>"December 1998." Thesis advisor(s): David S. Yost, James J. Wirtz. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.
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Campbell, Tanya Lee Margaret. "Representations of slavery in French writing : from revolution to abolition." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.602452.
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This thesis seeks to explore the ways in which anxieties and ambivalences surrounding slavery were constructed, reflected and challenged in French writing from the period between the French Revolution and the abolition of slavery in 1848. It draws on historical and literary analyses, and an informed understanding of the sociopolitical currents of the early nineteenth century, to highlight the important role literature and journalism have to play in helping us to understand the multifarious complexities of slavery. It offers close analysis of a selection of key literary and journalistic texts from the period, including work by Olympe de Gouges, Marceline Desbordes-Valmore, Gabrielle de Paban, Sophie Doin, Jean-Baptiste Picquenard, Victor Hugo, Cyrille Charles Auguste Bissetteand Adolphe Granier de Cassagnac. This thesis contributes to a growing body of academic work on slavery by developing three broad perspectives on the institution: it examines the metaphorization of slavery in women's writing, and takes issue with the view that women necessarily privilege entertainment in their narratives; it considers the usefulness of a transactional model of violence as a framework through which to read early nineteenth-century men's revolutionary writing, interrogates the use of 'proportionality' as justification for the (il)legitimacy of violent acts, and investigates the (non-)representation of violence in texts; finally, it offers the first in-depth analysis of the slavery polemic that emerged between Bissette and Granier, and highlights how polarizing debates around slavery were mobilized in the press. This thesis therefore expands current research by demonstrating how the post-Revolutionary social and political conflicts, and racial prejudice cultivated under slavery, suffused nineteenth-century writing in both France and the French Caribbean.
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Lewis, Andrew Peter. "The British West Indian press in the age of abolition." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1993. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/25732.
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This thesis studies the West Indian press from three perspectives. The fIrst examines newspapers as economic entities, and involves an analysis of capital, equipment, patterns of ownership, and workforce. This section concludes with an examination of the social and economic standing of colonial editors. The second approach concentrates on the political role of the press during a period of tension. The relationships between the press and the component parts of colonial society are discussed seperately. The complex relationship between whiteowned newspapers and the non-white sectors of the populace is considered. Much of this section is devoted to the free coloured press. The volatile relationship between newspapers of all political persuasions and the various branches of colonial Government is examined. The third facet of the thesis grows naturally from the previous two modes of analysis, and is more implicit than explicit. It acknowledges the dangers in crudely identifying editorial columns as public opinion, but suggests that events involving the press constitute a series of snapshots exposing details of colonial life largely absent from official correspondence. The conclusion of the thesis attempts to chart some aspects of the political culture of the colonies. It argues that participatory impulses, long present in white society, received a series of stimuli during the 1820's and 1830's which greatly increased colonial political activity. For the press this led to the development of politically-motivated free coloured newspapers and a defensive invigoration of planter newspapers. Thus, there was a broadening of colonial political culture, but in ways which reflected the different priorities of the white and free coloured groups. In slavebased societies these differences generated irreconcilable conflicts, many of whIch were both revealed and sharpened by the involvement of the press.
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Bardiaux-Vaïente, Marie Gloris. "Histoire de l'abolition de la peine de mort dans les six pays fondateurs de l'Union européenne." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BOR30026/document.
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L'abolition de la peine de mort est aujourd'hui devenue une des valeurs fondamentales de la civilisation européenne. Nos recherches se feront sous l'axe d'une étude comparée entre les six pays fondateurs de l'actuelle Union Européenne. L'histoire et la culture communes à ces six États ont abouti à ce qu'aujourd'hui tout européen est le citoyen, l'habitant d'une entité quasi indéfinissable, d'un territoire multiple en recherche d'identité, mais abolitionniste. Comment concrètement sont-ils parvenus à imposer une telle clause morale, du sein de leurs propres institutions jusqu'au cœur législatif de l'Union, c'est à dire jusqu'au point où l'abolition devienne une condition sine qua non d'entrée dans l’Union Européenne ? Par l'unicité et le croisement infléchi par l'Europe de quelles histoires nationales est-on parvenu aujourd'hui à cet entendement effectif ? Quels furent les artisans de cette pensée : les hommes, les réseaux, les mouvements politiques ou idéologiques ? Et pour quelle raison s'impliquèrent-ils dans une telle cause ? Leur engagement européiste fut-il indissociable de l'abolitionnisme, et réciproquement ? L'histoire de la peine de mort et de son abolition s'inscrit dans l'histoire et la philosophie du droit, l'histoire des mentalités, les sciences politiques et ce que l'on pourrait nommer l'histoire civique. Cette dernière correspond aux fondamentaux idéologiques d'une société de droit, elle est la marque d'une appartenance à une même collectivité au service d'une même nation ou des mêmes idéaux. L'abolition de la sanction capitale est l'œuvre d'hommes particuliers, mais appartenant tous à un contexte national, qu'il soit économique, social, intellectuel ou juridique. Notre étude ne peut avoir de sens qu'à l'aune de l'ensemble de ces nombreux facteurs<br>The abolition of the death penalty has now become one of the fundamental values of European civilization. Our research will be in the axis of a comparative study between the six founding countries of the current EU. The history and culture common to these six states led to what today is all European citizens, the living entity almost indefinable territory in search of multiple identity, but abolitionist. How are they actually able to impose such a clause morality, within their own institutions to the heart of the legislative union, ie to the point where abolition becomes a sine qua non of entry into the EU? By the uniqueness and cross deflected by the European national histories is what we today reached this understanding effective? What were the architects of this thought: men, networks, political or ideological movements? And why they became involved in such a cause? Their commitment Europeanist he was inseparable from abolitionism, and vice versa? The history of the death penalty and its abolition is part of the history and philosophy of law, history of mentalities, political science and what might be called the civic history. The latter corresponds to the fundamental ideological company law, it is the mark of belonging to the same community in the service of the same nation or ideals. The abolition of capital punishment is the work of particular men, but all belonging to a national context, whether economic, social, cultural or legal. Our study can be meaningful only in terms of all of these many factors
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Cruz, Elena Maytee. "Social movements theory : a Burkean approach to the rhetoric of abolition." FIU Digital Commons, 2003. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2675.
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Inspired by Kenneth Burke's dramatism, this thesis examined the viability of social movements rhetorical theory in its application to literature by focusing on the 1 9th century abolitionist movement in the United States and moving from the analysis of public speeches to fictional works.
Chapter one applied the rhetorical analysis of social movements to noteworthy speeches by William Lloyd Garrison and Francis Maria W. Stewart. Chapter two examined social movements rhetoric in The Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass. Chapter three considered Uncle Tom's Cabin and determined whether social movements rhetorical theory could illuminate this persuasive work of fiction.
Dramatistically speaking, each of these works attempted to persuade the reader or auditor to join the abolitionist cause through symbolic action in their rhetoric. This thesis concluded that the social movements approach derived from Burkean dramatism is indeed powerful in its application to literature as it unpacks the rhetoric of abolition.
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Hoffman, Charles. "The abolition of the legislative council of Nova Scotia, 1925-1928." Thesis, McGill University, 2012. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=106615.
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From 1758 to 1928, Nova Scotia had a bicameral Legislature made up of the House of Assembly and the Legislative Council. In the period following Confederation, the Legislative Council came under increasing fire as unnecessary, expensive, and anachronistic. Yet, for a period of half a century, all efforts to abolish it failed. Following the landslide Conservative victory in the provincial election of 1925, however, incoming Premier Edgar Nelson Rhodes led a crusade to abolish the Legislative Council once and for all, a crusade that ultimately led to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in Westminster. Armed with a Privy Council opinion permitting him to dismiss existing members of the Legislative Council and appoint an unlimited number of replacements, on February 24, 1928, Rhodes was able to push through an abolition bill. At the end of the 1928 session, the Legislative Council ceased to exist, its powers devolved upon the House of Assembly and Lieutenant-Governor. This thesis examines the history of this battle, including the nature of the Nova Scotia constitution, Rhodes' initial push for abolition, his appeal to Ottawa when that proved unsuccessful, the litigation before the Supreme Court of Nova Scotia and the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, and the final abolition of the Legislative Council.<br>De 1758 à 1928, la Nouvelle-Écosse a eu une législature bicamérale constituée de la Chambre d'assemblée et du Conseil législatif. Au cours de la période suivant la Confédération, le Conseil législatif fut incessamment attaqué, accusé d'être inutile, coûteux et anachronique. Cela étant, durant une période d'un demi-siècle, tous les efforts pour l'abolir faillirent. Suite à l'écrasante victoire des Conservateurs aux élections provinciales de 1925, cependant, le Premier Ministre entrant Edgar Nelson Rhodes lança une croisade pour abolir définitivement le Conseil législatif, qui arriva jusqu'au comité judiciaire du Conseil privé à Westminster. Armé d'une opinion du Conseil privé lui permettant de démettre les membres existants du Conseil législatif et de nommer un nombre illimité de remplaçants, Rhodes put faire voter un projet de loi d'abolition le 24 février 1928. A la fin de la session législative de 1928, le Conseil législatif cessa d'exister, et ses pouvoirs furent dévolus à la Chambre d'assemblée et au lieutenant-gouverneur. Ce mémoire étudie l'histoire de cette bataille et se penche notamment sur la nature de la constitution de Nouvelle-Écosse, l'impulsion initiale donnée par Rhodes à la bataille pour l'abolition, son appel à Ottawa lorsque l'impulsion initiale fut infructueuse, le litige à la Cour suprême de Nouvelle-Écosse et au comité judiciaire du Conseil privé, et enfin sur l'abolition finale du Conseil législatif.
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Blühdorn, Ingolfur. "The abolition of nature : nature and ecology in German social theory." Thesis, Keele University, 1998. http://opus.bath.ac.uk/14473/.
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Muwanga, Tracy Sheila Namirembe. "The International Market for Illicit Organ Trading : Towards Regulation or Abolition?" Diss., University of Pretoria, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/79288.
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Harker, Michael Warren. "The Lure of Literacy: A Critical Reception of the Abolition Debate." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1276628785.
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Shaylor, Cassandra. "Not light but fire : gender, violence and strategies for prison abolition /." Diss., Digital Dissertations Database. Restricted to UC campuses, 2007. http://uclibs.org/PID/11984.
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陸慧冰 and Wai-bing Wanda Luk. "Abolition of the Municipal Councils: an examination to the policy making process." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31966925.
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Altink, Henrice. "Representations of slave women in discourses of slavery and abolition, 1780-1838." Thesis, University of Hull, 2001. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:3124.
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Mitchell, Stuart Peter. "The abolition of resale price maintenance : a case study in modernising conservatism." Thesis, Open University, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.402256.
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Luk, Wai-bing Wanda. "Abolition of the Municipal Councils : an examination to the policy making process /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2002. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B25138741.
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Silva, Murilo Borges. "PELOS CAMINHOS DA ABOLIÇÃO: Os últimos anos da escravidão e as experiências de liberdade em Jataí." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Goiás, 2011. http://localhost:8080/tede/handle/tede/2268.
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Previous issue date: 2011-03-16<br>This study aims to analyze the last years of slavery in Jataí and the first years of
post-abolition, with the intention to notice the different perspectives of the
masters and slaves in the process of abolition. In this sense, the reading that
was made through the bibliography tries to point out the dynamic of the slavery
in the region, confronting the idea, yet rooted in the historiography which
suggests that the slavery in Goiás would have less intense configurations than
in other places. However, from the dialogue between documents as Brazil's
Census in 1872, registers of buying and selling slaves, freedom letters,
inventories, and crime process, associated with other sources as the memoir
literature, it was possible to point out the tensions and conflicts between the
masters and slaves that were tough especially in the decades of 70 s and 80 s
in the XIX century. In this perspective, the captive's strategies to confront the
slavery and become free can be detected, as well as, the tactics developed by
the masters in order to manipulate the loss of their moral power and make the
abolitionist process slow and gradual. Eventually, the research focuses on the
experiences of masters and ex-slaves in the first years of post-abolition in Jataí.<br>Este estudo procura analisar os anos finais da escravidão em Jataí e os
primeiros anos da pós-abolição, com o intuito de perceber as diferentes
perspectivas de senhores e escravos com o processo da abolição. Nesse
sentido, as leituras que se fizeram das fontes intenta evidenciar a dinâmica da
escravidão na região, confrontando a ideia, já arraigada na historiografia que
sugere que a escravidão em Goiás teria configurações mais amenas do que
em outras localidades. Portanto, a partir do diálogo entre documentos como o
recenseamento do Brasil de 1872, registros de compra e venda de escravos,
cartas de liberdade, inventários e processos crimes, associados a outras fontes
como a literatura memorialista foi possível demonstrar as tensões e conflitos
entre senhores e escravos que estiveram acirradas especialmente nas décadas
de 70 e 80 do século XIX. Nessa perspectiva, vislumbra-se as estratégias dos
cativos para confrontar a escravidão e tornarem-se livres, bem como, as táticas
desenvolvidas por senhores para burlarem a perda do seu poder moral e tornar
o processo abolicionista lento e gradual. Por fim, a pesquisa debruça-se sobre
as experiências de senhores e ex-escravos nos primeiros anos da pós-abolição
em Jataí.
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Chenwi, Lilian Manka. "Towards the abolition of the death penalty in Africa a human rights perspective /." Thesis, Connect to this title online, 2005. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-10062005-151306/.
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Thesis (L.L.D.)--University of Pretoria, 2005.<br>Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on July 22, 2006). "Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Laws (LLD) in the Faculty of Law, University of Pretoria." Includes bibliographical references (p. 355-386).
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Saleh-Hanna, Viviane. "Penal abolition, an ideological and practical venture against criminal (in)justice and victimization." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ61493.pdf.
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Meeks, Melissa Graham Danielewicz Jane. "Between abolition and reform first-year writing programs, e-literacies, and institutional change /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,212.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006.<br>Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 10, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of English (Rhetoric and Composition)." Discipline: English; Department/School: English.
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Hedlund, Fredrik. "Revolution, abolition och St. Barthélemy : En tidningsanalys från Sveriges koloni på 1800 talet." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-374386.
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Oliver-Evans, Ceridwen. "The implications of the abolition of influx control legislation in the Western Cape." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/22412.
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Bibliography: pages 259-277.<br>Influx control legislation was formally abolished in South Africa in 1986. This thesis investigates the social processes set in motion with its abolition in the spheres of employment and urbanisation and argues that the way in which influx control has been defined is central to any analysis concerned with its abolition. In this regard, influx control has been viewed in two senses: a narrow one in which it has been equated with formal influx control legislation, 'the pass laws'; and, secondly and more broadly, through definitions which embrace all methods of control over African urbanisation and associated labour mobility. This thesis argues that, in the macro domain, while influx control in its narrow sense has been abolished, it has been replaced with far more complex and subtle forms of control. These ostensibly racially neutral measures, an 'orderly urbanisation' policy and a wide variety of laws existing on South African statute books continue to circumscribe African rights. The research focuses on a specific region, the Western Cape, an area where influx control has been more harshly implemented than elsewhere through the implementation of the Coloured Labour Preference Policy. This thesis investigates on a micro-level, via the medium of a company compound, how people at both an individual and institutional level have interpreted the legislative changes and acted upon them. The particular range of actors include government officials, employers and employer organisations, union representatives, and migrant workers and their families living in the company compound. The evidence I present was obtained primarily through interviews and ethnographic field-research conducted in 1988. A particular concern of the thesis has been to examine the disjunction between policy and practice as pursued by government officials and the effects and implications arising from this among the actors mentioned above. The main themes which have emerged from this research are those of confusion and a lack of knowledge among many of the informants. It was found that high-ranking government officials lack consensus on vital issues of citizenship and employment which affect the lives of thousands of Transkeian and Ciskeian citizens. Employers, confused by the confusion in government departments, and confronted by a new situation and new sets of rules have either ignored these or succumbed to government policy. Equally, unions have been slow to respond or systematically adopt a policy on the 1986 legislative changes. Finally, it was found that migrant workers and their families are availing themselves of opportunities presented by the abolition of influx control legislation in terms of freedom of movement, although as I argue, this takes the form of a complex range of fluid and dynamic movement patterns between the compound, the rural areas and urban townships. This complexity, as the thesis demonstrates, is reflected both in the attitudes and in the practical daily living arrangements of the workers as they respond to and interpret the macro-level forces which affect them.
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Ardiç, Nurullah. "Islam and the politics of secularism the abolition of the Caliphate (1908-1924) /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1835285801&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Lemnitzer, Jan Martin. "The 1856 declaration of Paris and the abolition of privateering : an international history." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.555642.
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Dibandjo, Nintcheu Denis Serge. "La privation de droits civils, de la revolution a son abolition en 1854." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30066.
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Avec l’avènement de la Révolution française en 1789, l’institution de la mort civile qui existait sous l’ancien régime et avait pour effet essentiel de retrancher une personne de la vie juridique, par une privation totale de droits civils, allait être remise en cause, lorsque furent proclamés au début de la révolution les droits inaliénables de la personne. Elle fut par la suite rétablie par ces mêmes révolutionnaires à des fins politiques contre les émigrés et les prêtres réfractaires considérés comme des traitres à la patrie et de nouveau supprimée, pour être réintroduite sous l’Empire dans le Code civil et enfin définitivement supprimée par la loi du 31 mai 1854. Cette étude se propose donc d’étudier les suppressions de la mort civile et les résurgences de la mort civile sous la Révolution puis sous l’Empire. Elle porte donc en conséquence sur les raisons qui ont décidé la Constituante à l’abolir, et les motifs qui ont été invoquées lors de ses restaurations et de ses nouvelles abolitions<br>With the advent of the French Revolution in 1789, the institution of the civil death which existed under the former regime and had for effect essential to deduct a person of the legal life, by a total privation of civil rights, was going to be questioned, when were proclaimed at the beginning of the revolution the inalienable rights of the person. This institution was later restored by these revolutionaries for political purposes against the emigres and refractory priests regarded as traitors to the fatherland and removed again, to be reintroduced under the Empire in the Civil Code and finally permanently removed by the Act of May 31, 1854. This study therefore aims to study deletions of civil death and resurgence of civil death during the Revolution and the Empire. It is therefore a result of the reasons that the Constituent Assembly decided to abolish it, and reasons have been invoked in its new restorations and its abolition
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Connal, Criana. "Draupadi, Sati, Savitri : the question of women's identity in colonial discourse theory." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244219.
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Périna, Mickaëlla. "Des societes post-esclavagistes ou le vouloir-vivre face a la pesanteur d'une "histoire non-histoire". Enquete sur le vecu du droit dans la caraibe francophone." Toulouse 2, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996TOU20017.
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Comment comprendre l'apparente incapacite des societes post-esclavagistes a devenir des societes democratiques ? comment penser l'affirmation des consciences individuelles, condition fondamentale de toute construction socio-etatique, lorsqu'elle trouve son origine dans une relation de maitre a esclave ? telles sont les interrogations a partir desquelles cette these s'organise. Dans cette perspective, la premiere partie rend compte du passe social et politique de la republique d'haiti et des actuels departements francais de la caraibe, qui constituent une illustration des difficultes d'emergence de la democratie mais aussi une ambiguite dans la representation de l'identite, de la citoyennete. Complexites qui restent manifestes dans les seconde et troisieme parties ou sont questionnes respectivement le systeme partisan - revelateur des pratiques sociales et des libertes individuelles - et la dynamique electorale. Enfin, les deux dernieres parties expriment un second moment de la reflexion qui prend la forme d'une critique refondatrice. La quatrieme partie s'interroge, en ce sens, sur les elements ideologiques et theoriques qui ont influence ces societes au point de produire des structures d'alienation. La cinquieme partie envisage les modalites d'une possible liberation a la fois individuelle et collective<br>How to understand the obvious incapacity of the post-slavary society to become democratic ? how to perceive the afirmation at individual awareness, fondamental condition of every socio-etatic construction, when it finds its origin in a relationship from master to slave ? these are the questions on which this thesis is organised. From this point of view, the first part reports on the social and political experiences of the haitien republic and the current french departments in the caribbean, which set up the illustration of the difficulties the democracy has to emerge, but also an ambiguity in the representation of their identity, their citizenship. Obvious complexities which remain, in the second and third parts, where are respectively questioned the partisan system - revealing of the social practices and personal liberties - and the electoral dynamic. The fourth part wonders about the ideological ant theoretical elements that influenced those societies in order to product some forms of alienation. The fifth parts considers the terms and conditions of a possible freedom at the same time individual and collective
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Southwick, Morgan. "'The Blacks Are Also Human': Africans and African Caribbeans and the Abolition of the Danish Slave Trade: 1732-1804." Thesis, University of Sydney, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/22980.
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In March 1792, the small Kingdom of Denmark-Norway became the first European power to formally announce the abolition of its slave trade. This thesis examines the part played by by African and African Caribbean people in this decision. The discussion focuses on key turning points in the history of Danish slavery including the St. John rebellion, the arrival of the Moravian Church, the Crown takeover of the West India Company and the slave trade commission. Through various modes of adaption and resistance African Caribbeans shaped these events and took advantage of them in new and creative ways. Within limits, they were able to challenge their position, create new communities, earn positions of leadership, blur racial lines, make claims, maintain links to their African cultural heritage and even become literate. These actions did not operate in a vacuum but helped to awaken a broadening consciousness. They helped force decision makers in the Danish West Indies and Copenhagen to rethink how slavery was operating. Ultimately, this awakening culminated in the final decision to ban the trade under the Danish flag. The existing histories of abolition have focused on various economic, moral and trans-imperial reasons for the abolition of the trade. These approaches are all important in explaining the decision. None, however, sufficiently address the role of African and African Caribbeans in the event. As such, they have remained not only passive but silent within the history of what was a pivotal moment in the history of abolitionism and slavery. In this dissertation, Africans are moved out of the shadows of Danish abolition history. They were, within strict limits, co-authors of their destiny, who were able to directly shape the institution of slavery in the Danish West Indies playing an important, albeit subtle, role in the final decision to abolish the Danish Slave trade.
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Allison, Michael. "A SMALL AND ODIOUS PARTY OLD SCHOOL PRESBYTERIAN OPPOSITION TO ABOLITIONISM IN ANTEBELLUM AMERICA." Thesis, Department of History, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/7978.
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The Old School Presbyterian Church was the only major evangelical denomination not to divide over slavery prior to the American Civil War. ‘A Small and Odious Party’ looks at the nature and the role of the Church’s opposition to abolitionism in ensuring the continuance of a non-sectional evangelical church in antebellum America. It argues that the anti-abolitionism of the Presbyterian Church concerned a number of issues including: a continued adherence to the old anti-slavery worldview, a defence of the common sense reading of scripture, and the promotion of a conservative philosophy of society. But also that each of these individual concerns represented the continuing vivacity of a conservative worldview dedicated to preserving the national unity of the United States.
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Gradwell, Adriaan. "A survey of teachers' attitudes towards corporal punishment after the abolition of corporal punishment." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 1999. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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Education within South Africa has undergone significant change within a short period of time. This change has primarily been written in terms of human rights and the equitable distribution of educational resources. This has necessitated a paradigm shift for many teachers and the study explores some of the factors that have prevented teachers from experiencing a paradigm shift. The introduction of the South African Schools Act of 1996 heralded the start of the complete abolition of corporal punishment within all South African schools. The object of this investigation was to explore teachers' attitudes towards the abolition of corporal punishment and the factors that would contribute towards their attitude. The research explored whether the attitude of teachers, in relation to corporal punishment, had been influenced by the disruptive behaviour of pupils and their perceptions of the efficacy of alternate methods of behaviour management.
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Everill, Bronwen. "Abolition and empire : West African colonization and the transatlantic anti-slavery movement, 1822-1860." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.521519.
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This dissertation examines the colonies of Sierra Leone and Liberia, settlements established by British and American anti-slavery societies respectively. It looks at cultural institutions, settler identification, commercial networks, and missionary activity between Liberia's founding in the 1820s and the beginning of the American Civil War and British annexation of Lagos in 1861. This dissertation argues that the development of settler society in Sierra Leone and Liberia led to the formation of certain types of relationships between the colonies and between the colonies and the metropoles that contributed to the perception of the viability of colonization as an anti-slavery intervention tool in the metropolitan context. The settlers were crucial in developing the concept of `civilization, commerce, and Christianity' as a set of measures for abolishing the slave trade, but their ability to pursue these measures was also affected by the changing state of anti-slavery activism in the metropoles. This dissertation uses a comparative approach to the colonies in order to fill gaps in the current literature, which neglects the interactive nature of the colonial relationships, and therefore misses a crucial factor in explaining the divisions in and between the antislavery societies. Despite the British and American anti-slavery colonization organizations' similar goals, they were frequently unable to cooperate or share resources, particularly in slave trade suppression, or in support of West African anti-slavery colonization. This was in part because of commercial, territorial, and anti-slavery `humanitarian expansion' by settlers in Sierra Leone and Liberia which fostered rivalry between the two settler societies and their metropolitan supporters
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Delgadillo, Alberto. "Abolition des variations saisonnières de l'activité sexuelle chez le bouc par des traitements photopériodiques." Montpellier 2, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990MON20088.
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L'activite sexuelle des boucs alpins et saanens presente des fortes variations saisonnieres. Pour verifier si ces variations peuvent etre abolies par des traitements photoperiodiques, un lot de 6 boucs a ete soumis, pendant deux annees consecutives, a une alternance d'un mois de jours longs (16 heures de lumiere) et d'un mois de jours courts (8 heures de lumiere). Un second lot a une alternance de deux mois de jours longs et de deux mois de jours courts et un troisieme, temoin, a suivi les variations naturelles de la photoperiode a une latitude de 46#on. Les variations saisonnieres du comportement sexuel (temps de latence a l'ejaculation) de l'activite spermatogenetique quantitative (poids testiculaire, production spermatique) et qualitative (spermatocoides anormaux, aptitude a la congelation) et des secretions hormonales (lh, testosterone, prolactine, melatonine) observees dans le lot temoin, ont ete abolies dans les lots traites. La fertilite du sperme congele, utilise en insemination artificielle, est similaire dans les trois lots
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Evans, Dennis F. "The Afro-British Slave Narrative: The Rhetoric of Freedom in the Kairos of Abolition." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1999. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2278/.
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The dissertation argues that the development of the British abolition movement was based on the abolitionists' perception that their actions were kairotic; they attempted to shape their own kairos by taking temporal events and reinterpreting them to construct a kairotic process that led to a perceived fulfillment: abolition. Thus, the dissertation examines the rhetorical strategies used by white abolitionists to construct an abolitionist kairos that was designed to produce salvation for white Britons more than it was to help free blacks. The dissertation especially examines the three major texts produced by black persons living in England during the late eighteenth centuryIgnatius Sancho's Letters of the Late Ignatius Sancho (1782), Ottobauh Cugoano's Thoughts and Sentiments on the Evil of Slavery (1787), and Olaudah Equiano's The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, the African (1789)to illustrate how black rhetoric was appropriated by whites to fulfill their own kairotic desires. By examining the rhetorical strategies employed in both white and black rhetorics, the dissertation illustrates how the abolitionists thought the movement was shaped by, and how they were shaping the movement through, kairotic time. While the dissertation contends that the abolition movement was rhetorically designed to provide redemption, and thus salvation, it illustrates that the abolitionist's intent was not merely to save the slave, but to redeem blacks first in the eyes of white Christians by opening blacks to an understanding and acceptance of God. Perhaps more importantly, abolitionists would use black salvation to buy back their own souls and the soul of their nation in the eyes of God in order to regain their own salvation lost in the slave trade. But ironically, they had to appear to be saving others to save themselves. So white abolitionists used the black narratives to persuade their overwhelmingly white audience that slavery was as bad for them as it was for the African slave. And in the process, a corpus of black writing was produced that gives current readers two glimpses of one world.
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Millot, Marie-Hélène. "Esclaves fugitifs et abolition durant la guerre de sécession aux Etats-Unis, 1861-1863." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 3, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024PA030073.
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Cette étude s’inscrit dans le courant de l’historiographie étatsunienne s’intéressant à l’agentivité des esclaves, en choisissant un angle pour répondre à une question principale : de quelle façon l’action des esclaves fugitifs a-t-elle exercé une influence sur le processus d’émancipation au cours de la guerre de Sécession ? Cette recherche s’est intéressée à la façon dont l’action des fugitifs qui gagnaient les lignes de l’armée et les navires de la marine avait conduit, au tout début de la guerre, l’exécutif et les républicains au Congrès à élaborer des stratégies pour émanciper certains esclaves par nécessité militaire. Elle a apporté une connaissance plus détaillée de la contribution militaire des fugitifs, ou contrebandes, lors d’opérations amphibies, une contribution parfois cruciale. Au Congrès, les républicains ont pu mettre ces contributions en valeur, dénoncer les commandants hostiles aux fugitifs et déterminer qu’il était nécessaire d’incorporer les esclaves émancipés dans le service militaire. L’émancipation n’était pas seulement fondée sur un principe moral, l’Union était redevable aux esclaves fugitifs, dans un contexte militaire dégradé<br>This study is part of the trend of historiography in the United States interested in slave agency, by choosing an angle to answer a main question: how did the action of fugitive slaves exert an influence on the process of emancipation during the Civil War? This research focused on how the action of fugitives who made their way to the lines of the army and the ships of the navy had led, at the very beginning of the war, the executive branch and Republicans in Congress to develop strategies to emancipate some slaves out of military necessity. It provided a more detailed knowledge of the military contribution of fugitives, or contrabands, during amphibious operations, a contribution that was sometimes crucial. In Congress, Republicans were able to highlight these contributions, denounce commanders hostile to fugitives, and determine that it was necessary to incorporate emancipated slaves into military service. Emancipation was not only based on a moral principle, the Union was indebted to the fugitive slaves, in a degraded military context
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Runkel, Steffen. "Von Sklaverei und Freiheit : Afrikanische Initiativen zur Abolition an der Goldküste (1841-1897) / Steffen Runkel." Frankfurt : Campus, 2019.
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MORAES, RENATA FIGUEIREDO. "THE ABOLITION CELEBRATIONS: THE MAY 13TH AND ITS MEANINGS IN RIO DE JANEIRO (1888-1908)." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2012. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=34952@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO<br>CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO<br>A Lei da abolição da escravidão, assinada em 13 de maio de 1888 na Corte, foi o início de uma série de festejos públicos que se estenderam daquela data até o dia 21 de maio. Entre celebrações espontâneas feitas por aqueles que ocuparam o Largo do Paço e outros pontos da cidade e os festejos organizados pela imprensa fluminense, a liberdade foi celebrada por variados sujeitos: literatos, jornalistas, funcionários públicos, trabalhadores do comércio, tipógrafos e ex-escravos, todos misturados sob o manto de uma mesma festa. Diante dessa diversidade de festeiros da abolição, essa tese busca na festa do 13 de maio o processo de disputa em torno de seus sentidos e significados. Ao mesmo tempo, acompanha, entre os anos de 1888 e 1908, o processo de reelaboração das memórias ligadas à festa - de modo a tentar compreender tanto a força simbólica do evento para muitos de seus participantes quanto os caminhos que levaram ao seu esvaziamento nos anos seguintes.<br>The abolition of slavery signed in the Court on May 13th, 1888 was the beginning of a series of public celebrations ended only on May 21st, 1888. Among spontaneous celebrations of people who occupied the Palace Square (Largo do Paço) and other places in the city and the celebrations organized by the local
press, the freedom was celebrated by several characters: literates, journalists, public employees, commerce workers, typographers and ex-slaves, all together under the cause of the same celebration. Considering such diversity of people celebrating the abolition, the present work aims to search in the May 13th celebration the dispute process of its senses and meanings. In addition, this work simultaneously tracks the period from 1888 to 1908 to identify the re-elaboration process of the memories related to the abolition celebration in order to try to understand the symbolic force of the event for many of its participants and also the ways that led to its lack of meaning the subsequent years.
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Dumas, Paula Elizabeth Sophia. "Defending the slave trade and slavery in Britain in the Era of Abolition, 1783-1833." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9715.
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This study seeks to explore the nature and activities of the anti-abolitionists in the era of British abolition. There were Britons who actively opposed the idea of abolishing the slave trade and West Indian slavery. They published works promoting and defending the trade and the institution of slavery. They challenged abolitionist assertions and claims about life in the colonies and the nature of the slaves and attacked the sentimental nature of abolitionist rhetoric. Proslavery MPs argued in Parliament for the maintenance of slavery and the slave trade. Members of the West Indian interest formed committees to produce their own propaganda and petitions. They also worked with Parliament to develop strategies to ameliorate slavery and end British slaveholding, whilst securing several more years of plantation labour and financial compensation for slaveholders. Politicians, writers, members of the West Indian interest, and their supporters actively fought to maintain colonial slavery and the prosperity of Britain and the colonies. A wide range of sources has been employed to reveal the true nature of the proslavery arguments advanced in Britain in the era of abolition. These include committee minutes, petitions, pamphlets, reviews, manuals, travel writing, scientific studies, political prints, portraits, poetry and song, plays, and the records of every parliamentary debate on slavery, the slave trade, and the West Indian colonies. Specific proslavery and anti-abolitionist arguments have been identified and analysed using these sources, with some commentary on how the setting or genre potentially impacted on the argument being presented. This analysis reveals that economic, racial, legal, historical, strategic, religious, moral, and humanitarian arguments were all used to counter the growing popularity of abolition and emancipation. Proslavery rhetoric in Parliament is also analysed, revealing an active proslavery side committed to fighting abolition. Overall, this study contributes to our current understanding of the timing, nature, and reception of British abolition in Britain by showing that the process was influenced by a serious debate.
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Williams, Emma Peyton. "Dreaming of Abolitionist Futures, Reconceptualizing Child Welfare: Keeping Kids Safe in the Age of Abolition." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1592141173476542.
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Jones, Ann Maree. "The contribution of women's anti-slavery societies to the Abolition Movement in Britain 1823-1833." Thesis, Jones, Ann Maree (2004) The contribution of women's anti-slavery societies to the Abolition Movement in Britain 1823-1833. Honours thesis, Murdoch University, 2004. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/50883/.
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This thesis looks at the abolition of slavery in Britain and the role played by women’s anti-slavery societies. Whilst traditional abolition historiography has focused on William Wilberforce as the main player in abolishing slavery, I will argue that women’s anti-slavery societies were valuable contributors to the movement and played an influential role. Nineteenth-century ideology posited women in the private world and because of this restriction, women developed a gendered approach to abolition. However, women’s anti-slavery societies pushed the domestic boundaries by undertaking activities that also involved them in the economic and political world.
The public/private divide that historians so often use to exclude women from the public sphere is often found to be illusionary when assessing women’s involvement in abolition. Women’s anti-slavery societies were involved in economic boycotts and public petitioning, actions that transgressed accepted notions of female behaviour and resulted in women beginning to become political. Women accessed the language and power available to them, especially from within their position of moral guardians of society, to become actively involved in abolition. Religious ideology was an enabler for women who could participate in abolition because they were doing God’s work in seeking an end to an unjust and inhumane activity that was an affront to Christian principles.
I will argue that the different approach taken by women’s anti-slavery societies was a blueprint for male abolitionists and provided some policy frameworks for the male anti-slavery societies to utilise when their own political and legal approach was proving unsuccessful in abolishing slavery.