Journal articles on the topic 'Activist De Bouse'

Rampant corporate failures have placed corporate governance in the limelight again however not all governance practices help firms in enhancing value. This empirical research examines impact of corporate governance practices on shareholders' value represented by earning per share of 243 listed firms on Pakistani Bourse. It ensued in the conclusion that overall corporate governance tends to have significant impact on earnings per share and reveals dichotomy of corporate governance practices based on direction of their association with share holders' value and terms them as value boosters and value dampers. It has also been found that pro-entrenchment practices tend to lower earnings per share in the listed firms either due to complacency or vested interests while rest of the practices help in enhancing value earned on each share thus endorsing the theoretical perspectives emanating out of agency and shareholder activism theories. This study emphasizes the significance of Board Attendance, Board Independence, Non-duality of CEOChairman Role for listed firms' value. It also shows that entrenchment acts like larger boards, directors' ownership, large block holders and disclosure of such ownership can adversely impact the firms' value and thus play a significant role in scaring away the potential investors who primarily look at earnings per share for buying of stocks of a particular company. It entails policy implications that implementation of counter-entrenchment regulations needs strengthening as the existing seem to have cosmetic effect. Identification and implementation of good governance practices can be best ensured when propagated in the perspective of value enhancement.

Rampant corporate failures have placed corporate governance in the limelight again however not all governance practices help firms in enhancing value. This empirical research examines impact of corporate governance practices on shareholders' value represented by earning per share of 243 listed firms on Pakistani Bourse. It ensued in the conclusion that overall corporate governance tends to have significant impact on earnings per share and reveals dichotomy of corporate governance practices based on direction of their association with share holders' value and terms them as value boosters and value dampers. It has also been found that pro-entrenchment practices tend to lower earnings per share in the listed firms either due to complacency or vested interests while rest of the practices help in enhancing value earned on each share thus endorsing the theoretical perspectives emanating out of agency and shareholder activism theories. This study emphasizes the significance of Board Attendance, Board Independence, Non-duality of CEOChairman Role for listed firms' value. It also shows that entrenchment acts like larger boards, directors' ownership, large block holders and disclosure of such ownership can adversely impact the firms' value and thus play a significant role in scaring away the potential investors who primarily look at earnings per share for buying of stocks of a particular company. It entails policy implications that implementation of counter-entrenchment regulations needs strengthening as the existing seem to have cosmetic effect. Identification and implementation of good governance practices can be best ensured when propagated in the perspective of value enhancement.

Rampant corporate failures have placed corporate governance in the limelight again however not all governance practices help firms in enhancing value. This empirical research examines impact of corporate governance practices on shareholders' value represented by earning per share of 243 listed firms on Pakistani Bourse. It ensued in the conclusion that overall corporate governance tends to have significant impact on earnings per share and reveals dichotomy of corporate governance practices based on direction of their association with share holders' value and terms them as value boosters and value dampers. It has also been found that pro-entrenchment practices tend to lower earnings per share in the listed firms either due to complacency or vested interests while rest of the practices help in enhancing value earned on each share thus endorsing the theoretical perspectives emanating out of agency and shareholder activism theories. This study emphasizes the significance of Board Attendance, Board Independence, Non-duality of CEOChairman Role for listed firms' value. It also shows that entrenchment acts like larger boards, directors' ownership, large block holders and disclosure of such ownership can adversely impact the firms' value and thus play a significant role in scaring away the potential investors who primarily look at earnings per share for buying of stocks of a particular company. It entails policy implications that implementation of counter-entrenchment regulations needs strengthening as the existing seem to have cosmetic effect. Identification and implementation of good governance practices can be best ensured when propagated in the perspective of value enhancement.

In 1920 a large number of women contribute the Indian freedom movement, inspired by Gandhiji. In this waymany Muslim Women became followers and supporters of Gandhiji. The Civil Disobedience Movement broughtseveral Muslim Women into public life. With their Hindu sisters, they made and sold salt, picketed cloth and liquorshops, preached the value of khaddar, went to jail and participated in the street processions. Among the MuslimWomen participated in the Civil Disobedience Movement Daulatunnesa Khatun and Hosneara Begum wereremarkable contribution.One of the most important women leaders in Civil Disobedience Movement was Daulatunnesa Khatun. She activelyorganized meetings, led procession, violated section 144 and brought salt law. In 1932 Daulatunnesa formed‘Gaibandha Mahila Samiti’ along with a few other women.Daulatunnesa herself, the secretary, Maya Bhattachariyaof Bagura, the president and Dukhyabala Das, the vice-president of the Samiti. In the end, police arrested her andsent to Rajsahi, Presidency and Berhumpor jail respectively. After being released from jail, Daulatunnesaconcentrated on social work initiated by ‘Mahila Atmarakha Samiti’. During the 1943, she established anorphanage and concentrated on various kind of social work.Hosneara Bagum was one of the important personalites during the Non-coopretaion Movement. Bening inspiredby the ideology of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and Kazi Nazrul Islam, she dedicated her life for India’s freedomstruggle. In 1932, 25 th January, morning Hosneara got an information from a congress activist, Jalaluddin Hasmi,that a women’s procession would be held at Calcutta Maidan under the leadership of Jyotirmoyee Ganguly on theoccasion of celebrating Independence Day. Since Jyatirmoyee got arrested, as the youngest member of congress,Hosneara was selected to raise the National Flag and addressed the crowd as well.So Muslim Women realized that they have to find a way out to free their country from the bondage of the Britishrule in accordance with their own thoughts and means.

Le but de ce travail était d’évaluer le potentiel économique des feuilles de Lippia multiflora dans la partie Ouest de la République démocratique du Congo depuis la cueillette jusqu’à la vente, d’une part et d’autre part d’en évaluer l’activité antifalcémiante in vitro de l’extrait aqueux. Pour ce faire, une enquête a été réalisée auprès de la population composée des paysans et des vendeurs impliqués respectivement dans la cueillette et la vente de L. multiflora, en utilisant la technique d’échantillonnage par boule de neige. Les logiciels Microsoft Excel version 2010, SPSS version 20 et Origin version 8.5 Pro ont été utilisés pour le traitement et l’analyse des données. L’évaluation de l’activité anti-drépanocytaire in vitro a été réalisée en utilisant le test d’Emmel. Les résultats ont montré que L. multiflora constitue une source de revenu pour la population tant rurale qu’urbaine avec un revenu de plus de 300.000 CDF (150 USD) qui est affecté à l’éducation et à la santé. Les expériences in vitro ont indiqué un taux de normalisation élevé de drépanocytes. Au regard de ces résultats, la domestication de cette plante dans quelques régions agro-écologiques de la République démocratique du Congo est vivement souhaitée. En outre, il serait également souhaitable que les industries agro-alimentaires et pharmaceutiques s’intéressent à cette filière. Mots clés: Lippia multiflora, produits forestiers non ligneux, thé de Gambie, Drépanocytose, République Démocratique du Congo.

Les changements climatiques constituent une réalité dont certaines manifestations sont visibles à divers degrés dans le monde entier. La production du charbon de bois se positionne au nombre des effets anthropiques en cause dans ces changements. Sur la base d’une approche qualitative qui a mobilisé entre autres outils de collecte, l’observation participante et les focus groups, 32 acteurs ont été enquêtés suite à un échantillonnage par boule de neige. L’objectif de cet article est d’analyser le système de relation qui sous-tend le fait qu’en dépit des effets visibles des changement climatiques et des mesures prises par nos États pour les freiner, l’activité de production du charbon qui contribue à l’exacerbation desdits effets se maintien. La théorie de l’encastrement de Mark Granovetter et celle de la régulation sociale de Jean Daniel Reynaud qu’on a mobilisées comme cadre d’intelligibilité du phénomène à l’étude indiquent comme résultats: l’absence de stratégie de gestion des forêts intégrant le besoin d’accéder aux terres pour l’acquisition des moyens de subsistance décents et durables ; le faible engagement institutionnel à propos des questions environnementales source de durabilité de nos écosystèmes; la difficulté ou le non-respect de l’application des normes visant la gestion rationnelle des ressources ligneuses et de l’environnement; le manque d’information et de sensibilisation sur les dangers de la dégradation écosystémique; l’inclusion sociale et la résilience.

AbstractIt is no coincidence that IAU and Saha’s ionization formula are about the same age. Both events are related to World War 1 and connected with Germany though in entirely different ways.Once sufficiently large number of stellar spectra had been obtained and empirically classified according to the Harvard scheme, it was inevitable that theoretical explanation would be forthcoming. The only surprise was that the breakthrough came from the far-off Calcutta which was nowhere on the world research map.History chose the hour; the hour produced an unlikely hero: Meghnad Saha. Calcutta University had just become a research centre under Indian auspices. By a fortuitous combination of circumstances immediately after the war, the latest German language physics publications arrived in Calcutta as a personal library. While Europe needed time to resume scientific exchanges and activity, India seized the opportunity and produced two outstanding pieces of theoretical work: Saha’s ionization formula (1920), and Bose statistics (1926). It is to the credit of The Royal Society that it elected Saha as a member (1927) in spite of the government’s objections arising from Saha’s anti-British stance. Saha however was unable to carry out further observational and experimental work suggested by the theory.Saha was a multi-faceted personality with strong views on political ideology, the role of science in a new nation and other topics. India’s charismatic Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, during 1947-1964 had a soft corner for sophisticated, suave, upper-crust people. Impatient and angry, confrontational rather than persuasive, Saha did not qualify.Saha is justly regarded as one of the founders of theoretical astrophysics. Examination of his life and work is a rewarding exercise from various points of view: development of modern astronomy; Western science and the non-West; and political and social activism of a leading scientist and educator.

L’écotourisme implique un engagement envers la protection des ressources naturelles. Ainsi, plusieurs structures, publiquecomme associative, accueillent des visiteurs et autres personnes pour la découverte, l’observation de ressources naturellesmenacées et autres paysages du Bénin.L’objectif global de cette étude est d’apprécier la contribution de l’écotourisme dans la conservation des ressourcesbiologiques au Bénin.La collecte des informations sur les ressources naturelles à travers les différents écosystèmes du Bénin, l’observation sur leterrain et la documentation sur les espèces menacées du pays ont permis de mener la présente étude.Elles sont nombreuses les structures qui excellent dans le domaine de l’écotourisme. En leur sein, il y a surtout des structuresuniversitaires et des organisations non gouvernementales nationales comme internationales. Plusieurs espèces fauniquesconstituent leur point focal : les primates comme le singe à ventre rouge, le colobe de Geoffroy, le colobe olive et le singemona, les cétacées comme les baleines à bosse et dauphins, les antilopes comme le sitatunga, les oiseaux surtout les espècesmigratrices, les lamantins notamment le lamantin d’Afrique, les tortues surtout celles marines, la grande faune africainesurtout quatre espèces des "big five" notamment éléphant, lion, léopard, buffle. Les activités de ces structures contribuent aubien-être des communautés locales, à la sensibilisation sur les espèces et leur écosystème et enfin à la valorisation et lapréservation des milieux naturels. L’écotourisme est ainsi une initiative de gestion durable de la faune et de la flore dans leurécosystème, un appui à la conservation de la biodiversité

<em>The r</em>ev<em>olutionary </em><em>lif</em>e <em>of </em><em>Bhagat Singh is not only a source of </em>insp<em>iration </em><em>for </em><em>all of us but equally significant is that he stands as a&nbsp;</em> <em>lights </em><em>house for the generations to come. </em>Shaheed Bhagat Singh, a legendary figure is undoubtedly one of the brightest&nbsp;star in the galaxy of freedom fighters of India. Neta ji Subhash Chandra Bose, while paying his tribute to Bhagat Singh in a speech delivered at New Delhi shortly after the latter&#39;s martyrdom said, &ldquo;Bhagat Singh is not a person, but a symbol. He symbolizes the spirit of revolt that has taken place in the country&quot;\. The revolutionary life of Bhagat Singh is not only a source of inspiration for all of us but equally significant is that he stands as a lights house for the generations to comė. The great martyr acquired unparallel stature and glory in the brief span of his life. He was not just a brave revolutionary activist but also a profound thinker and an ideologue with a keen sense of analysis that had long term visionary investment for the future of India. He was an able organiser and a clear headed thinker who could not only arouse the genuine patriotic emotions of the masses and also could orient them with his clear analytical thinking and the revolutionary ideology of those days. Not only did he himself personify the rare qualities of courage and sacrifice, he could also through words and deeds, instil those qualities in others.&nbsp; The present paper attempts to analyse the role of early life and contemporary revolutionary activities which shaped Bhagat Singh&#39;s mind of growing age and could help him to evolve his own and independent revolutionary ideology. Though a compartmentalisation of a historical person is not possible but in order to fully understand Bhagat Singh as an ideologue and a political man it is essential to understand and analyse the initial phase of his life.&nbsp;

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to determine the stakeholders’ acceptance on blockchain and to investigate the model fit by using “Technology Acceptance Model” with special reference to corporate governance through cryptography to resolve the decades-old problems of financial record-keeping. Design/methodology/approach The whole analysis has been performed in the two steps, i.e. confirmatory factors analysis and structural equation modeling, to prove model fit between behavioral intention and actual behavior for using blockchain technology. Total 223 respondents have been selected, and the selection of the respondent is primarily on the basis of their previous experience with trading corporate equities. Findings The study determines empirically all the mentioned relationships of attitude, perceived ease of use and perceived usefulness with the behavioral intention as per the conceptual model to prove the relationship. The results of the manuscript shows the model fit indexes for various constructs are prove the model fit as per the theorized model. The values of the various indexes are found to be under the permissible range which explains the relationship of various constructs based on the theorized model. Research limitations/implications Despite, the limitations in terms of selection of sampling methods, outcome and the interpretation, the results proves the fit with the theoretical framework. The major implication is to understand the real-time use of blockchain technology for the transfer of shares from one party to other. Practical implications Stakeholders in corporate governance namely customers, creditors, suppliers, community, employees, owners, investors, trade unions and social activists could benefit in different ways. Investors could benefit from being able to purchase equity at low price and to sell them into a market with greater liquidity, but they would found it difficult to camouflage their trades. Social implications The study opines that virtually all aspects of the corporate governance can be improved through the adoption of this technology resulting in greater transparency, improved liquidity and lowering costs. Originality/value This study will be a reference for global players in the financial industry that have started investing in this innovative technology vis-à-vis recent announcement of adoption of blockchain by global exchanges including NASDAQ, NYSE and Deutsche Borse, as a new method for trading, tracking ownership and monitoring systemic risk for strengthening corporate governance mechanism. This study will have a significant index for future reference where the technology adoption will be tested to have better corporate governance which will be useful for academics and professionals.

Le but du pr&eacute;sent travail a &eacute;t&eacute; d&rsquo;identifier les plantes m&eacute;dicinales utilis&eacute;es par les parents des sujets dr&eacute;panocytaires pour la prise en charge de la maladie et d&rsquo;&eacute;valuer l'activit&eacute; anti-dr&eacute;panocytaire et anti-inflammatoire des plantes les plus cit&eacute;es (Ipomoea batatas et Persea americana). Une enqu&ecirc;te par la technique d&rsquo;&eacute;chantillonnage en boule de neige a &eacute;t&eacute; r&eacute;alis&eacute;e aupr&egrave;s 30 parents (25 &agrave; 89 ans d&rsquo;&acirc;ge). L&rsquo;enqu&ecirc;te ethno-botanique a permis de r&eacute;pertorier 30 esp&egrave;ces distribu&eacute;es dans 30 genres et 25 familles botaniques. Les familles les plus repr&eacute;sent&eacute;es &eacute;taient les Fabaceae, les Acanthaceae et les Buseraceae. La florule recens&eacute;e est constitu&eacute; de cinq formes de vie principales notamment les arbres, les arbustes, les sous-arbustes les lianes et les herbes vivaces. Les arbres (10 esp&egrave;ces) et les arbustes (9 esp&egrave;ces) &eacute;taient dominants suivis respectivement des herbes vivaces (7 esp&egrave;ces); des lianes (3 esp&egrave;ces) et les sous-arbustes (1 esp&egrave;ce). Les analyses phyto-chimiques ont r&eacute;v&eacute;l&eacute; que les feuilles de Ipomoea batatas contiennent de saponines, de polyph&eacute;nols, de anthocyanes, de flavono&iuml;des, de quinones li&eacute;es, de leucoanthocyanes, de tanins, de alcalo&iuml;des et de st&eacute;ro&iuml;des. Par contre, les feuilles de Persea americana contiennent de saponines, des anthocyanes, de flavono&iuml;des, de quinones li&eacute;es, de leucoanthocyanes, de tanins et de st&eacute;ro&iuml;des. Les extraits bruts hydro-alcooliques de deux plantes ont montr&eacute; une activit&eacute; anti-falc&eacute;miante in vitro. A la dose de 89,3 &micro;g/mL, ces extraits sont plus actifs que le Diclof&eacute;nac sodique (39,7 %). En outre, l&rsquo;extrait aqueux est plus actif que l&rsquo;extrait organique. Persea americana (84,3% vs 78,0 %) est plus actif en milieu aqueux tandis que Ipomoea batatas (58,3 % vs 52,0 %) est plus actif en milieu organique. Les feuilles de I. batatas sont dou&eacute;es des propri&eacute;t&eacute;s anti-dr&eacute;panocytaires in vitro. La concentration minimale de normalisation (CMN), c&rsquo;est-&agrave;-dire la plus faible concentration pour laquelle le taux de normalisation est maximal, a &eacute;t&eacute; &eacute;valu&eacute;e &agrave; 30 &micro;g/mL.

&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The middle class is placed between labour and capital. It neither directly awns the means of production that pumps out the surplus generated by wage labour power, nor does it, by its own labour, produce the surplus which has use and exchange value. Broadly speaking, this class consists of the petty bourgeoisie and the white-collar workers. The former are either self-employed or involved in the distribution of commodities and the latter are non-manual office workers, supervisors and professionals. Thus, in terms of occupation, shopkeepers, salesmen, brokers, government and non-government office-workers, writers, teachers, and self-employed professionals, such as engineers, pleaders, doctors, etc., constitute the middle class. Most of these occupations require at least some degree of formal education. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; This middle class is primarily a product of capitalist development and the expansion of the functions of the state in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Though the petty bourgeoisie and managers did exist in precapitalist society, they constituted a tiny class. Industrial development and expansion of markets require not only a larger managerial class than earlier, but also impel the state to shoulder the responsibilities of monitoring market competition and resolving the contradictions of capitalist development. This includes formation and implementation of welfare programmes to minimise tension in society. For carrying out these functions, the state also requires a managerial class. Formal education contributes to the expansion of this class. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; It is difficult to estimate the size of this class in contemporary India. It is certainly very large. According to the calculations made by Ranjit Sahu (1986), the number of white-collar employees is larger than that of industrial workers.&rsquo; A large majority of the members of the middle class belong to the upper and middle castes. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; While scanning literature on the subject, one is disappointed at the absence of studies on middle-class movements per se, whereas one finds studies on peasant, working-class or tribal movements. This is not because the middle-class movements are few in number, nor because scholars have an aversion towards the middle class. They do take cognisance of the role of the middle class in various movements. But these movements are primarily analysed in terms of the issues that they raise, such as social reform movements, the nationalist movement, human rights movements, ecology movements, and so on. Or, these movements are called &lsquo;mass movements&rsquo;, as the issues are not class specific, nor affecting mainly the middle class. The issues are posed as societal problems. The leaders of such movements, who belong to the middle class, mobilise other classes for support. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In this section, I shall deal with the studies on those movements in which I believe the middle class played a prominent role as initiators, and those where a majority of the participants belong to the middle class. Though students also belong to this class, we have dealt with their movements separately. British rule established and introduced a capitalist economy, a new administrative system and English education in the early nineteenth century. Consequently, a tiny educated class emerged in urban areas (Desai 1957; Mishra 1978). The members of this class were upper-caste Hindus. Muslims were, for a variety of reasons late in availing of an English education (Seal 1968). A few individuals in different parts of the country not only raised questions but also revolted against certain customs and traditions of the Hindu social system. These individuals, known as social and religious reformers, were all those who were advocates of alterations in social customs which would involve a break with traditionally accepted patterns; they were those who, convinced themselves that altered ways of thinking and behaving were positive values, sought to convince others to modify or entirely transform their ways of life&rsquo; (Heimsath 1964: 4). &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The reformers took up several issues. They included elimination of or change in certain caste regulations and rituals: the sari system, widow remarriage, child marriage, status of women, girls&rsquo; education, prohibition, etc. Though a few talked against the caste hierarchy and untouchability, most of the reformers (except a few who led the anti-Brahmin movement), did not challenge the social structure. They adopted a gradualist approach. Heimsath argues, In India, social reform did not ordinarily mean a reorganisation of the structure of society at large, as it did in the West, for the benefit of underprivileged social economic classes. Instead it meant the infusion into the existing social structure of new ways of life and thought: the society would be preserved, while its members would be transformed (1964: 5). &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The reformers either revolted individually or formed associations. These associations were of three types: general (or voluntary) associations; caste reform associations and religious reform bodies (generally called samaj) (Heimsath 1964). The Indian National Social Conference was formed in 1887. Social reform associations came into existence at provincial and local levels. Some of them were formed around one issue, such as widow remarriage or marriageable age, child marriage, whereas others took up general issues related to social reform, protesting against &lsquo;conservatism&rsquo;, including protests against religious heads, superstitions, caste restrictions for crossing the sea, etc. They were loose organisations whose activities were largely confined to programmes, conferences and passing resolutions. A few of them turned into charity organisations and undertook welfare programmes&mdash;particularly in education. Some reformers confined their activities to their caste. They formed caste associations and persuaded caste fellows to join for the reformation of certain unacceptable practices which they felt were either inhuman or did not fit in with the changing times. The most prominent associations were related to religious reforms. Raja Rammohan Roy, who protested against the sati system, formed the Brahmo Samaj which remained the centre for social reform activities in Bengal (Kopf 1979). The Prarthana Samaj came into existence in Bombay under the leadership of Mahadev Govind Ranade (Tucker 1977). The Arya Samaj, formed by Dayanand Saraswati, was the predominant influence in Punjab and north India (Jones 1968; Jordens 1977; Vable 1983). On the whole, social reform movements were weak in south India, despite the presence of a large number of western-educated persons. Heimsath observes that &lsquo;the region produced no reformer of national standing and only a few with lasting local influence&rsquo; (1964: 253). It should be noted that the backward-caste movement as an anti-Brahmin movement was prominent in the Madras Presidency; which we have dealt with later. The main thrust of the socio-religious reform movements was to revive or rejuvenate Hindu religion and society. This was, according to many scholars, to counter the impact of western culture and the efforts of proselytisation by Christian missionaries (Heimsath 1964; Jones 1968; Bhatt 1973; Sun 1977; Jordens 1977). K. P. Gupta (1974), in his study on the Ramakrishna Mission, refutes this position. He argues that the &lsquo;innovative potentiality&rsquo; of Hinduism was more responsible for its rejuvenation rather than the threat or impact of other religions or cultures. According to A.R. Desai, the traditional social structure and religion were not able to cope with the new economic structure which was based on individualism. The reformers were therefore striving &lsquo;to extend the principle of individual liberty to the sphere of religion (1957: 258). &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The social reform movements among Hindus and Muslims contributed to the development of nationalism on regional and religious lines. There were several kinds of nationalisms competing with each other. Anil Seal argues, There were keen internal rivalries, but these were between caste and caste, community, not between class and class. Moreover, those groups which felt a similarity of interest were themselves more the product of bureaucratic initiative than of economic change. Since these groups can be largely identified with the men educated in western styles, and since it was these men whose hopes and fears went into the building of the new associations that emerged as the Indian National Congress, a conceptual system based on elites, rather than on classes, would seem more promising (1968: 341). &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; These elite belong to the middle class. Granting that the initiative came from the bureaucracy, it was intended to bring about economic change in society in general and the middle class in particular. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The middle class participated at various stages of India&rsquo;s freedom movement. The major events of their collective action were the partition of Bengal in 1906, the non-cooperation campaign in the early 1920s, the anti-Simon agitation in the mid-1920s, Civil Disobedience movements in the early 1930s, and the Quit India movement in 1942. Besides this, there were a number of local-level campaigns&mdash;organised and spontaneous&mdash;against the British Raj. Though there are a large number of studies on the freedom movement, most of them are mainly focused on the leadership and their decisions. In his study on popular movements between 1945 and 1947, Sumit Sarkar argues that, &lsquo;in this as well as in other periods of modern Indian history, the decisions and actions of leaders, British or Indian, cannot really be understood without the counterpoint provided by pressures from below¹ (1982: 677). A few studies on the Bang-bhang movement, the Civil Disobedience movement and the Quit India movement, point out that there were close links between local politics and national agitations (Stoddart 1975). Use of religious and communal idioms and violence are examined by some other scholars (Irschick 1976; Hennigham 1979). The communal dimension of the participants has been highlighted by some studies. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Social reform among the Muslims began with the Aligarh movement led by Syed Ahmad Khan. The main thrust of the movement was to persuade the Muslim landed gentry to take an English education. Without English education, it was feared that the Muslims would be unable to compete with the Hindus and would remain backward. M.S.Jain (1965) argues that che spirit behind the Aligarh movement was to reassert Muslim superiority over the Hindus, which the former had lost during the early phase of the British rule. The movement generated the urge for a &lsquo;separate and independent status&rsquo; for the Muslims. The Ullama of Uttar Pradesh opposed the Aligarh movement and the subsequent demand for a separate state for Muslims (Faruqi 1963). The Khilafat movement (1919-24) led by the Muslim intelligentsia and the Ullama, mobilised a cross section of the Muslims. Their claim was that the Sultan of Turkey was the custodian and defender, the protector of the holy places known as Jazirat al-Arab. The movement was supported by all the Muslim groups and by the Indian National Congress (Dixit 1969; Hasan 1981). Religious symbols, like the mosque, the haji, sufi shrines, provided a sense of belonging to the common fraternity of Islam in India (Hasan 1981). Generally, the &lsquo;divide and rule&rsquo; policy of the British rulers, Muslim orthodoxy, and the educational and economic backwardness of the Muslims, are considered to be responsible for the growth of communal Muslim politics (Desai 1957; Smith 1963). Prabha Dixit (1974) argues that a search for power was responsible for communal politics (see also Broomfield 1968). It is the argument of many scholars that the nationalist movement failed to develop secular symbols. The nationalist movement was dominated by the Hindus who used Hindu religious symbols and idioms for the freedom movement (Smith 1963; Ahmad 1969). &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Seal (1968) and Brass (1970) refute the general argument regarding the backwardness of the Muslims. They point out that they were far from being backward in the Muslim-minority provinces. Gopal Krishna argues that &lsquo;it would seem that sociologically the communal movement was a movement of the privileged rather than of the deprived sections of the Muslim population (1981: 55). &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; A number of Hindu and Muslim communal organisations have come into existence in post-independence India. Through various programmes, they strengthen communal identities and stereotypes for each other. Sensitive issues are raised and articulated. These organisations play an important role in rousing communal sentiments. The number of communal riots has increased since the 1950s. Apart from a large number of journalistic writings and government-appointed inquiry commissions&rsquo; reports, a few case studies by social scientists and activists are now available (Shah 1970; Engineer and Shakir 1985; Van der Veer 1987; Brass 1996, 1998; Horowitz 2001). They highlight not only communal antagonisms, but also economic factors in mobilising members of both communities against each other. Some studies focus on the manipulation of the elite in rousing sentiments leading to riots (Patel 1985). By now we have a good deal of documents on communal riots which include government reports and also reports by independent citizens as well as human rights groups and non-government organisations (NGOs). Systematic comparative studies on communally based mobilisation into riots need to be undertaken to understand the complexities of the phenomenon. There is a good deal of literature on secularisation, nationalism and communal politics. This requires a full-fledged review. We have excluded it from the scope of the present work. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The upper-caste Hindu middle class launched struggles in Bihar and Gujarat against reservation for the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and other backward classes. Upper-caste government servants also launched agitations against the roster system which provided certain benefits to Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribe employees. These agitations were primarily the result of the conflict of economic interests between upper and deprived caste groups; the middle-class leaders of these agitations raised the issue of &lsquo;merit&rsquo;, &lsquo;secularism&rsquo; and &lsquo;efficiency&rsquo;. While analysing the 1981 anti-reservation agitation in Gujarat, I.P. Desai argues that the economic structure was not able to provide employment opportunities for the lower strata of the higher castes. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The higher castes therefore wish to prevent the mobility of lower castes and contain the discontent among the lower strata of higher castes by appealing to the concealed caste sentiment among them and speaking publicly against casteism, communalism, reservation and all that is particularistic, narrow and parochial. Thus although &ldquo;merit&rdquo; appears to be a progressive slogan, it is in fact a weapon for defending the moribund Hindu hierarchy and maintain [the] social economic status quo (1985: 135). &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; By now, there are a few articles on the Gujarat anti-reservation agitation (Yagnik 1981; Bose 1985; Shah 1987) providing information about the socio-economic and political dimensions of the conflict between the upper castes and the deprived groups. Shah (1987) argues that these two agitations were essentially struggles within the middle class. They were fights between the upper- and middle-caste members on the one hand, and the new entrants from the low castes on the other. Some sections of the middle class&mdash;white-collar government employees, school and university teachers, etc.&mdash;launched movements on economic issues affecting them, such as, revision of pay scales, bonus, job security. Though there is no systematic study on the struggles, a few descriptive accounts and analyses of the demands are available. A few of the recent movements led by the middle class began with economic issues, like price rise, scarcity of essential commodities and unemployment. But in the course of the development of these movements, these issues were sidetracked and the movements raised populist issues, which appeal to various classes. They raise moral and cultural issues. They sometimes provide an ideological basis for &lsquo;democratic capitalism&rsquo; and sometimes also for &lsquo;non-capitalist development strategy&rsquo; (Khoros 1980). Take the case of the 1974 Gujarat movement, popularly known as the Nav Nirman (reconstruction) movement, and the Bihar movement known as the movement for total revolution. Though both these movements began with economic issues, they also raised the issues of corruption, democratic rights and social reform- These issues were not spelled out, nor were they linked with the economic and political structure of the society. They succeeded in ousting the chief minister in Gujarat and the Congress party in Bihar (Desai 1974; Wood 1975; Jones and Jones 1976; Barik 1977; Shah 1977). Ghanshyam Shah (1977) observes that they wanted more economic benefits by bringing about certain changes in the system. &lsquo;They do not believe in changing the basic aspects of the system. They have a stake in the system. To them Revolution is a slogan.&rsquo; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; At the end of the nineteenth century, the educated Hindu middle class of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh launched a series of agitations for the removal of Urdu and for its replacement by Hindi in the Devnagri script. Muslim intellectuals also launched a counter-agitation in defence of Urdu (Das Gupta 1970; Brass 1977). The middle class of south India launched struggles during the 1950s and 1960s against the &lsquo;imposition&rsquo; of Hindi and for the retention of English. For them it was a struggle against Hindu imperialism (Hardgrave 1965; Forrester 1966; and Rao 1979). The middle class of linguistic groups such as Marathi, Gujarati, Tclugu and Punjabi, demanded the formation of linguistic states in the 1950s. They launched agitations for these demands (Phadke l979; Nijhawan 1982). For maintenance of their cultural identity, the middle class among the Tamilian, the Punjabi, the Naga, the Mizo populations, the tribals of Chhota Nagpur area, spearheaded agitations for the formation of separate states within or outside the Indian Union. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; We have already discussed the demands of the Naga, the Mizo, and the tribals of Chhota Nagpur and other tribals for separate states or districts (see Chapter 3). &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The Dravidian movement in Tamil Nadu was a backward caste or non-Biahmin movement with which we have dealt earlier. It was also directed against north Indians, and demanded a separate state named &lsquo;Dravidisthan&rsquo;, i.e., homeland of the Dravidians outside the Indian Union (Hardgrave 1964, 1965, 1979; Irschick 1976; Ram 1979). Periyar E.V. Ramaswamy, a leader of the Dravidian movement said, &lsquo;Tamil Nadu was all along a nation and still it is a nation and that is known as Dravidian. Civilisation, customs and manners of Tamils are different from that of Bengalees and Bombayans.... Hindi language and literature are opposed to the interests of Tamilians in general and to all other non-Brahmins elsewhere, in particular.&rsquo; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The Sikh community of Punjab also demanded a separate state called Khalistan. The Shri Anandpur Sahib Resolution demanded that one of the aims of the Akali Dal be &lsquo;maintaining the feeling of a separate independent entity of the Sikh Panth and creation of an environment in which the &ldquo;National Expression&rdquo; of the Sikhs can be full and satisfactory&rsquo; (Dhillon 1974; Puri 1981, 1983; Kumar et al. 1984; Kumar 1984). &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The Assam agitation, which began in the late 1970s with the formation of the All Assam Students&rsquo; Union, also raised issues regarding the identity of the Assamese and the development of Assam. In a sense, it was a &lsquo;nationality&rsquo; movement (Mira 1982; Gohain 1985, Basu 1992). Regional or linguistic identities have been sharpened in India since independence and they have become a potential force in mobilising the middle class which faces competition from other classes in the economic field. Robert Hardgrave asserts: Regionalism is rooted in India&rsquo;s cultural and linguistic diversity. Projected in geographical terms, it is at the state level both an ethnic and economic phenomenon. It is an expression of heightened political consciousness, expanding participation and increasing competition for scarce resources.... Economic grievances expressed in charges of unfairness, discrimination or Centre neglect may be fused with cultural anxiety over language status and ethnic balance. It is this fusion that gives regionalism its potency. Language and culture, like religion, are at the core of an individual&rsquo;s identity and when politicized take a potentially virulent form (1983: 1171). &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Most social scientists have seen these movements as &lsquo;dysfunctional&rsquo; or a threat to national &lsquo;unity&rsquo; and &lsquo;integration&rsquo;. They believe that the Indian nation state should maintain its boundaries and hold its territory together. Therefore, they are unable to view these struggles as movements for &lsquo;self-determination&rsquo; (Mohanty 1982). <strong>Nativism:</strong> &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; There is a very thin line between &lsquo;nativism&rsquo; and &lsquo;nationalism&rsquo;: Katzenstein argues, &lsquo;Nativism ... is distinct from movements of ethnic, linguistic or regional subnationalism, and is specifically anti-migrant. Sub-national movements, such as in India the Akali Dal or Dravida Munnetia Kazhagam, may contain nativist elements, similarly, the mobilisation of anti-migrant sentiment may rely on ethnic, linguistic or regional loyalties&rsquo; (1976: 44). According to Myron Weiner, nativism is one form of ethnic politics. Nativism is that form of ethnic identity that seeks to exclude those who are not members of the local or indigenous ethnic groups from residing and/or working in a territory because they are not native to the country or region: nativism is anti-migrant. To the extent that the D.M.K., the Akali Dal, the Andhra Mahasabha, and the Samyukta Maharashtra Samiti were not anti-migrant, they should not be classified as nativist (1978: 296). &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Nativist movements are not of recent origin, there were a few such movements before independence. For instance, the movement against the non-mulki developed in Hyderabad soon after World War I, when the local educated population expressed its opposition to the government policy of recruiting Muslims from northern India into the state administrative services (Weiner 1978; Reddy and Sharma 1979). Similarly, the anti-Bengali movement in Assam protested against the domination of their educational and administrative services by Bengali Hindus (Weiner 1978; Das 1982). In post-independence India, the widely known movements are: the Telengana Nativist movement, the Shiv Sena movement in Maharashtra and the Assam movement- The Telengana nativist agitation began in 1969. Initially, the agitation was aimed at the continuance of Telengana &lsquo;safeguards&rsquo; and mulki rules formulated at the time of the formation of Andhra Pradesh in 1956. At a later stage, it demanded separation of the region from the rest of Andhra Pradesh (Reddy and Sharma 1979). The Shiv Sena (i.e., the army of Shivaji) movement was initiated in 1966 in Bombay. It demanded that as Bombay was the capital of Maharashtra, Maharashtrians should be given the opportunity to make the most of what their capital city had to offer. They asked that 80 per cent of all jobs and economic opportunities in Bombay should be reserved for Maharashtrian; (Joshi 1970; Katzenstein 1976; Gupta 1982). &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The Assam movement began in 1978. Its main demands included the detection, deportation and deletion of foreigners&rsquo; names from electoral rolls. The movement aimed at the ouster of the Bengali middle class which enjoyed a major share in government jobs (Weiner 1978; Das 1982). Similarly, during the late 1960s the Kannada Chaluvaligar (i.e., agitation) demanded restrictions against Tamil, Malayali, and Telugu migrants to Bangalore and preference for the local Kannada-speaking population (Weiner 1978). The underlying reason for the issue of nativism is competition for government jobs between the natives and the migrants. The cities and regions where nativist movements took place have the following characteristics: The locale contains a substantial number of middle-class migrants belonging to culturally distinguishable ethnic groups originating from another section of the country; There is a native middle class, expanding under the impetus of a growth in secondary and higher education; There is a highly competitive labour market in which the native middle class seeks employment in private and public sector firms and in government, where middle-class positions are already held by migrants or their descendents; There are limited opportunities for the native middle class to find employment outside their own locale (Weiner 1978: 293). &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; A small section of the urban middle-class intelligentsia&mdash;university and college teachers, researchers and lawyers&mdash;has formed organisations at state and national levels for the protection of &lsquo;civil&rsquo; and &ldquo;democratic¹ rights. They raise issues related to violation of &lsquo;civil¹ and democratic rights of various strata of society, including the oppressed classes (Desai 1986). The existing constitutional channels, such as the judiciary, the state assemblies and Parliament are used for challenging the government&rsquo;s decisions and the power of vested interests. The media is used to highlight issues and create public opinion. Fact-finding committees are appointed. The intelligentsia has also raised ecological issues. They organise conferences, publish reports and submit memoranda to the government. Studies on these organisations and their mobilisation efforts are many (Ray 1986). We shall discuss the studies on human rights movements <strong>Participants:</strong> &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Students and intellectuals have provided leadership to most middle-class movements. Though some of the populist, national and nativist movements draw support from peasants and other sections of society when they raise emotional and general issues; they continue to be dominated by the middle class. Myron Weiner observed, &lsquo;nativism is largely a middle-class sentiment, not a movement among the industrial labour force or the peasantry, even though there are culturally distinguishable migrants in the industrial labour force in many cities and in some rural areas&rsquo; (1978: 293). Some scholars argue that political leaders excite regional or nativist sentiments in the middle class for their political ends. Iqbal Narain asserts that the political elite exploits situations of regional deprivation and unrest and converts them into movements to forge and strengthen its individual and factional support bases (1984). While studying regionalism in Telengana, Ram Reddy and Sharma observed that factional politics exploited the regional sentiments of the people of Telengana for strengthening their political positions. Similarly, Subrarnanyam argues, Political leaders, when they feel that their due share is not received and they are being overshadowed and ignored, search for some kind of spontaneous rationale to infuse emotions among the people and project themselves as the protectors of public interests, and thus tensions and conflicts are created in an unparallel community in a democratic polity (1984:130). &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; However, Javed Alam propounds another theory. He argues, &lsquo;Re-gionalistic demands get flared up because of contradictions among the ruling classes.... The locally placed ruling classes seek greater power to further their own interests when such interests are perceived as not being served by the all India classes&rsquo; (1984: 17). He does not support his argument with evidence. As a result of their assumptions that these movements are created by the political elite, scholars do not examine the mobilisation aspect of the movement. They study primarily the decision-making process among the elite. Y.D. Phadke&rsquo;s study on the Samyukta Maharashtra movement (1979) is a case in point. Those who adhere to such conspiracy theories do not explain why political leaders succeed in arousing nativist emotions in certain states and why they fail in others. Most studies on middle-class movements discussed above are brief. Some deal with the political decision-making process and the factors responsible for the movement. Some of the movements were &lsquo;spontaneous&rsquo; and short-lived. They did not have an organisational structure, whereas some movements were well-organised. Many scholars do not analyse the organisational aspects of the movements. The studies on the Shiv Sena by Dipankar Gupta, the Nav Nirman and the Bihar movements by Ghan-shyam Shah and the Nav Nirman movement by P.M. Sheth, analyse the organisational structure of these movements. At this stage of our knowledge, it is difficult to find a pattern in organisational structures in different types of middle-class movements

After four years since their previous interview on Louisiana law enforcement, during which time Dr. De Bouse has continued research on facets of Louisiana law enforcement-including but not limited to-recruitment and training,&nbsp;employment satisfaction, and employee retention, Wallethub&nbsp;Analyst Hernandez communicates with Dr. De Bouse on updated Louisiana Law enforcement data for Louisiana Law Enforcement Day.

From 2013–2015, I was a Mitacs Elevate postdoctoral fellow with Mozilla. The program of research aimed to foster digital literacy capacities among youth and informal educators in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA) and specifically examined the extension of the Mozilla community’s free and open source software production practices to build a digital literacy network called Hive Toronto. This article presents results from a document analysis (n = 21) of applications, blogs, and other materials revealing how the people, challenge, practices, and results associated with social innovation unfolded through research with Hive Toronto. Based on these findings, the article demonstrates that tensions linger between industrial and social innovation funding, but that there is space for critical and activist research when building such partnerships.De 2013 à 2015, j’ai fait de la recherche pour Mozilla grâce à une bourse Mitacs Élévation. Le programme auquel j’ai participé visait à encourager les capacités numériques de jeunes et d’éducateurs dans le Grand Toronto; il portait en particulier sur l’extension de la production de logiciels libres à code source ouvert par la communauté Mozilla en vue de créer le réseau d’alphabétisation numérique Hive Toronto (« Ruche Toronto »). Cet article présente les résultats d’une analyse de document (n = 21) portant sur des applications, des blogues et d’autres matériaux qui montrait comment les personnes, défis, pratiques et résultats reliés à l’innovation sociale se sont développés grâce à la recherche effectuée pour Hive Toronto. Se fondant sur ces données, l’article démontre que des tensions demeurent entre le financement pour l’innovation industrielle et celui pour l’innovation sociale, mais qu’il reste un espace pour une recherche qui soit critique et activiste lors de la création de partenariats entre les secteurs industriels et sociaux.

Les entreprises sont rentr&eacute;es dans une &egrave;re post-industrielle qui met en avant et exploite la richesse de leur capital immat&eacute;riel. Elles doivent cr&eacute;er les conditions de leur d&eacute;veloppement et de leur succ&egrave;s en activant les richesses de l&rsquo;invisible, car les actifs immat&eacute;riels sont d&eacute;terminants en mati&egrave;re de performance et de cr&eacute;ation de valeur. A ce sujet, ce travail de recherche a pour objectif d&rsquo;&eacute;tudier la relation entre le capital immat&eacute;riel et la performance selon une revue de litt&eacute;rature syst&eacute;matique. Nous pr&eacute;sentons ici une revue de litt&eacute;rature en mettant en avant l&rsquo;importance du capital immat&eacute;riel et de la performance selon une logique qui s&rsquo;aligne avec la th&eacute;orie des ressources et en &eacute;valuant les &eacute;tudes empiriques des diff&eacute;rents acteurs sur la relation du capital immat&eacute;riel avec la performance. Ainsi, l&rsquo;analyse des travaux sur l&rsquo;impact du capital immat&eacute;riel sur la performance de l&rsquo;entreprise stipule que le capital immat&eacute;riel a un impact positif sur la performance globale, Ceci est valable pour les diff&eacute;rents secteurs d&rsquo;activit&eacute; (soci&eacute;t&eacute;s c&ocirc;t&eacute;s en bourse, banques, industries et PMEs).

Theoretical basis This case offers the students to see the impact business ethics concepts, including corporate social responsibility, ethical obligation, ethical strategy, alienation, corporate activism, sociopolitical activism, symbolism, transparency, integrity, decoupled organization, opportunism, moral muteness or moral exclusion, etc. Through the student’s own ethical sensitivity, they can then make an informed decision grounded in fundamental ethical theories such as Utilitarianism, Kantianism, Ethics of Care, Virtue Theory, Confucianism, etc. Research methodology Data for this case has been gathered entirely from publicly available secondary sources, including online resources, mainstream media reports, biased (opinion-based) media outlets, social media statements from all stakeholder groups (students, business, university) and meeting minutes from campus organizations. None of the named individuals nor entities, in this case, have ever been contacted by the authors. Case overview/synopsis In Fall 2020, Boise State University contracted a locally owned and operated coffee shop to open a location on-campus. The shop owner was engaged to a police officer who had been permanently injured in an altercation with a dangerous fugitive. For his sacrifice, this police officer was awarded the Medal of Honor from the City of Boise. To support her fiancé, the coffee shop owner displayed a Thin Blue Line flag on the front door of her off-campus location. Students heard of this display and began to voice their objections through administrative and social media channels. The business countered back at claims that they supported racism and ultimately asked to be released from their contract with the university. They closed their on-campus business, having operated the location for less than two months. Media representation of this case created a vocal response both from those who support the business’ use of this imagery and those who support the student’s decision to boycott this business on ethical grounds. Complexity academic level Business ethics: 300–400 level; Business strategy: 300–400 level.

La concentration d&rsquo;actionnariat est un concept pluriel qui a d&eacute;j&agrave; fait l&rsquo;objet de vives discussions quant &agrave; son influence sur la valeur de l&rsquo;entreprise et son impact d&eacute;terminant sur les orientations financi&egrave;res et strat&eacute;giques d&rsquo;une entreprise et sur la nature des conflits d&rsquo;int&eacute;r&ecirc;ts entre les actionnaires et les dirigeants. Cet article s&rsquo;int&eacute;resse &agrave; la structure d&rsquo;actionnariat au Maroc sous l&rsquo;angle de la concentration des actionnaires et son impact sur la performance des entreprises cot&eacute;es &agrave; la bourse de Casablanca. De nombreux facteurs, tels que les variables de concentration et de performance choisies, le contexte institutionnel, et le secteur d&rsquo;activit&eacute;, influencent les r&eacute;sultats obtenus par les &eacute;tudes ant&eacute;rieures. Notre &eacute;tude est conduite sur un &eacute;chantillon de 70 soci&eacute;t&eacute;s marocaines cot&eacute;es &agrave; la bourse de Casablanca sur la p&eacute;riode 2016-2018. Les r&eacute;sultats montrent que les actionnaires influencent positivement et favorablement la performance de l&rsquo;entreprise, d&egrave;s lors qu&rsquo;ils d&eacute;tiennent une part suffisante du capital.

The queer movement in India has been adept at documenting itself. A succession of anthologies compiled by leading voices from within the movement has made available to a wider reading public the lives and longings of many of its diverse participants (Sukthankar 1999; Bhattacharyya and Bose 2005; Narrain and Bhan 2006; Narrain and Gupta 2011). Naisargi Dave’s book on queer activism in India offers something new and valuable. A book-length account of the queer political landscape with a focus on lesbian activism, this study is distinctive both for its longer temporal view and for the productively ambivalent positionality of its author. Based in Toronto where she teaches anthropology, Dave presents herself in her writing as both insider and outsider, as both participant in the groups and movements she writes about and critical observer of their everyday activity; sometimes she is neither, inhabiting the liminal position of the diasporic Indian. “Insiders” will read with amusement of her self-avowedly clumsy discovery that “lesbian sexual encounters were there to be had, often in the most unexpected of places” (50), but will also be enlightened by this nuanced cultural history of their own subjectivities. “Outsiders” will find in this book a model of an intimate ethnography by someone who does not pretend to belong.

La pand&eacute;mie COVID-19 a affaibli l&#39;&eacute;conomie mondiale, interrompant de nombreuses activit&eacute;s &eacute;conomiques et provoquant une chute rapide et brutale de la demande et de l&#39;emploi. Par cons&eacute;quent, les cours boursiers mondiaux ont connu leur pire baisse depuis la crise financi&egrave;re de 2008. Au Maroc, la Bourse de Casablanca a d&eacute;marr&eacute; l&#39;ann&eacute;e 2020 dans l&rsquo;all&eacute;gresse mais a &eacute;t&eacute; durement touch&eacute;e par la pand&eacute;mie. Ses deux principaux indices, le Masi et le Madex, sont retomb&eacute;s en dessous de la barre de 10 000 &agrave; 9 704,85 et 7 876,80 points respectivement, enregistrant des baisses de 20,85% et 21,26% respectivement. Cette &eacute;tude examine en d&eacute;tail l&#39;impact de la pand&eacute;mie de COVID-19 sur la bourse des valeurs de Casablanca en utilisant des donn&eacute;es quotidiennes et la m&eacute;thode d&#39;&eacute;tude des &eacute;v&eacute;nements. Les r&eacute;sultats indiquent des rendements anormaux pour 13 industries dont deux ont r&eacute;agi positivement et 11 ont r&eacute;pondu n&eacute;gativement. Le secteur bancaire est le secteur le plus durement touch&eacute; avec une r&eacute;duction de 20,79% &agrave; la date de l&#39;&eacute;v&eacute;nement, suivi du secteur des mat&eacute;riaux, logiciels et services informatiques. En revanche, le secteur des t&eacute;l&eacute;communications a enregistr&eacute; une hausse de 4,38%.

Abstract This paper envisages (re)constructing the intellectual praxis of women trade unionists in late colonial Bengal. By arguing how political practice habitually translates to political thought, the paper devises a methodology to address the gendered discourse of intellectual history in the Global South. It focuses on intellectual output, primarily journal articles of women trade unionists like Santoshi Kumari Gupta, Maitreyee Bose, and Kanak Mukherjee, to trace a genealogy of how class struggle was perceived by women labour activists across the ideological spectrum of nationalism, socialism, and communism between 1920 to 1947 in Bengal. The piece is an effort to transcend the manifold marginalisations that plague the establishment of feminine political praxis within the regulating structures of colonialism and capitalism. In the process, it bids to unfold an alternative narrative of the anti-colonial, anti-capitalist, and anti-patriarchal narrative of the decolonisation of South Asian intellectual thought.

Using the cases of two prominent anti-colonial activists, India’s Subhas Chandra Bose and Ireland’s Roger Casement, this article examines how British intelligence monitored separatist activities in the years from 1915 to 1945, particularly by intercepting and decoding the secret communications of other states. The failures of Germany, Italy and Japan to shield their wartime communications from interception and decoding placed both these patriots in mortal jeopardy. These resulted in the capture and execution of Casement, and of unequivocal orders for Bose’s assassination. The overall lesson is clear: great powers are no more competent at keeping secrets than are radical movements that look to them for assistance. The article also shows how concerned the British imperial authorities were about both of the possibility of transnational political and practical cooperation between anti-colonial movements and of the potential manipulation of such movements by their geopolitical opponents.

<strong>R&eacute;sum&eacute; </strong> Les activit&eacute;s environnementales, sociales et de gouvernance (ESG) sont devenues des activit&eacute;s essentielles et viables pour les entreprises en raison de la pr&eacute;occupation croissante pour les questions environnementales, sociales et de gouvernance. L'objectif de cette recherche est d'&eacute;tudier la relation entre l'obtention de performances ESG environnementale, sociale et de gouvernance (ESG) sup&eacute;rieures par une entreprise et sa performance financi&egrave;re (PF). Un &eacute;chantillon de 30 soci&eacute;t&eacute;s marocaines cot&eacute;es en bourse des valeurs de Casablanca de 2020 &agrave; 2022 a &eacute;t&eacute; pris en compte. . L'&eacute;tude s'appuie sur la m&eacute;thode des moindres carr&eacute;s pour &eacute;valuer l'association entre l'ESG et la PF. Les conclusions de cette &eacute;tude sont qu'il existe une association n&eacute;gative significative entre l'ESG et la PF. Cette &eacute;tude permet de mieux comprendre l'association entre ESG et PF et aide les entreprises &agrave; formuler des strat&eacute;gies d'entreprise et les parties prenantes &agrave; prendre des d&eacute;cisions d'investissement. L'originalit&eacute; de cette &eacute;tude est qu'elle aborde l'impact de l'ESG sur la PF des soci&eacute;t&eacute;s marocaines cot&eacute;es en bourse et qu'elle servira de base &agrave; de futures &eacute;tudes. <strong>Mots cl&eacute;s&nbsp;: RSE, ESG, performance financi&egrave;re, parties prenantes.</strong> <strong>&nbsp;</strong> <strong>Abstract </strong> Environmental, social, and governance (ESG) activities have become essential and viable for companies due to the growing concern for environmental, social, and governance issues. The aim of this research is to examine the relationship between a company's achievement of superior ESG performance and its financial performance (FP). A sample of 30 Moroccan companies listed on the Casablanca Stock Exchange from 2020 to 2022 was considered. The study utilises the least squares method to evaluate the correlation between ESG and FP. The study concludes that there is a significant negative correlation between GSE and FP. This study enhances comprehension of the correlation between ESG and PF, aiding companies in formulating corporate strategies and stakeholders in making investment decisions. This study is unique in that it examines the effect of ESG on the financial performance of Moroccan companies listed on the stock exchange. It will serve as a foundation for future research. <strong>Keywords: CSR, ESG, financial performance, stakeholders.</strong>

Cet article examine l'effet de la Responsabilit&eacute; Soci&eacute;tale des Entreprises (RSE) sur la transformation num&eacute;rique des soci&eacute;t&eacute;s cot&eacute;es &agrave; la Bourse de Casablanca. En s'appuyant sur un &eacute;chantillon de 45 entreprises marocaines, les auteurs analysent trois dimensions de la RSE (environnementale, sociale et &eacute;conomique) &agrave; l&rsquo;aide des scores ESG fournis par l&rsquo;agence Refinitiv. La transformation num&eacute;rique est mesur&eacute;e par une analyse de contenu des rapports annuels 2023 des entreprises &agrave; travers des mots-cl&eacute;s sp&eacute;cifiques. Les r&eacute;sultats montrent que les composantes sociale et environnementale de la RSE ont un impact significatif et positif sur la transformation num&eacute;rique. En revanche, la gouvernance n&rsquo;a pas d&rsquo;effet notable. L&rsquo;&eacute;tude conclut que l&rsquo;adoption de bonnes pratiques sociales et environnementales favorise l&rsquo;int&eacute;gration des technologies num&eacute;riques, ind&eacute;pendamment du secteur d&rsquo;activit&eacute; ou de l&rsquo;&acirc;ge de l&rsquo;entreprise.

La volatilit&eacute; a &eacute;t&eacute; toujours la mati&egrave;re premi&egrave;re des activit&eacute;s du march&eacute; boursier dont il faut toujours appr&eacute;hender, analyser et pr&eacute;voir. Son &eacute;volution d&eacute;pend &agrave; la fois des facteurs macro - &eacute;conomiques (inflation, taux de ch&ocirc;mage, etc...) et des facteurs sp&eacute;cifiques (r&eacute;sultats des entreprises cot&eacute;es). Mais parfois des &eacute;v&eacute;nements improbables : par exemple crise des sub - primes 2008 ou r&eacute;cemment la pand&eacute;mie de Covid cr&eacute;ent des turbulences et des incertitudes et qui conduisent le niveau de la volatilit&eacute; &agrave; des pics tr&egrave;s &eacute;lev&eacute;s suite aux fluctuations des valorisations des actifs financiers cot&eacute;s &agrave; la bourse. Cette pand&eacute;mie, et qui a affect&eacute; l&rsquo;ensemble des march&eacute;s mondiaux, n&rsquo;a pas &eacute;pargn&eacute; la bourse des valeurs de Casablanca. L&rsquo;objet de ce papier est d&rsquo;une part d&rsquo;analyser l&rsquo;impact de cette pand&eacute;mie sur le comportement de la volatilit&eacute; et son degr&eacute; de persistance malgr&eacute; l&rsquo;optimisme apport&eacute; par les nouveaux vaccins et d&rsquo;autres de voir dans quelle mesure la crise a cr&eacute;&eacute; ou amplifi&eacute; l&rsquo;effet d&rsquo;asym&eacute;trie suite aux chocs dus aux &eacute;v&eacute;nements n&eacute;gatifs. Les conclusions de ce travail ont abouti d&rsquo;une part &agrave; la confirmation de l&rsquo;augmentation de la persistance de la volatilit&eacute; pour l&rsquo;ensemble du march&eacute; et d&rsquo;autres part &agrave; l&rsquo;apparition d&rsquo;un effet d&rsquo;asym&eacute;trie dans le comportement de la volatilit&eacute;

Le but de ce travail &eacute;tait d&rsquo;&eacute;valuer le potentiel &eacute;conomique des feuilles de <em>Lippia multiflora</em> dans la partie Ouest de la R&eacute;publique d&eacute;mocratique du Congo depuis la cueillette jusqu&rsquo;&agrave; la vente, d&rsquo;une part et d&rsquo;autre part d&rsquo;en &eacute;valuer l&rsquo;activit&eacute; antifalc&eacute;miante <em>in vitro</em> de l&rsquo;extrait aqueux. Pour ce faire, une enqu&ecirc;te a &eacute;t&eacute; r&eacute;alis&eacute;e aupr&egrave;s de la population compos&eacute;e des paysans et des vendeurs impliqu&eacute;s respectivement dans la cueillette et la vente de <em>L. multiflora</em>, en utilisant la technique d&rsquo;&eacute;chantillonnage par boule de neige. Les logiciels Microsoft Excel version 2010, SPSS version 20 et Origin version 8.5 Pro ont &eacute;t&eacute; utilis&eacute;s pour le traitement et l&rsquo;analyse des donn&eacute;es. L&rsquo;&eacute;valuation de l&rsquo;activit&eacute; anti-dr&eacute;panocytaire <em>in vitro</em> a &eacute;t&eacute; r&eacute;alis&eacute;e&nbsp; en utilisant le test d&rsquo;Emmel.&nbsp; Les r&eacute;sultats ont montr&eacute; que <em>L. multiflora </em>constitue une source de revenu pour la population tant rurale qu&rsquo;urbaine avec un revenu de plus de 300.000 CDF (150 USD) qui est affect&eacute; &agrave; l&rsquo;&eacute;ducation et &agrave; la sant&eacute;. Les exp&eacute;riences <em>in vitro</em> ont indiqu&eacute; un taux de normalisation &eacute;lev&eacute; de dr&eacute;panocytes. Au regard de ces r&eacute;sultats, la domestication de cette plante dans quelques r&eacute;gions agro-&eacute;cologiques de la R&eacute;publique d&eacute;mocratique du Congo est vivement souhait&eacute;e. En outre, il serait &eacute;galement souhaitable que les industries agro-alimentaires et pharmaceutiques s&rsquo;int&eacute;ressent &agrave; cette fili&egrave;re.

L&rsquo;objectif de cet article est de montrer l&rsquo;effet du comportement socialement responsable des entreprises per&ccedil;u par les salari&eacute;s en C&ocirc;te d&rsquo;Ivoire sur leur engagement organisationnel. Pour conduire cette &eacute;tude, nous adoptons une approche quantitative bas&eacute;e sur une d&eacute;marche hypoth&eacute;tico-d&eacute;ductive. Les donn&eacute;es sont recueillies &agrave; partir d&rsquo;un questionnaire administr&eacute; aupr&egrave;s de 214 salari&eacute;s faisant partie de grandes entreprises cot&eacute;es &agrave; la Bourse R&eacute;gionale des Valeurs Mobili&egrave;res (BRVM) pratiquant la RSE et qui ont obligation de publier ces politiques RSE dans le rapport annuel. L&rsquo;enqu&ecirc;te se base aussi sur l&rsquo;analyse des diff&eacute;rents sites internet pr&eacute;sentant des strat&eacute;gies et activit&eacute;s de responsabilit&eacute; sociale. Les r&eacute;sultats trait&eacute;s et obtenus au moyen des logiciels SPSS et AMOS montrent l&rsquo;effet du comportement socialement responsable per&ccedil;u par les salari&eacute;s sur leur engagement organisationnel en C&ocirc;te d&#39;Ivoire. Cet effet se per&ccedil;oit au travers de pratiques sp&eacute;cifiques telles que celles li&eacute;es aux initiatives sociales, &agrave; l&rsquo;environnement et aux g&eacute;n&eacute;rations futures. Ainsi, prenant appui sur ces r&eacute;sultats, nous exposons les implications manag&eacute;riales et les perspectives de recherches futures.

<strong>R&eacute;sum&eacute;&nbsp;: </strong> Cet article examine l'impact des caract&eacute;ristiques du comit&eacute; d&rsquo;audit sur la performance financi&egrave;re des entreprises non financi&egrave;res cot&eacute;es &agrave; la Bourse de Casablanca pendant la p&eacute;riode 2018-2022. Fond&eacute;e sur un &eacute;chantillon de 47 entreprises, l'&eacute;tude utilise une r&eacute;gression lin&eacute;aire multiple avec des donn&eacute;es de panel, adoptant un estimateur des moindres carr&eacute;s g&eacute;n&eacute;ralis&eacute;s. Le test de Hausman a permis de s&eacute;lectionner un mod&egrave;le &agrave; effets al&eacute;atoires. Les r&eacute;sultats indiquent que l&rsquo;expertise et l&rsquo;ind&eacute;pendance des membres du comit&eacute; d&rsquo;audit exercent une influence positive significative sur le retour sur actifs (ROA). En revanche, une taille excessive du comit&eacute; est associ&eacute;e &agrave; une performance financi&egrave;re inf&eacute;rieure. L&rsquo;&eacute;tude r&eacute;v&egrave;le &eacute;galement que l&rsquo;activit&eacute; du comit&eacute; d&rsquo;audit, ainsi que les variables de contr&ocirc;le telles que l&rsquo;&acirc;ge de l&rsquo;entreprise et son secteur d&rsquo;activit&eacute;, n&rsquo;ont pas de corr&eacute;lation significative avec la performance financi&egrave;re. Ces r&eacute;sultats mettent en exergue l'importance d'un comit&eacute; d&rsquo;audit bien structur&eacute; et comp&eacute;tent pour am&eacute;liorer la performance des entreprises marocaines. Ils soulignent par ailleurs la n&eacute;cessit&eacute; d'une gouvernance d'entreprise solide, incitant les soci&eacute;t&eacute;s &agrave; privil&eacute;gier l&rsquo;ind&eacute;pendance et l&rsquo;expertise au sein de leur comit&eacute; d&rsquo;audit pour maximiser leur performance financi&egrave;re. Cette recherche ouvre la voie &agrave; d&rsquo;autres &eacute;tudes visant &agrave; analyser ces relations dans divers contextes et sur des p&eacute;riodes plus longues. &nbsp; <strong>Mots-cl&eacute;s :</strong> Comit&eacute; d&rsquo;audit, performance financi&egrave;re, retour sur actifs (ROA), gouvernance d'entreprise, Bourse de Casablanca, r&eacute;gression lin&eacute;aire multiple, donn&eacute;es de panel. <strong>Classification JEL</strong>&nbsp;:&nbsp; L25, M41, M42 <strong>Type du papier</strong>&nbsp;: Recherche empirique &nbsp; &nbsp; <strong>Abstract: </strong> This article examines the impact of audit committee characteristics on the financial performance of non-financial companies listed on the Casablanca Stock Exchange during the period 2018-2022. Based on a sample of 47 companies, the study employs a multiple linear regression analysis with panel data, utilizing a generalized least squares estimator. The Hausman test was used to select a random effects model. The results indicate that the expertise and independence of audit committee members have a significant positive influence on return on assets (ROA). In contrast, an overly large committee size is associated with lower financial performance. The study also reveals that the activity of the audit committee, along with control variables such as the age of the company and its sector, has no significant correlation with financial performance. These findings highlight the importance of a well-structured and competent audit committee in enhancing the performance of Moroccan companies. Furthermore, they underscore the necessity of strong corporate governance, encouraging companies to prioritize independence and expertise within their audit committees to maximize their financial performance. This research paves the way for further studies aimed at analyzing these relationships in various contexts and over longer periods. &nbsp; <strong>Keywords:</strong> Audit committee, financial performance, return on assets (ROA), corporate governance, panel data. <strong>JEL Classification</strong>&nbsp;: L25, M41, M42 <strong>Paper type</strong>&nbsp;: Empirical Research &nbsp;

Indian society represented a conflicting position of women vacillating between extremes of patriarchy and matriarchy. In this Indian society, the coming of British rule again led to usage of the women question which figured prominently in their colonial discourses. The colonized society was considered to be “effeminate” in character, as opposed to “colonial masculinity” which was held to be a justification for its loss of independence. The journey of confluence and conflict of gender and colonialism in India was multidimensional and multilayered. Indian women congested for their legitimate space in society challenging the overarching patriarchal set up and also participated in the national struggle for independence. Women’s participation in the Indian national movement expended base of women’s movement in India. The freedom struggle saw the participation of women from passive to active to an activist’s role. The involvement of a really large number of women in freedom struggle began with Gandhi who gave special role to women. The participation of women in public domain started during Non-Cooperation Movement (NCM), 1920 when Gandhi mobilized a large number of women. Though the domestic sphere and its fetter proved detrimental for women to participate in public space but this very segregation helped to organize their activities in the domestic sphere. In the absence of the male who would be jailed for his involvement in nationalist activity, women become the emotional support. The female activism in Quit India movement was visible most significantly. Sucheta Kripalini coordinated the non-violent Satyagraha while women also participated in underground revolutionary activities. Aruna Asaf Ali provided leadership for these activities. Mahila Atmaraksha Samiti or Women Self Defense was formed in 1942 in Bengal by leftist women leaders who mobilized the rural women to fright against colonial policies. Subhash Chandra Bose also added a womens regiment to his INA(1943) called the Rani of Jhansi Regiment. Muslim women leaders like Bi Amman, mother of Shaukat and Muhammad Ali, who participated in Khilafat &amp; Non Cooperation Movement at a meeting in Punjab. In 1938, Muslim league started women Sub-Committee to engage Muslim women.

<strong>R&eacute;sum&eacute;&nbsp;: </strong> La responsabilit&eacute; sociale des entreprises encourage les entreprises &agrave; int&eacute;grer des pr&eacute;occupations sociales et environnementales dans leurs activit&eacute;s ainsi que dans leurs relations avec les parties prenantes. Elle englobe l&rsquo;ensemble des activit&eacute;s visant le bien social au-del&agrave;s des int&eacute;r&ecirc;ts de l&rsquo;entreprise et des exigences l&eacute;gales. Divers organismes internationaux, auteurs et chercheurs ont explor&eacute; la notion de RSE et ont propos&eacute; une panoplie de d&eacute;finition refl&eacute;tant leurs perspectives sur le concept. Au Maroc, bien que les entreprises marocaines ne se basculent pas face aux portes de la RSE, plusieurs facteurs y incitent &agrave; int&eacute;grer la d&eacute;marche RSE, non seulement dans leurs discours, mais &eacute;galement dans leurs strat&eacute;gies. La CGEM s&rsquo;engage activement dans la promotion de la RSE au sein des entreprises marocaines en attribuant le &laquo;&nbsp;Label CGEM pour la RSE&nbsp;&raquo; aux entreprises respectant les crit&egrave;res mentionn&eacute;s et &eacute;nonc&eacute;s dans la charte RSE. Le processus de lab&eacute;lisation des entreprises marocaines est en pleine expansion. Les graphes pr&eacute;sent&eacute;s dans cet article sont ventil&eacute;s selon plusieurs crit&egrave;res tels que&nbsp;: la taille de l&rsquo;entreprise, le secteur d&rsquo;activit&eacute;, la cotation &agrave; la Bourse de Casablanca, afin de fournir une vue d&rsquo;ensemble sur les entreprises labellis&eacute;es RSE au Maroc. L&rsquo;approche adopt&eacute;e pour cet article est une approche qualitative visant &agrave; pr&eacute;senter, dans un premier temps, les diff&eacute;rentes d&eacute;finitions du concept RSE et son &eacute;volution au fil du temps. Ainsi, l&rsquo;&eacute;tude se focalise sur le contexte marocain pour d&eacute;cortiquer et analyser l&rsquo;&eacute;tat d&rsquo;avancement de l&rsquo;int&eacute;gration de la RSE au Maroc et les diff&eacute;rents efforts d&eacute;ploy&eacute;s par la CGEM pour sa mise en &oelig;uvre. Selon les donn&eacute;es, 124 entreprises marocaines labellis&eacute;es RSE. Pour un label existant depuis 2006, ce chiffre t&eacute;moigne d&rsquo;une certaine r&eacute;ticence des entreprises marocaines &agrave; mettre en &oelig;uvre pleinement la d&eacute;marche RSE dans leurs strat&eacute;gies. N&eacute;anmoins, le Maroc se trouve dans une phase de transition, marqu&eacute;e par l&rsquo;adoption progressive des diverses pratiques socialement responsables. <strong>Mots Cl&eacute;s&nbsp;: </strong>Responsabilit&eacute; sociale des entreprises&nbsp;; Conf&eacute;d&eacute;ration G&eacute;n&eacute;rale des Entreprises Marocaines&nbsp;; INDH&nbsp;; Charte RSE&nbsp;; Label CGEM. &nbsp; &nbsp; <strong>Abstract </strong> Corporate social responsibility encourages companies to integrate social and environmental concerns into their activities and their relations with stakeholders. It encompasses all actions aimed at the social good, above and beyond corporate interests and legal requirements. Various international organizations, authors and researchers have explored the notion of CSR and proposed a range of definitions reflecting their perspectives on the concept. In Morocco, although Moroccan companies are not overwhelmingly embracing CSR, several factors are encouraging them to integrate the CSR approach not only into their discourse, but also into their strategies. The CGEM is actively involved in promoting CSR within Moroccan companies, awarding the "CGEM Label for CSR" to companies that meet the criteria set out in the CSR Charter. The process of labeling Moroccan companies is in full expansion. The graphs presented in this article are broken down according to several criteria, such as company size, sector of activity and listing on the Casablanca Stock Exchange, in order to provide an overview of CSR-labeled companies in Morocco. The approach adopted for this article is a qualitative one aimed at presenting, firstly, the different definitions of the CSR concept and its evolution over time. In this way, the study focuses on the Moroccan context to dissect and analyze the state of progress of CSR integration in Morocco and the various efforts made by the CGEM to implement it. According to the data, 124 Moroccan companies have been awarded the CSR label. For a label in existence since 2006, this figure reflects a certain reluctance on the part of Moroccan companies to fully implement the CSR approach in their strategies. Nevertheless, Morocco is in a transitional phase, marked by the gradual adoption of various socially responsible practices. <strong>Keywords:</strong> Corporate Social Responsibility; General Confederation of Moroccan Enterprises; INDH; CSR Charter; CGEM Label.

<strong>R&eacute;sum&eacute; </strong> La responsabilit&eacute; sociale des entreprises encourage les entreprises &agrave; int&eacute;grer des pr&eacute;occupations sociales et environnementales dans leurs activit&eacute;s ainsi que dans leurs relations avec les parties prenantes. Elle englobe l&rsquo;ensemble des activit&eacute;s visant le bien social au-del&agrave;s des int&eacute;r&ecirc;ts de l&rsquo;entreprise et des exigences l&eacute;gales. Divers organismes internationaux, auteurs et chercheurs ont explor&eacute; la notion de RSE et ont propos&eacute; une panoplie de d&eacute;finition refl&eacute;tant leurs perspectives sur le concept. Au Maroc, bien que les entreprises marocaines ne se basculent pas face aux portes de la RSE, plusieurs facteurs y incitent &agrave; int&eacute;grer la d&eacute;marche RSE, non seulement dans leurs discours, mais &eacute;galement dans leurs strat&eacute;gies. La CGEM s&rsquo;engage activement dans la promotion de la RSE au sein des entreprises marocaines en attribuant le &laquo;&nbsp;Label CGEM pour la RSE&nbsp;&raquo; aux entreprises respectant les crit&egrave;res mentionn&eacute;s et &eacute;nonc&eacute;s dans la charte RSE. Le processus de lab&eacute;lisation des entreprises marocaines est en pleine expansion. Les graphes pr&eacute;sent&eacute;s dans cet article sont ventil&eacute;s selon plusieurs crit&egrave;res tels que&nbsp;: la taille de l&rsquo;entreprise, le secteur d&rsquo;activit&eacute;, la cotation &agrave; la Bourse de Casablanca, afin de fournir une vue d&rsquo;ensemble sur les entreprises labellis&eacute;es RSE au Maroc. L&rsquo;approche adopt&eacute;e pour cet article est une approche qualitative visant &agrave; pr&eacute;senter, dans un premier temps, les diff&eacute;rentes d&eacute;finitions du concept RSE et son &eacute;volution au fil du temps. Ainsi, l&rsquo;&eacute;tude se focalise sur le contexte marocain pour d&eacute;cortiquer et analyser l&rsquo;&eacute;tat d&rsquo;avancement de l&rsquo;int&eacute;gration de la RSE au Maroc et les diff&eacute;rents efforts d&eacute;ploy&eacute;s par la CGEM pour sa mise en &oelig;uvre. Selon les donn&eacute;es, 124 entreprises marocaines labellis&eacute;es RSE. Pour un label existant depuis 2006, ce chiffre t&eacute;moigne d&rsquo;une certaine r&eacute;ticence des entreprises marocaines &agrave; mettre en &oelig;uvre pleinement la d&eacute;marche RSE dans leurs strat&eacute;gies. N&eacute;anmoins, le Maroc se trouve dans une phase de transition, marqu&eacute;e par l&rsquo;adoption progressive des diverses pratiques socialement responsables. <strong>Mots Cl&eacute;s&nbsp;: </strong>Responsabilit&eacute; sociale des entreprises&nbsp;; Conf&eacute;d&eacute;ration G&eacute;n&eacute;rale des Entreprises Marocaines&nbsp;; INDH&nbsp;; Charte RSE&nbsp;; Label CGEM. &nbsp; &nbsp; <strong>Abstract </strong> Corporate social responsibility encourages companies to integrate social and environmental concerns into their activities and their relations with stakeholders. It encompasses all actions aimed at the social good, above and beyond corporate interests and legal requirements. Various international organizations, authors and researchers have explored the notion of CSR and proposed a range of definitions reflecting their perspectives on the concept. In Morocco, although Moroccan companies are not overwhelmingly embracing CSR, several factors are encouraging them to integrate the CSR approach not only into their discourse, but also into their strategies. The CGEM is actively involved in promoting CSR within Moroccan companies, awarding the "CGEM Label for CSR" to companies that meet the criteria set out in the CSR Charter. The process of labeling Moroccan companies is in full expansion. The graphs presented in this article are broken down according to several criteria, such as company size, sector of activity and listing on the Casablanca Stock Exchange, in order to provide an overview of CSR-labeled companies in Morocco. The approach adopted for this article is a qualitative one aimed at presenting, firstly, the different definitions of the CSR concept and its evolution over time. In this way, the study focuses on the Moroccan context to dissect and analyze the state of progress of CSR integration in Morocco and the various efforts made by the CGEM to implement it. According to the data, 124 Moroccan companies have been awarded the CSR label. For a label in existence since 2006, this figure reflects a certain reluctance on the part of Moroccan companies to fully implement the CSR approach in their strategies. Nevertheless, Morocco is in a transitional phase, marked by the gradual adoption of various socially responsible practices. <strong>Keywords:</strong> Corporate Social Responsibility; General Confederation of Moroccan Enterprises; INDH; CSR Charter; CGEM Label.

<strong>R&eacute;sum&eacute;</strong> L'apiculture joue un r&ocirc;le essentiel dans les &eacute;conomies locales et dans la pr&eacute;servation de la biodiversit&eacute;. Cette &eacute;tude vise &agrave; d&eacute;crire les perceptions culturelles et les repr&eacute;sentations sociales des abeilles chez les Yom au Nord du B&eacute;nin. Elle a impliqu&eacute; 370 participants s&eacute;lectionn&eacute;s de mani&egrave;re raisonn&eacute;e et par boule de neige. Les donn&eacute;es ont &eacute;t&eacute; collect&eacute;es &agrave; l'aide d'un questionnaire et des entretiens, puis analys&eacute;es par des m&eacute;thodes statistiques telles que la statistique descriptive, le test T de Student et le test de Kendall. Les r&eacute;sultats indiquent que l'apiculture au sein de la communaut&eacute; YOM est confront&eacute;e &agrave; plusieurs d&eacute;fis majeurs, dont la peur des abeilles, le manque de sensibilisation sur les b&eacute;n&eacute;fices de cette activit&eacute;, des connaissances pratiques insuffisantes, des contraintes de temps, des allergies aux piq&ucirc;res d'abeilles, des difficult&eacute;s financi&egrave;res pour acqu&eacute;rir des ruches, et des aspects culturels limitant la participation des femmes et des jeunes. Une enqu&ecirc;te r&eacute;v&egrave;le que la grande majorit&eacute; ne consid&egrave;re pas les abeilles comme des divinit&eacute;s (91%), mais des perceptions divergentes existent sur leur comportement, avec 61% les percevant comme agressives. Les apiculteurs poss&egrave;dent en moyenne 5,15 ruches chacun, mais la chasse au miel, pratiqu&eacute;e par 35,41% des personnes interrog&eacute;es, perturbe significativement la population d'abeilles, mena&ccedil;ant la biodiversit&eacute; locale et la s&eacute;curit&eacute; alimentaire &agrave; long terme. <strong>Mots cl&eacute;s&nbsp;: Repr&eacute;sentation sociale, apiculture, Yom, Nord-B&eacute;nin</strong> &nbsp; <strong>Abstract</strong> Beekeeping plays an essential role in local economies and in the preservation of biodiversity. This study aims to describe the cultural and social perceptions of bees among the Yom people in northern Benin. It involved 370 participants selected in a purposive and snowball manner. Data was collected using a questionnaire and interviews and then analyzed by statistical methods such as descriptive statistics, Student's T test and Kendall's test. The results indicate beekeeping within the YOM community faces several major challenges, including fear of bees, lack of awareness about the benefits of this activity, insufficient practical knowledge, time constraints, allergies to stings bees, financial difficulties in acquiring hives, and cultural aspects limiting the participation of women and young people. A survey reveals that the vast majority do not consider bees to be deities (91%), but divergent perceptions exist on their behavior, with 61% perceiving them as aggressive. Beekeepers have an average of 5.15 hives each, but honey hunting, practiced by 35.41% of those surveyed, significantly disrupts the bee population, threatening local biodiversity and long-term food security. <strong>Keywords: Social representation, beekeeping, Yom, North Benin</strong>

<strong>R&eacute;sum&eacute; </strong> L'une des principales caract&eacute;ristiques des PSL marocains est l'importance accrue accord&eacute;e au concept de responsabilit&eacute; sociale des entreprises de logistiques (RSE). Un grand nombre des PSL ont recours &agrave; des initiatives de RSE pour soutenir des parties prenantes sp&eacute;cifiques et tirer parti de leurs positions soci&eacute;tales. N&eacute;anmoins, il existe peu de recherches qui se sont pench&eacute;es sur la RSE dans le secteur logistique marocain afin d'orienter les politiques et les pratiques associ&eacute;es aux initiatives de RSE. Par cons&eacute;quent, l'objectif de la pr&eacute;sente &eacute;tude &eacute;tait d'examiner la RSE dans le secteur logistique marocain afin de soutenir l'avancement et l'&eacute;valuation des initiatives de RSE chez les PSL. Cette recherche qualitative a &eacute;t&eacute; ax&eacute;e sur le d&eacute;veloppement. Les participants ont &eacute;t&eacute; s&eacute;lectionn&eacute;s &agrave; l'aide d'une combinaison de m&eacute;thodes d'&eacute;chantillonnage cibl&eacute;es et boule de neige. Au total, 28 interlocuteurs ont &eacute;t&eacute; impliqu&eacute;s, dont des cadres ex&eacute;cutifs, des experts du secteur, des membres de conseils&hellip;. Des entrevues individuelles semi-structur&eacute;es ont &eacute;t&eacute; utilis&eacute;es pour g&eacute;n&eacute;rer des donn&eacute;es. Les proc&eacute;dures d'analyse des donn&eacute;es ont &eacute;t&eacute; men&eacute;es conform&eacute;ment aux principes de la th&eacute;orie ancr&eacute;e et ont impliqu&eacute; le codage ouvert, le codage axial et le codage s&eacute;lectif. Une attention particuli&egrave;re est accord&eacute;e aux cinq principales cat&eacute;gories de causalit&eacute; qui &eacute;taient de nature culturelle, sociale, &eacute;conomique, politique et institutionnelle. Les activit&eacute;s de RSE se sont av&eacute;r&eacute;es avoir la capacit&eacute; d'avoir un impact sur la performance globale du prestataire &agrave; travers un certain nombre de concepts et de cat&eacute;gories, notamment en favorisant la confiance du public, en promouvant les dimensions &eacute;thiques et &eacute;cologiques, en d&eacute;couvrant et en cr&eacute;ant de nouveaux march&eacute;s et en attirant des supporters. Cette analyse situ&eacute;e au Maroc propose une mani&egrave;re d'envisager la RSE qui constitue une alternative aux approches occidentales dominantes. &nbsp; <strong>Mots cl&eacute;s : &nbsp;</strong>Responsabilit&eacute; sociale des entreprises (RSE)&nbsp;; Secteur logistique marocain&nbsp;; Initiatives de RSE&nbsp;;Th&eacute;orie ancr&eacute;e <strong>Classification JEL:&nbsp; </strong><em>M14,Q56</em> <strong>Type de l&rsquo;article&nbsp;: </strong>Recherche appliqu&eacute;e <strong>&nbsp;</strong> <strong>Abstract </strong> A prominent characteristic observed in Moroccan logistics service providers (LSPs) is their heightened focus on the principle of corporate social responsibility (CSR). Numerous logistics service providers (LSPs) employ CSR initiatives to lend support to specific stakeholders and capitalize on their societal roles. Despite this trend, there exists a dearth of research addressing CSR within the Moroccan logistics sector, leaving a gap in terms of guiding policies and practices associated with CSR initiatives. Consequently, the primary aim of this investigation was to scrutinize CSR in the Moroccan logistics sector with the intent of facilitating the progress and assessment of CSR initiatives among LSPs. This qualitative research, centered around development, employed a combination of targeted and snowball sampling methods to select participants. A total of 28 individuals, including executives, industry experts, and board members, were engaged. Semi-structured one-on-one interviews served as the primary means for data generation. Analytical procedures adhered to the principles of grounded theory and involved open coding, axial coding, and selective coding. Particular emphasis was given to the five main categories of causation, encompassing cultural, social, economic, political, and institutional dimensions. The findings revealed that CSR activities possess the potential to influence the overall performance of providers across various concepts and categories. These include fostering public trust, promoting ethical and ecological dimensions, uncovering and creating new markets, and attracting supporters. Situated in Morocco, this analysis proposes an alternative perspective on CSR, distinct from prevailing Western approaches. &nbsp; <strong>Keywords:</strong> Corporate social responsibility (CSR); Moroccan logistics sector; CSR initiatives; Grounded theory <strong>JEL Classification : </strong><em>M14,Q56</em> <strong>Paper type: </strong>Empirical research <strong>&nbsp;</strong>

Introduction The genealogy of Feminist Standpoint Theory in the 1970s prioritised “locationality”, particularly the recognition of social and historical locations as valuable contribution to knowledge production. Pioneering figures such as Sandra Harding, Dorothy Smith, Patricia Hill Collins, Alison Jaggar, and Donna Haraway have argued that the oppressed must have some means (such as language, cultural practices) to enter the world of the oppressor in order to access some understanding of how the world works from the privileged perspective. In the essay “Meeting at the Edge of Fear: Theory on a World Scale”, the Australian social scientist Raewyn Connell explains that the production of feminist theory almost always comes from the global North. Connell critiques the hegemony of mainstream Northern feminism in her pyramidal model (59), showing how theory/knowledge is produced at the apex (global North) of a pyramid structure and “trickles down” (59) to the global South. Connell refers to a second model called mosaic epistemology which shows that multiple feminist ideologies across global North/South are juxtaposed against each other like tiles, with each specific culture making its own claims to validity.However, Nigerian feminist Bibi Bakare-Yusuf’s reflection on the fluidity of culture in her essay “Fabricating Identities” (5) suggests that fixing knowledge as Northern and Southern—disparate, discrete, and rigidly structured tiles—is also problematic. Connell proposes a third model called solidarity-based epistemology which involves mutual learning and critiquing with a focus on solidarity across differences. However, this is impractical in implementation especially given that feminist nomenclature relies on problematic terms such as “international”, “global North/South”, “transnational”, and “planetary” to categorise difference, spatiality, and temporality, often creating more distance than reciprocal exchange. Geographical specificity can be too limiting, but we also need to acknowledge that it is geographical locationality which becomes disadvantageous to overcome racial, cultural, and gender biases — and here are few examples.Nomenclatures: Global-North and Global South ParadigmThe global North/South terminology differentiating the two regions according to means of trade and relative wealth emerged from the Brandt Report’s delineation of the North as wealthy and South as impoverished in 1980s. Initially, these terms were a welcome repudiation of the hierarchical nomenclature of “developed” and “developing” nations. Nevertheless, the categories of North and South are problematic because of increased socio-economic heterogeneity causing erasure of local specificities without reflecting microscopic conflicts among feminists within the global North and the global South. Some feminist terms such as “Third World feminism” (Narayan), “global feminism” (Morgan), or “local feminisms” (Basu) aim to centre women's movements originating outside the West or in the postcolonial context, other labels attempt to making feminism more inclusive or reflective of cross-border linkages. These include “transnational feminism” (Grewal and Kaplan) and “feminism without borders” (Mohanty). In the 1980s, Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw’s concept of intersectionality garnered attention in the US along with Gloria Anzaldúa’s Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza (1987), which raised feminists’ awareness of educational, healthcare, and financial disparities among women and the experiences of marginalised people across the globe, leading to an interrogation of the aims and purposes of mainstream feminism. In general, global North feminism refers to white middle class feminist movements further expanded by concerns about civil rights and contemporary queer theory while global South feminism focusses on decolonisation, economic justice, and disarmament. However, the history of colonialism demonstrates that this paradigm is inadequate because the oppression and marginalisation of Black, Indigenous, and Queer activists have been avoided purposely in the homogenous models of women’s oppression depicted by white radical and liberal feminists. A poignant example is from Audre Lorde’s personal account:I wheeled my two-year-old daughter in a shopping cart through a supermarket in Eastchester in 1967, and a little white girl riding past in her mother’s cart calls out excitedly, ‘oh look, Mommy, a baby maid!’ And your mother shushes you, but does not correct you, and so fifteen years later, at a conference on racism, you can still find that story humorous. But I hear your laughter is full of terror and disease. (Lorde)This exemplifies how the terminology global North/South is a problem because there are inequities within the North that are parallel to the division of power and resources between North and South. Additionally, Susan Friedman in Planetary Modernisms observes that although the terms “Global North” and “Global South” are “rhetorically spatial” they are “as geographically imprecise and ideologically weighted as East/West” because “Global North” signifies “modern global hegemony” and “Global South” signifies the “subaltern, … —a binary construction that continues to place the West at the controlling centre of the plot” (Friedman, 123).Focussing on research-activism debate among US feminists, Sondra Hale takes another tack, emphasising that feminism in the global South is more pragmatic than the theory-oriented feminist discourse of the North (Hale). Just as the research-scholarship binary implies myopic assumption that scholarship is a privileged activity, Hale’s observations reveal a reductive assumption in the global North and global South nomenclature that feminism at the margins is theoretically inadequate. In other words, recognising the “North” as the site of theoretical processing is a euphemism for Northern feminists’ intellectual supremacy and the inferiority of Southern feminist praxis. To wit, theories emanating from the South are often overlooked or rejected outright for not aligning with Eurocentric framings of knowledge production, thereby limiting the scope of feminist theories to those that originate in the North. For example, while discussing Indigenous women’s craft-autobiography, the standard feminist approach is to apply Susan Sontag’s theory of gender and photography to these artefacts even though it may not be applicable given the different cultural, social, and class contexts in which they are produced. Consequently, Moroccan feminist Fatima Mernissi’s Islamic methodology (Mernissi), the discourse of land rights, gender equality, kinship, and rituals found in Bina Agarwal’s A Field of One’s Own, Marcia Langton’s “Grandmothers’ Law”, and the reflection on military intervention are missing from Northern feminist theoretical discussions. Moreover, “outsiders within” feminist scholars fit into Western feminist canonical requirements by publishing their works in leading Western journals or seeking higher degrees from Western institutions. In the process, Northern feminists’ intellectual hegemony is normalised and regularised. An example of the wealth of the materials outside of mainstream Western feminist theories may be found in the work of Girindrasekhar Bose, a contemporary of Sigmund Freud, founder of the Indian Psychoanalytic Society and author of the book Concept of Repression (1921). Bose developed the “vagina envy theory” long before the neo-Freudian psychiatrist Karen Horney proposed it, but it is largely unknown in the West. Bose’s article “The Genesis and Adjustment of the Oedipus Wish” discarded Freud’s theory of castration and explained how in the Indian cultural context, men can cherish an unconscious desire to bear a child and to be castrated, implicitly overturning Freud’s correlative theory of “penis envy.” Indeed, the case of India shows that the birth of theory can be traced back to as early as eighth century when study of verbal ornamentation and literary semantics based on the notion of dbvani or suggestion, and the aesthetic theory of rasa or "sentiment" is developed. If theory means systematic reasoning and conceptualising the structure of thought, methods, and epistemology, it exists in all cultures but unfortunately non-Western theory is largely invisible in classroom courses.In the recent book Queer Activism in India, Naisargi Dev shows that the theory is rooted in activism. Similarly, in her essay “Seed and Earth”, Leela Dube reveals how Eastern theories are distorted as they are Westernised. For instance, the “Purusha-Prakriti” concept in Hinduism where Purusha stands for pure consciousness and Prakriti stands for the entire phenomenal world is almost universally misinterpreted in terms of Western binary oppositions as masculine consciousness and feminine creative principle which has led to disastrous consequences including the legitimisation of male control over female sexuality. Dube argues how heteropatriarchy has twisted the Purusha-Prakriti philosophy to frame the reproductive metaphor of the male seed germinating in the female field for the advantage of patrilineal agrarian economies and to influence a homology between reproductive metaphors and cultural and institutional sexism (Dube 22-24). Attempting to reverse such distortions, ecofeminist Vandana Shiva rejects dualistic and exploitative “contemporary Western views of nature” (37) and employs the original Prakriti-Purusha cosmology to construct feminist vision and environmental ethics. Shiva argues that unlike Cartesian binaries where nature or Prakriti is inert and passive, in Hindu Philosophy, Purusha and Prakriti are inseparable and inviolable (Shiva 37-39). She refers to Kalika Purana where it is explained how rivers and mountains have a dual nature. “A river is a form of water, yet is has a distinct body … . We cannot know, when looking at a lifeless shell, that it contains a living being. Similarly, within the apparently inanimate rivers and mountains there dwells a hidden consciousness. Rivers and mountains take the forms they wish” (38).Scholars on the periphery who never migrated to the North find it difficult to achieve international audiences unless they colonise themselves, steeping their work in concepts and methods recognised by Western institutions and mimicking the style and format that western feminist journals follow. The best remedy for this would be to interpret border relations and economic flow between countries and across time through the prism of gender and race, an idea similar to what Sarah Radcliffe, Nina Laurie and Robert Andolina have called the “transnationalization of gender” (160).Migration between Global North and Global SouthReformulation of feminist epistemology might reasonably begin with a focus on migration and gender politics because international and interregional migration have played a crucial role in the production of feminist theories. While some white mainstream feminists acknowledge the long history of feminist imperialism, they need to be more assertive in centralising non-Western theories, scholarship, and institutions in order to resist economic inequalities and racist, patriarchal global hierarchies of military and organisational power. But these possibilities are stymied by migrants’ “de-skilling”, which maintains unequal power dynamics: when migrants move from the global South to global North, many end up in jobs for which they are overqualified because of their cultural, educational, racial, or religious alterity.In the face of a global trend of movement from South to North in search of a “better life”, visual artist Naiza Khan chose to return to Pakistan after spending her childhood in Lebanon before being trained at the University of Oxford. Living in Karachi over twenty years, Khan travels globally, researching, delivering lectures, and holding exhibitions on her art work. Auj Khan’s essay “Peripheries of Thought and Practise in Naiza Khan’s Work” argues: “Khan seems to be going through a perpetual diaspora within an ownership of her hybridity, without having really left any of her abodes. This agitated space of modern hybrid existence is a rich and ripe ground for resolution and understanding. This multiple consciousness is an edge for anyone in that space, which could be effectively made use of to establish new ground”. Naiza Khan’s works embrace loss or nostalgia and a sense of choice and autonomy within the context of unrestricted liminal geographical boundaries.Early work such as “Chastity Belt,” “Heavenly Ornaments”, “Dream”, and “The Skin She Wears” deal with the female body though Khan resists the “feminist artist” category, essentially because of limited Western associations and on account of her paradoxical, diasporic subjectivity: of “the self and the non-self, the doable and the undoable and the anxiety of possibility and choice” (Khan Webpage). Instead, Khan theorises “gender” as “personal sexuality”. The symbolic elements in her work such as corsets, skirts, and slips, though apparently Western, are purposely destabilised as she engages in re-constructing the cartography of the body in search of personal space. In “The Wardrobe”, Khan establishes a path for expressing women’s power that Western feminism barely acknowledges. Responding to the 2007 Islamabad Lal Masjid siege by militants, Khan reveals the power of the burqa to protect Muslim men by disguising their gender and sexuality; women escape the Orientalist gaze. For Khan, home is where her art is—beyond the global North and South dichotomy.In another example of de-centring Western feminist theory, the Indian-British sitar player Anoushka Shankar, who identifies as a radical pro-feminist, in her recent musical album “Land of Gold” produces what Chilla Bulbeck calls “braiding at the borderlands”. As a humanitarian response to the trauma of displacement and the plight of refugees, Shankar focusses on women giving birth during migration and the trauma of being unable to provide stability and security to their children. Grounded in maternal humility, Shankar’s album, composed by artists of diverse background as Akram Khan, singer Alev Lenz, and poet Pavana Reddy, attempts to dissolve boundaries in the midst of chaos—the dislocation, vulnerability and uncertainty experienced by migrants. The album is “a bit of this, and a bit of that” (borrowing Salman Rushdie’s definition of migration in Satanic Verses), both in terms of musical genre and cultural identities, which evokes emotion and subjective fluidity. An encouraging example of truly transnational feminist ethics, Shankar’s album reveals the chasm between global North and global South represented in the tension of a nascent friendship between a white, Western little girl and a migrant refugee child. Unlike mainstream feminism, where migration is often sympathetically feminised and exotified—or, to paraphrase bell hooks, difference is commodified (hooks 373) — Shankar’s album simultaneously exhibits regional, national, and transnational elements. The album inhabits multiple borderlands through musical genres, literature and politics, orality and text, and ethnographic and intercultural encounters. The message is: “the body is a continent / But may your heart always remain the sea" (Shankar). The human rights advocate and lawyer Randa Abdel-Fattah, in her autobiographical novel Does My Head Look Big in This?, depicts herself as “colourful adjectives” (such as “darkies”, “towel-heads”, or the “salami eaters”), painful identities imposed on her for being a Muslim woman of colour. These ultimately empower her to embrace her identity as a Palestinian-Egyptian-Australian Muslim writer (Abdel-Fattah 359). In the process, Abdel-Fattah reveals how mainstream feminism participates in her marginalisation: “You’re constantly made to feel as you’re commenting as a Muslim, and somehow your views are a little bit inferior or you’re somehow a little bit more brainwashed” (Abdel-Fattah, interviewed in 2015).With her parental roots in the global South (Egyptian mother and Palestinian father), Abdel-Fattah was born and brought up in the global North, Australia (although geographically located in global South, Australia is categorised as global North for being above the world average GDP per capita) where she embraced her faith and religious identity apparently because of Islamophobia:I refuse to be an apologist, to minimise this appalling state of affairs… While I'm sick to death, as a Muslim woman, of the hypocrisy and nonsensical fatwas, I confess that I'm also tired of white women who think the answer is flashing a bit of breast so that those "poor," "infantilised" Muslim women can be "rescued" by the "enlightened" West - as if freedom was the sole preserve of secular feminists. (Abdel-Fattah, "Ending Oppression")Abdel-Fattah’s residency in the global North while advocating for justice and equality for Muslim women in both the global North and South is a classic example of the mutual dependency between the feminists in global North and global South, and the need to recognise and resist neoliberal policies applied in by the North to the South. In her novel, sixteen-year-old Amal Mohamed chooses to become a “full-time” hijab wearer in an elite school in Melbourne just after the 9/11 tragedy, the Bali bombings which killed 88 Australians, and the threat by Algerian-born Abdel Nacer Benbrika, who planned to attack popular places in Sydney and Melbourne. In such turmoil, Amal’s decision to wear the hijab amounts to more than resistance to Islamophobia: it is a passionate search for the true meaning of Islam, an attempt to embrace her hybridity as an Australian Muslim girl and above all a step towards seeking spiritual self-fulfilment. As the novel depicts Amal’s challenging journey amidst discouraging and painful, humiliating experiences, the socially constructed “bloody confusing identity hyphens” collapse (5). What remains is the beautiful veil that stands for Amal’s multi-valence subjectivity. The different shades of her hijab reflect different moods and multiple “selves” which are variously tentative, rebellious, romantic, argumentative, spiritual, and ambitious: “I am experiencing a new identity, a new expression of who I am on the inside” (25).In Griffith Review, Randa-Abdel Fattah strongly criticises the book Nine Parts of Desire by Geraldine Brooks, a Wall-Street Journal reporter who travelled from global North to the South to cover Muslim women in the Middle East. Recognising the liberal feminist’s desire to explore the Orient, Randa-Abdel calls the book an example of feminist Orientalism because of the author’s inability to understand the nuanced diversity in the Muslim world, Muslim women’s purposeful downplay of agency, and, most importantly, Brooks’s inevitable veil fetishism in her trip to Gaza and lack of interest in human rights violations of Palestinian women or their lack of access to education and health services. Though Brooks travelled from Australia to the Middle East, she failed to develop partnerships with the women she met and distanced herself from them. This underscores the veracity of Amal’s observation in Abdel Fattah’s novel: “It’s mainly the migrants in my life who have inspired me to understand what it means to be an Aussie” (340). 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