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Journal articles on the topic 'Annales (Tacitus)'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 16 February 2022

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1

den Hengst, Daan. "Naturalis sermonis pulchritudo?" Grotiana 29, no. 1 (2008): 77–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187607508x384706.

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AbstractThe subject of this article is the way in which Grotius imitated his Roman model Tacitus in his own Annales. He does this by quotations and allusions, but also, more subtly, by adopting some of Tacitus stylistic peculiarities like brevitas, inconcinnitas and the insertion of sententiae. The imitation of Tacitus is most conspicuous in important sections of the Annales like the opening chapters and the introductions of the main characters. Tacitus is the prime model of Grotius, but not the only one, as is shown by borrowings from Sallust, Pliny the Younger and Vergil.

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2

Ando, Clifford. "Tacitus, Annales VI: Beginning and End *." American Journal of Philology 118, no. 2 (1997): 285–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.1997.0018.

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Selles, Ramon. "Tacitus en het toneel van Nero." Lampas 53, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/lam2020.1.005.sell.

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Summary On the basis of a broad perspective on theatricality and tragedy in imperial Rome this article argues that theatrical and tragic elements play an important role in the episode on the death of Nero’s mother Agrippina in Tacitus’ Annals 14.1-10. These elements fall into three categories: 1) theatricality, 2) generic, tragic elements and 3) allusions to specific tragic texts. These evocations of the (tragic) stage serve to underscore Tacitus’ characterization of the reign of Nero and of imperial Roman society in general as fundamentally artificial. Tacitus’ use of tragic material does not reflect an Aristotelian, tragic vision of history, but rather stresses the theatricality of the historical events, drawing upon a cultural memory of Nero and Agrippina as the creators of, and actors in, their own farcical world. At the same time the episode is presented by Tacitus as the paradigmatic starting point of Nero’s engagement in various forms of spectacle entertainment (Annales, 14.11-22). In Tacitus’ presentation of the aftermath of the murder theatricality and spectacle represent a moral decline characterized by lascivia and licentia, reflecting Tacitus’ moral concerns.

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Gonçalves, Carla Vieira. "Typical portraits of roman historiography in Tacitus’ Annales." Boletim de Estudos Clássicos 59 (2014): 75–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0872-2110_59_5.

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5

Waszink, Jan. "Shifting Tacitisms. Style and Composition in Grotius's Annales." Grotiana 29, no. 1 (2008): 85–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187607508x384715.

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AbstractThe purpose of this article is to assess the nature and proper context of Grotius's imitation of Tacitus. It starts by establishing how the Tacitean style is characterised in the literary criticism around 1600. It then explores the qualities of Grotius's imitation from both the seventeenth-century and the modern perspective. It concludes that Grotius's imitation shows Tacitus's style in a characteristically seventeenth-century mirror, in that it emphasises Tacitean syntax, brevity and choice of words (the stylistic micro-level), as well as political edge and iudicium, but overlooks the narrative and structural qualities of the longer lines of composition in Tacitus's works, that are recognised in modern interpretations.

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6

Böhm, Richard G. "Textkritische Untersuchungen zu Tacitus, "Annales" XV 4." Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica 47, no. 2 (1994): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20547252.

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7

Philo, John-Mark. "Elizabeth I’s Translation of Tacitus: Lambeth Palace Library, MS 683." Review of English Studies 71, no. 298 (November 29, 2019): 44–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgz112.

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Abstract Preserved at Lambeth Palace Library is a manuscript translation of Tacitus’s Annales, completed in the late sixteenth century. The translation was undertaken, this essay argues, by Elizabeth I. The article makes the case for the queen’s authorship with an appeal to paper stock, provenance, style of translation, and, above all, to the handwriting preserved in the manuscript. The queen’s late hand was strikingly idiosyncratic and the same features which characterize her autograph works are also to be found in the Lambeth translation of Tacitus. The manuscript’s transmission is traced from the Elizabethan court to Lambeth via the collection of Archbishop Thomas Tenison (1636–1715), whose acquisition of Francis Bacon’s (1561–1626) manuscripts helped to make Lambeth Palace Library one of the largest collections of State Papers from the Elizabethan era. The article then compares the authorial corrections made to the Lambeth Tacitus with those which Elizabeth made to her other translations with a special focus on the idiosyncrasies of the queen’s late hand. Finally, Elizabeth’s translation is compared with Richard Greenway’s translation of the Annales (1598), highlighting the methods of translation adopted by either translator. While Greenway expands for the sake of clarity, reworking Tacitus’s remarkably terse prose, Elizabeth preserves something of the historian’s celebrated brevity, closely reproducing the syntax of the original. By examining both the material aspects of the manuscript and the stylistic qualities of the translation itself, this article offers the first study of Elizabeth I’s translation of Tacitus.

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Blom, Willem J. C. "Why the Testimonium Taciteum Is Authentic: A Response to Carrier." Vigiliae Christianae 73, no. 5 (October 9, 2019): 564–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341409.

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Abstract The reference to Christ in Tacitus’ Annales is one of the earliest references to Jesus by a non-Christian author. Although this so-called “Testimonium Taciteum” is generally accepted as authentic, arguments against the authenticity of the passage given by Richard Carrier have not yet received a thorough response. In this article, I will argue that the arguments against authenticity of the Testimonium Taciteum do not rest on solid ground, nor does the alternative interpretation of the passage by Carrier. On the other hand, it is probable that Tacitus referred in his passage to the persecution of Christians, although that persecution may have been less connected with the fire of Rome than is commonly suggested. There are also four arguments that favour the authenticity of the Testimonium.

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9

Simões Rodrigues, Nuno. "A violação de Britânico (Tac. Ann. 13.17) = Britannicus’ Rape (Tac. Ann. 13.17)." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie II, Historia Antigua, no. 33 (November 1, 2020): 97122. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfii.33.2020.28472.

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Este estudo foca-se na biografia de Britânico, filho de Cláudio e Valéria Messalina, analisando em particular as informações transmitidas por Tácito nos Annales. Esta obra é também a única fonte que dá conta de que Britânico teria sido sexualmente violado por Nero, seu irmão por adoptio, cunhado e concorrente ao poder. Pretendemos, assim, analisar também a referência ao stuprum do jovem príncipe e o seu significado na historiografia de Tácito.AbstractThis essay focuses on the biography of Britannicus, son of Claudius and Valeria Messalina, considering particularly the information transmitted by Tacitus in the Annales. Tacitus’ work is also the only source that realizes that Britannicus would have been sexually assaulted by Nero, his brother by adoption, brother-in-law and rival as far as power was concerned. Thus, we also intend to analyse the reference to the stuprum of the young prince and its meaning within the historiography of Tacitus.

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10

Belchior, Ygor Klain, and Fábio Faversani. "The role of Seneca's clementia in the Annales of Publius Cornelius Tacitus." Revista Archai, no. 3 (2009): 119–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1984-249x_3_14.

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11

Ferri, Rolando. "Octavia's Heroines: Tacitus Annales 14.63-64 and the Praetexta Octavia." Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 98 (1998): 339. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/311347.

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12

Pagán, Victoria E. "Beyond Teutoburg: Transgression and Transformation in Tacitus Annales 1.61-62." Classical Philology 94, no. 3 (July 1999): 302–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/449444.

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13

Coarelli, Filippo. "P. Faianius Plebeius, Forum Novum and Tacitus." Papers of the British School at Rome 73 (November 2005): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200002981.

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P. FAIANIUS PLEBEIUS, FORUM NOVUM E TACITOUn'iscrizionedi Forum Novum(CILIX 4786) menziona l'attività evergetica di un P. Faianius Plebeius, personaggio eminente e magistrato del municipio all'inizio dell'impero. Si tratta esclusivamente di opere idrauliche (un acquedotto, fontane), in gran parte realizzate a spese di Faianius, utilizzando l'acqua di sorgenti di sua proprietà. Il percorso dell'acquedotto, in parte conservato, permette di identificare il sito di queste sorgenti e il fundus relativo, di cui fanno parte una villa e un grande sepolcro ad esedra. La rarità del gentilizio e una serie di altri indizi giustificano la possibile identificazione del personaggio con il Faianius menzionato da Tacito (Annales 1.73.1-2), accusato di maiestas nel primo anno del regno di Tiberio.

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O'Gorman, E. "Review. Sententious Tacitus. Tacitus the sententious historian. A sociology of rhetoric in Annales 1-6. P Sinclair." Classical Review 46, no. 2 (February 1, 1996): 251–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/46.2.251.

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15

van der Poel, Marc. "Tacitean Elements in Grotius's Narrative of the Capture of Breda (1590) by Stadtholder Maurice, Count of Nassau (Historiae, Book 2)." Grotiana 30, no. 1 (2009): 207–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/016738309x12537002674600.

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AbstractThis article is part of the Dossier on Tacitus published in last year's issue of Grotiana. It offers a combined study of both the content and the language and style of Grotius' account of the capture of Breda in the second book of the Historiae, published in 1657 together with the Annales under the title Annales et Historiae de rebus Belgicis. A thorough analysis of Grotius' account of this eventful and dramatic turning point in the Dutch revolt reveals that it is nothing but a defective and occasionally unclear rehearsel of the standard narrative of the capture based on the well-known and in Grotius' day widely read history-books written in French and Dutch. The rather artificial imitation of Tacitus's brevitas on the stylistic level does not suffice to qualify Grotius's account as a masterful piece of Tacitean writing, because it does not highlight the motives of the chief characters in the story nor the connection between the events and their effects, and because Grotius fails to present his own perspective on this important episode in the war against Spain.

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16

Champion, Craige, and Patrick Sinclair. "Tacitus the Sententious Historian: A Sociology of Rhetoric in "Annales" 1-6." Classical World 90, no. 4 (1997): 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351952.

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Buongiorno, Pierangelo. "The Roman Senate and Armenia (190 BC–AD 68)." Electrum 28 (2021): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.21.008.13366.

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Even with the Principate, the Senate kept a major role in Rome’s diplomatic relations with Armenia. This paper will examine the extant evidence of the senatorial decrees, paying a special attention to the decrees dating to the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius. These decrees can be reconstructed analysing some relevant epigraphic texts (the Res Gestae divi Augusti, the Senatus consultum de Cn. Pisone patre, the Senatus consultum de honoribus Germanico decernendis) and a source of absolute importance as the Annales of Tacitus.

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Damon, Cynthia. "Aske Damtoft Poulsen. Accounts of Northern Barbarians in Tacitus’ Annales: A Contextual Analysis." Mouseion 16, no. 2 (August 2019): 379–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/mous.16.2.br06.

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Ash, Rhiannon. "Waving the White Flag: Surrender Scenes at Livy 9.5–6 and Tacitus, Histories 3.31 and 4.62." Greece and Rome 45, no. 1 (April 1998): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gr/45.1.27.

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Intertextuality in Classical Literature can operate on different scales. Even a single distinctive word or string of words may briefly conjure up an isolated phrase from another author. For example, when Tacitus says at Histories 2.12.2 that the Othonians approached northern Italy and ‘tamquam externa litora et urbes hostium urere vastare rapere’, ‘burned, devastated, and plundered as if they were attacking foreign shores and enemy cities’, the text may momentarily recall a fragment from Naevius’ epic, the Bellum Punicum: ‘transit Melitam exercitus Romanus. insulam integram urit populatur vastat’ ‘The Roman army crossed to Malta. It burned, ravaged, and devastated the whole island.’ If the Bellum Punicum had not been reduced to such a fragmentary state, then it doubtless would have been possible to detect further evocative Naevian phrasing in Tacitus and other authors. Alternatively, intertextuality can be more cohesive and sustained, as when Tacitus at Histories 3.84 invests his description of the capture of Rome by the Flavians with echoes from Virgil's account of the fall of Troy in Aeneid 2. Of course this was not the end of the chain: Virgil himself probably describes the fall of Troy in terms which evoked Ennius’ account of the fall of Alba Longa in the Annales.

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Miller, N. P. "Tidying up Tacitus - K. Wellesley: Cornelius Tacitus, 1.2: Annales XI–XVI. (Bibl. Teubneriana.) Pp. i–xxi + 202. Leipzig: Teubner, 1986. 45 M." Classical Review 38, no. 2 (October 1988): 261–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00121419.

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21

Waddell, Philip. "Eloquent Collisions: The Annales of Tacitus, the Column of Trajan, and the Cinematic Quick-Cut." Arethusa 46, no. 3 (2013): 471–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/are.2013.0024.

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22

Laupot, Eric. "Tacitus' Fragment 2: the Anti-Roman Movement of the Christiani and the Nazoreans." Vigiliae Christianae 54, no. 3 (2000): 233–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007200x00143.

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AbstractThere is little consensus as to the historical nature of the sect identified by Tacitus in Annales 15.44 as the Christiani. Nor is there any firm consensus on the authenticity and historicity of all of that fragment known as Tacitus' fragment 2 (= Sulpicius Severus (Chronica 2.30.6-7), whose references to "Christiani" are widely suspected of being later Christian interpolations. Much of this fragment is thought, nevertheless, to be from the lost portion of the fifth book of Tacitus' Historiae. A solution can be found to both of these problems by adducing from fragment 2 new evidence indicating that this fragment indeed represents a primary historical source. This new evidence takes the form of the discovery of a significant statistical relationship among the following three words: (1) The metaphor stirps (branch, descendants) used to describe the Christiani in fragment 2, (2) and (3) Nαζωραîoζ and Nαζαρηνoζ (Nazorean), describing the New Testament sect associated with the of Acts 11.26. The connecting link among, as well as the common source for, the three words listed above appears to be the Hebrew netser (branch, descendants-apparently influenced by Isa 11.1), which both translates into stirps and translitcrates into N It is mathematically extremely unlikely that this link with netser represents a random coincidence. Also, it appears that a later Christian redactor of fragment 2 or his target audience would not have known of this connection. Because of this and other contextual explanations, the possibility is largely eliminated that fragment 2 could have been significantly redacted by a later Christian. We are thus left with the substantial probability that this fragment constitutes a primary historical source, most likely via Tacitus. In turn this source supplies us with a probable solution to the problem of the Christiani's identity by depicting them in fragment 2 as being major participants in the first Jewish revolt against Rome in 66-73 CE.

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Pomeroy, Arthur J. "TACITUS, ANNALS 4 - C. Formicola (ed., trans.) Tacito. Il libro quarto degli Annales. (Studi Latini 83.) Pp. 285. Naples: Loffredo Editore, 2013. Paper, €18.50. ISBN: 978-88-7564-635-6." Classical Review 65, no. 1 (October 27, 2014): 155–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x14001954.

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Martin, R. H. "The ‘Leipzig’ Annals Completed - Stefan Borzsák: Cornelius Tacitus, Tom. I.1: Annales I–VI. (Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana.) Pp. xvi + 156. Stuttgart and Leipzig: Teubner1992, DM 68." Classical Review 43, no. 2 (October 1993): 286–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00287349.

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Martin, R. H. "A New Text of the Annals - H. Heubner: P. Cornelius Tacitus, Tom. I: Annales. (Bibliotheca scriptorum graecorum et romanorum Teubneriana.) Pp. xi + 481. Stuttgart: Teubner, 1983. Paper, DM. 48." Classical Review 35, no. 1 (April 1985): 38–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00107243.

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26

Heller, Wendy. "Tacitus Incognito: Opera as History in "L'incoronazione di Poppea"." Journal of the American Musicological Society 52, no. 1 (1999): 39–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/832024.

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This essay considers opera's use of a particular history in seventeenth-century Venice: Cornelius Tacitus's Annals of the Roman Empire as transformed in Monteverdi's and Busenello's L'incoronazione di Poppea. In contrast with a recent hypothesis linking Tacitus, Poppea, and the Venetian Accademia degli Incogniti with Neostoicism, this essay argues that the members of the Accademia degli Incogniti used Tacitus's history of the Julio-Claudians as part of a highly specialized republican discourse on Venetian political superiority and sensual pleasures. After considering Incogniti philosophies and interest in the erotic in the context of Venetian political ideals and the influence of Tacitus on political and moral thought in early modern Europe, this essay places L'incoronazione di Poppea in the context of several other treatments of Tacitus produced during the mid-seventeenth century by Busenello's colleagues in the Accademia degli Incogniti, in which empire and the liabilities of female power are contrasted implicitly with Venice's male oligarchy. The Venetian rejection of Stoic philosophy and fascination with the erotic and the patriotic play themselves out in one of the opera's most peculiar distortions of the historical record-the scene following the death of Seneca in which the philosopher's nephew, the poet Marcus Annaeus Lucanus, known in Venice for his republican ideals, joins the emperor Nero in song to celebrate his uncle's death and Poppea's charms. As transformed by Monteverdi's sexually explicit music, Lucan's endorsement of artistic self-expression, sensual freedom, and republican ideals provides a critical counterpoint to Senecan support of the principate and moral restraint-a view that was far more compatible with Venetian concerns at midcentury.

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Keitel, Elizabeth, and D. C. A. Shotter. "Tacitus: Annals IV." Classical World 84, no. 6 (1991): 492. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350944.

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Ash, Rhiannon. "F. Santoro L'Hoir, Tragedy, Rhetoric and the Historiography of Tacitus' Annales. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2006. Pp. viii + 401. ISBN 978-0-472-11519-8. £52.50/US$85.00." Journal of Roman Studies 98 (November 1, 2008): 250–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435800002227.

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Heisey, Daniel J., Tacitus, R. H. Martin, and A. J. Woodman. "Tacitus: Annals Book IV." Classical World 84, no. 6 (1991): 505. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350960.

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Seager, Robin. "Tacitus, Annals 1.7.1–5." Classical Quarterly 52, no. 2 (December 2002): 627–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/52.2.627.

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Williams, Bronwyn. "Reading Tacitus' Tiberian Annals." Ramus 18, no. 1-2 (1989): 140–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00003076.

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It takes a great deal of history to produce a little literature.Henry James, Life of Nathaniel HawthorneHistory is not what you thought. It is what you can remember.W.C. Sellar & R.G. Yeatman, 1066 And All ThatAs history Tacitus' Annals pose problems. On the one hand meticulously researched — on the other obfuscatory; self-avowedly unprejudiced and conspicuously prejudicial; evocative more than discursive; necessarily reliant upon the flawed historical tradition which they set out to correct. As historical epic they evidence rhetorical mastery and greatness of vision; a sense of dramatic moment and vivid rendering of character; a sense of history as dramatic process, seen through the eyes of contemporary and later observers. Moreover they engage the reader narratologically; point the distinction between Tacitus' insights and those of his occasionally self-deceived, subjective persona, ‘the historian’; signal a mechanism for interpreting the seeming distortions and inconsistencies of the text. This essay looks at six interrelated apsects of the Tiberian Annals, which elucidate Tacitus' purpose and vision as historical epicist, and which fix the rules by which the whole of the Annals are to be read and understood.

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Khellaf, Kyle. "TACITUS THE TRAGEDIAN - (F.) Galtier L'image tragique de l'Histoire chez Tacite. Étude des schèmes tragiques dans les Histoires et les Annales. (Collection Latomus 333.) Pp. 344. Brussels: Éditions Latomus, 2011. Paper, €53. ISBN: 978-2-87031-274-2." Classical Review 64, no. 1 (March 20, 2014): 151–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x1300276x.

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Morford, Mark, and Herbert Benario. "Tacitus: Annals 11 and 12." Classical World 79, no. 1 (1985): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4349814.

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Leigh, Matthew. "TACITUS, ANNALS 1.1.1 AND ARISTOTLE." Classical Quarterly 63, no. 1 (April 24, 2013): 452–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838812000729.

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The first sentence of the Annals reads urbem Romam a principio reges habuere. Commentators observe the echo of Sallust, Catiline 6.1 urbem Romam, sicuti ego accepi, condidere atque habuere initio Troiani, and of Claudius, ILS 212 quondam reges hanc tenuere urbem. In a stimulating recent contribution David Levene also compares the first sentence of Justinus' Epitome of the Histories of Pompeius Trogus: principio rerum gentium nationumque imperium penes reges erat. A fourth potential model may now be taken into consideration: Ἀθηναῖοι τὸ μὲν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐχρῶντο βασιλɛίαι.

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35

Shaw-smith, R. "Two notes on Tacitus, Annals." Classical Quarterly 47, no. 1 (May 1997): 327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/47.1.327.

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Ann. 11.11: nam is quoque (Domitian) edidit ludos saecularis iisque intentius adfui sacerdotio quindecimvirali praeditus ac tune praetor; quod non iactantia refero sed quia collegio quindecimvirum antiquitus ea cura et magistratus potissimum exequebantur officia caerimoniarum.

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Murgia, Charles E. "Tacitus Annals 2. 8. 2." Classical Philology 80, no. 3 (July 1985): 244–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/366929.

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37

Rutledge, Steven. "Trajan and Tacitus' Audience: Reader Reception of Annals 1-2." Ramus 27, no. 2 (1998): 141–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00001879.

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In his monumental work on Tacitus, Syme suggested that Tacitus made veiled criticisms directed against Hadrian in the Annals; subsequent scholars have not always accepted his suggestion. Yet those scholars who are sceptical of Syme's argument have not yet, on the whole, taken up the question of the reception of Tacitus' work by his contemporaries; this is a peculiar gap, when one considers the politically charged nature of Tacitus' Annals, which places under a miscroscope not only individual emperors, but the institution of the principate itself. It is, therefore, the intent of this essay to examine the audience's reception of Tacitus' Annals within the work's historical and cultural context: for Tacitus' audience (which I assume to consist primarily of elite males of senatorial and equestrian status), an understanding of the past about which he writes was made meaningful in part, I should like to suggest, by the present. Such an approach results in an open-ended understanding of the work, and decentralises it from its author in favour of the audience. The end result is a text which simultaneously questions even as it reaffirms Trajan as princeps.

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Huyck, Jefferds. "BYZANTINE SEAHORSES IN TACITUS' ANNALS, 12.63.2." Classical Quarterly 66, no. 1 (May 2016): 261–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838816000318.

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quippe Byzantium fertili solo, fecundo mari, quia uis piscium in metapontum erumpens et obliquis subter undas saxis exterrita omisso alterius litoris flexu hos ad portus defertur.For Byzantium is favoured with fertile soil and teeming seas, since a multitude of fish, bursting out (of the Pontus?) and spooked by rocks slanting beneath the water, leave off the curve of the opposite shore and are wafted to these harbours. That is the text of the second Medicean and all of its descendants. For centuries now the unfitness of the words in metapontum has been obvious to editors. J. Lipsius conjectured innumera Pontum (1585), G. Brotier innumera Ponto (1771), N. Bach and G.A. Ruperti immensa Pontum (each in 1834). F. Ritter returned to the problem again and again, first proposing immensa Ponto (1834), then immensum Ponto, i.e. ‘immensa multitudine’ (1848), and finally in meatu Ponti (1863). Bach's and Ruperti's remedy is clearly the most efficient. Modern editors agree in printing uis piscium immensa (i.e. inmēsa) Pontum erumpens, ‘an immense multitude of fish, bursting out of the Pontus'. Neat, but perhaps unnecessary. My object here is to defend the text of the manuscripts.

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39

Morgan, Llewelyn. "Tacitus, Annals 4.70: an unappreciated pun." Classical Quarterly 48, no. 02 (December 1998): 585–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/48.2.585.

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40

Cowan, Eleanor. "Tacitus, Tiberius and Augustus." Classical Antiquity 28, no. 2 (October 1, 2009): 179–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2009.28.2.179.

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Tacitus makes much of Tiberius' dependence upon Augustus. This article examines four citations of Augustan precedent which occur in the Annals: 1.77.1––3; 2.37––38.5; 4.37––38.3 and 6.3.1––3. In each case, I explore how the citation of precedent functions within the individual incident that Tacitus narrates, observing the ways in which the meaning(s) of Augustus' dicta are constructed, manipulated and even contested by the individuals Tacitus describes. I conclude by making some suggestions about the role of Tiberius' dependence upon Augustan precedent in the narrative as a whole.

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41

Weigel, Richard D., and Harold Y. McCulloch,. "Narrative Cause in the Annals of Tacitus." Classical World 80, no. 4 (1987): 327. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350053.

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42

Swan, P. M., and Harold Y. McCullough. "Narrative Cause in the Annals of Tacitus." Phoenix 41, no. 1 (1987): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088607.

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43

Woodman, A. J. "The Preface to Tacitus' Annals: More Sallust?" Classical Quarterly 42, no. 2 (December 1992): 567–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800016268.

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Commentators on the Annals naturally observe that the famous first sentence of Tacitus' preface (‘Urbem Romam a principio reges habuere’) alludes to the preface of Sallust's Bellum Catilinae (6.1 ‘Urbem Romam, sicuti ego accepi, condidere atque habuere initio Troiani’). But it seems that none of them has observed a further allusion to Sallust's preface in the last sentence of Tacitus', which is almost equally famous (1.1.3)

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44

Woodman, A. J. (Anthony John). "Mutiny and Madness: Tacitus Annals 1.16-49." Arethusa 39, no. 2 (2006): 303–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/are.2006.0019.

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45

DeRousse, Peter. "A Textual Problem at Tacitus Annals 2.88.1." Mnemosyne 60, no. 4 (2007): 651–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852507x169672.

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46

McNamara, James. "Shannon-Henderson, K.E. (2019). Religion and Memory in Tacitus’ Annals." ARYS. Antigüedad: Religiones y Sociedades, no. 18 (December 14, 2020): 488. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2020.5692.

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47

MURGATROYD, PAUL. "TACITUS ON THE DEATH OF OCTAVIA." Greece and Rome 55, no. 2 (August 18, 2008): 263–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383508000569.

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Scholars so far have commented only briefly on Tacitus' depiction, at Annals 14.60–4, of the execution (in ad 62) of Nero's young wife Octavia, passing lightly over the pathos and criticism of Nero there as straightforward and self-evident. In fact, there is a subtle and skilful build-up of sympathy for Octavia and an extensive and powerful attack on the emperor and his court (and the servile senate), all the stronger for the pity aroused for her. This combination of emotional impact and damning indictment merits and repays deeper analysis.

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48

Haynes, Holly, and Ellen O'Gorman. "Irony and Misreading in the Annals of Tacitus." Classical World 95, no. 1 (2001): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352627.

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49

Luce, T. J., and Ellen O'Gorman. "Irony and Misreading in the "Annals" of Tacitus." Phoenix 56, no. 3/4 (2002): 374. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1192613.

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Harrison, S. J. "Ferox scelerum? A note on Tacitus, Annals 4.12.2." Classical Quarterly 44, no. 2 (December 1994): 557–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800044086.

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Commentators on this passage have drawn attention to the unusual genitive in the phrase ferox scelerum, ‘fierce in his crimes’: ‘this adj. seems here alone to take an objective genitive’, says Furneaux, while Martin and Woodman state that ‘the dependent genitive of an external attribute, evidently on the analogy of its use with personal characteristics (e.g. Ovid, Met. 8.613 mentis), seems unparalleled and is perhaps intended to suggest that Sejanus' criminality was innate’. Most commentators add a reference to Sallust's description of Jugurtha as sceleribus suis ferox (Jug. 14.21), but that passage is no help as a parallel for the construction, since it gives the ablative usual after ferox in Tacitus and other writers to describe the reason for ferocity (cf. Agr. 27.1 fama ferox, Hist .1.51.1 ferox praeda, Ann. 1.3.4 robore corporis stolide ferocem, TLL 6.567.76ff.).

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