To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Apartheid rule on SME.
Journal articles on the topic 'Apartheid rule on SME'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Apartheid rule on SME.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Dubbeld, Bernard. "ENVISIONING GOVERNANCE: EXPECTATIONS AND ESTRANGEMENTS OF TRANSFORMED RULE IN GLENDALE, SOUTH AFRICA." Africa 83, no. 3 (2013): 492–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972013000284.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThis article explores how, in the village of Glendale in KwaZulu-Natal, residents and local government officials – including councillors and municipal technicians – ‘see’ the post-apartheid state. I show how residents of the village regard the government – despite extensive state intervention – as inadequate, complaining especially of their ‘invisible’ and ‘impersonal’ character. Indeed, for them, democracy has brought anything but ‘direct rule’. And yet, while chiefly rule is sometimes invoked as a favoured alternative, I argue that people's estrangement from democratic government is not the desire to return to ‘culture’ but rather an expression of structural difficulties central to South Africa's increasingly tenuous experiment with participatory democracy. I suggest that these difficulties are also not reducible to state failure or corruption but point towards contradictions in contemporary citizenship.
2
Singh, Sachil Flores. "Social sorting as ‘social transformation’: Credit scoring and the reproduction of populations as risks in South Africa." Security Dialogue 46, no. 4 (2015): 365–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010615582125.
Full textAbstract:
In this article, I show that credit scoring, although not explicitly designed as a security device, enacts (in)security in South Africa. By paying attention to a brief history of state-implemented social categories, we see how the dawn of political democracy in 1994 marked an embrace of – not opposition to – their inheritance by the African National Congress. The argument is placed within a theoretical framework that dovetails David Lyon’s popularization of ‘social sorting’ with an extension of Harold Wolpe’s understanding of apartheid and capitalism. This bridging between Lyon and Wolpe is developed to advance the view that apartheid is a social condition whose historical social categories of rule have been reproduced since 1994 in the framing of credit legislation, policy and scoring. These categories are framed in the ‘new’ South Africa as indicators of ‘social transformation’. Through the lens of credit scoring, in particular, it is demonstrated that ‘social transformation’ not only influences, shapes and reproduces historical forms of social categories, but also serves the state’s attempt to create and maintain populations as risks.
3
Nolutshungu, Sam C. "Beyond the gold standard?: the idea of a (post-apartheid) university." Journal of Modern African Studies 37, no. 3 (1999): 373–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x99003080.
Full textAbstract:
We cannot do better than Marcello Cecco's (1984: 1) concise definition of an international gold standard: it exists ‘when gold is the effective numeraire in most countries, and/or when the other means of payment used as monetary numeraire in those countries are readily redeemable in gold at their bearers' request’. Such a standard existed from the mid-1890s to 1914, even though Britain went on the gold standard much earlier than that, in 1816, and Germany a little over a half century later, in 1871. The Latin Union in Europe (France, Belgium, Switzerland and Italy) did not join effectively until 1900 (Mertens 1994). Many claims were, and are still made for the system: that it facilitated international trade by providing a uniform standard of value; and as an automatic adjustment system, it freed markets from the (nationalistic) interference of public authorities while it created price equalisation in traded goods and ensured, over a protracted period, price stability.The ‘Gold Standard’ in the title of this talk refers to the ‘academic gold standard’ invoked by Lord Ashby (1964; see also Austin 1980), one time Master of Clare College, Cambridge, a British educationist who was deeply involved with the development of universities in the later years of colonial rule in British West Africa. Although the University of the Witwatersrand and the city of Johannesburg owe a great deal to the gold industry, my talk is not about money or the metal's place in it. It is about the metaphorical ‘academic gold standard’.
4
Hossain, Md Kohinoor. "Influence of Religiopoliticology and Duressed Womankind: Perspective Bangladesh." International Journal of Islamic Business & Management 2, no. 2 (2018): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.46281/ijibm.v2i2.217.
Full textAbstract:
The world is continuing at its own orbiting and fugitive for the adamboma or bomb of Adam in the womankind and mankind, who are classified into the four generations, and they are religious world, nonreligious world, scientist world and humanitarian world but the people of Bangladesh are in the same kind like the world people to find out God and how they use religions, which is that have discussed by this paper. Bangladesh is a land of ice-aged. It has ancient beliefs, fear, and faiths, which are convinced on the inter-ward eyes, concise and understanding. The original people of her are Non-Aryan. Aryans come to here from the Persian and Middle East countries in the caravan of the rules of the chronology, many foreigners who come to Bengal, they are Greeks, Europeans, and Africans, all of them capture Bengali and they rule Bengal. They snatch away their own land, language, culture, economics, politics, beliefs, and love-nets. Here makes up all official religions, someone is downtrodden by them who remake apartheid in the society of Bengal, this is why they are de-throne from their own land, and they try to live as a freedom where they make up folk-religions. Bengalees learn the foreigners’ religions and they convert into these official religions. The rulers of Bengal rule them as following the religious doctrines only for getting votes when they need to play political power playing and that is why they use them. They use many styles of God theory. The Bengalees, they can how to use the orders of God that will be sought out in this paper. This paper seeks that how the cultic dynamics radicalization runs in Bangladesh and what is the best concept of God in Bangladesh. All people live in equal in the land of God in Bangladesh that empirically applies, for the globe.
5
Adetiba, Toyin Cotties. "South Africa’s Military and Peacekeeping Efforts: A new paradigm shift in its foreign policy since 1994." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 9, no. 5 (2017): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v9i5.1920.
Full textAbstract:
One of the South Africa's great soft power attributes has been the attraction and power of its transition to inclusive democratic governance after a long period of apartheid rule. This gave South Africa a certain moral authority and prestige to play very significant roles in conflict resolution and mediation through peacekeeping operations. Every government in an ever-changing and dynamic geopolitical environment ensure that its defence force cum foreign policy conform to the international environment while aiming at the defence and protection of its national interests. Using interpretive approach; this work argues that; fundamentally, there are three basic factors that reinforce South Africa’s participation in peacekeeping which are politics, economy and security. By extension these three elements is considered a transformational agent of South Africa’s economy. SANDF is, therefore, considered a dynamic and exceptional foreign policy tool that complements and at same time enhances South Africa’s diplomatic manoeuvrings and influence within the wider international developments. It is concluded that South Africa’s multilateral and foreign policy agendas have been driven by the pursuit of its national interest while trying to ensure peace in other African states.
6
Gupta, Anirudha. "Sanctions against South Africa: Some Issues and Implications." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, no. 3 (1986): 274–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200304.
Full textAbstract:
Two diametrically opposite views hare been advanced on the subject of sanctions against South Africa. One supports sanctions on the ground that, 1. sanctions will facilitate the end of apartheid and 2. timely imposition of sanctions can avoid an all-out racial blood-bath in Southern Africa. India's Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi has been the foremost advocate of this argument. In his address at the Harare Summit of the Non-aligned Movement, 2–6 September 1986, he reiterated that‘sanctions could yet bring a relatively peaceful transition to racial equality and majority rule. Else, unprecedented violence would mow down a multitude of the finest flowers of South Africa.‘1 Opposing this view others argue that, 1. sanctions are immoral; 2. they will hurt South Africa's blacks more than the whites and 3. that at any rate sanctions are impracticable. The champ ionof this “no-sanction-business” is Britain's Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher, who observed towards the close of the Commonwealth Meeting that sanctions would only harm the blacks and frontline states and so she would not like to be accused of causing‘greater hardship to the people of South Africa.’2 Mrs Thatcher also warned that imposition of sanctions would hurt the British economy as well as render some 250,000 British workers jobless. In addition to giving a new angle to the sanction debate, she obviously picked up this theme to impress the British voters.
7
Rafapa, Lesibana. "Indigeneity in modernity. The cases of Kgebetli Moele and Niq Mhlongo." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 55, no. 1 (2018): 90–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9070/tvl.v.55i1.3038.
Full textAbstract:
The study of South African English literature written by black people in the postapartheid period has focused, among others, on the so-called Hillbrow novels of Phaswane Mpe and Niq Mhlongo, and narratives such as Kgebetli Moele's Book of the Dead (2009) set in Pretoria. A number of studies show how the fiction of these writers handles black concerns that some critics believe to have replaced a thematic preoccupation with apartheid, as soon as political freedom was attained in 1994. However, adequate analyses are yet to be made of works produced by some of these black writers in their more rounded scrutiny of the first decade of democracy, apart from what one may describe as an indigenous/traditional weaning from preoccupation with the theme of apartheid. This study intends to fill this gap, as well as examine how such a richer social commentary is refracted in its imaginative critique of South African democratic life beyond its first decade of existence. I consider Mhlongo's novels Dog Eat Dog (2004) and After Tears (2007); together with Moele's narratives reflecting on the same epoch Room 207 (2006) and The Book of the Dead (2009). For the portrayal of black lives after ten years of democracy, I unpack the discursive content of Mhlongo's and Moele's novels Way Back Home (2013) and Untitled (2013) respectively. I probe new ways in which these postapartheid writers critique the new living conditions of blacks in their novelistic discourses. I argue that their evolving approaches interrogate literary imaginaries, presumed modernities and visions on socio-political freedom of a postapartheid South Africa, in ways deserving critical attention.  I demonstrate how Moele and Mhlongo in their novels progressively assert a self-determining indigeneity in a postapartheid modernity unfolding in the context of some pertinent discursive views around ideas such as colourblindness and transnationalism. I show how the discourses of the author's novels enable a comparison both their individual handling of the concepts of persisting institutional racism and the hegemonic silencing of white privilege; and distinguishable ways in which each of the two authors grapples with such issues in their fiction depicting black conditions in the first decade of South African democratic rule, differently from the way they do with portrayals of the socio-economic challenges faced by black people beyond the first ten years of South African democracy.
8
Duffy, Joanne L. "Using Archives in South Africa: Planning a Research Trip in the ‘Information Age’." History in Africa 30 (2003): 421–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003296.
Full textAbstract:
Much has changed since I first undertook research in South Africa six years ago. It is only having recently begun a a new research project that I have realized just how different things are now. Even more has changed since the ending of minority rule, as there has been a restructuring of both the State Archives Service and of the libraries of national deposit, as discussed later in this paper. The paper emerges from my reflections at this time and discusses both my experience of using archives in South Africa in the past and some of the resources which I have been able to make use of in planning my next research trip. My original research was on Afrikaner nationalist politics and identities in the 1930s and 1940s, and I now plan to work on Afrikaner moderates and English-speakers in the United Party during the same period, examining issues of identity and ideology, imperialism and nationalism. My work has taken me to several different archives in South Africa, which fall into two distinct types. The first of these are government archives, and the second are university archives. This paper will draw on my experiences of the archives I visited in 1997 and 1998, and on a brief trip I made to South Africa in 2002.Government archives in South Africa are held by the National Archives of South Africa (NASA), established in 1996 by the National Archives of South Africa Act (No. 43 of 1996). The National Archives replaced the old State Archives Service, and was structured to take into account changes in the provincial structure and to “reflect the post apartheid political order.”
9
Powell, Edward. "Equality or unity? Black Consciousness, white solidarity, and the new South Africa in Nadine Gordimer’s Burger’s Daughter and July’s People." Journal of Commonwealth Literature 54, no. 2 (2017): 225–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021989416687349.
Full textAbstract:
In the early 1970s, the Black Consciousness movement called on black radicals to dissociate themselves from dissident white South Africans, who were accused of frustrating the anti-apartheid cause in order to safeguard their ill-gotten privileges. In turn, liberal whites condemned this separatism as a capitulation to apartheid’s vision of “separate development”, despite the movement’s avowed aspiration towards a nonracial South Africa. This article considers how black separatism affected Nadine Gordimer’s own perspective on the prospect of achieving this aspiration. For Gordimer, Black Consciousness was necessary for black liberation, and she sought ways of reconciling white dissidents with black separatism. Still, these efforts didn’t always sit well together with her continuing belief that if there were to be a place for whites in a majority-ruled South Africa, then they needed to join blacks in a “common culture”. I consider how this tension marks Gordimer’s portraits of whites responding to being rejected by blacks in Burger’s Daughter and July’s People. In both novels, white efforts to resist apartheid’s racial segregations appear to be at odds with black self-liberation, with the effect that whites must find a way of doing without the as-yet deferred prospect of establishing a “common culture” in South Africa.
10
Alderete, María Verónica. "SME E-Cooperation." International Journal of e-Collaboration 8, no. 1 (2012): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jec.2012010104.
Full textAbstract:
Virtual Cooperation among SME firms can be analyzed from different theoretical perspectives. This paper considers e-cooperation among firms under asymmetric information. Firms cooperate jointly to produce some output or service, and they organize in teams whose firms’ characteristics are imperfectly observed. Suppose firms can observe their efforts or actions but they cannot observe the disutility of effort which they can discover after the contract is signed. The objective of this paper is to analyze virtual cooperation contracts under hidden information based on the original papers of Holmstrom (1982) and Rasmussen (1987). Some conditions are derived under which it is possible to implement an optimal sharing rule for a virtual team of SME under a hidden information frame.
11
Giliomee, Hermann. "Afrikaners and the Making of a Radical Survival Plan." Itinerario 27, no. 3-4 (2003): 112–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300020799.
Full textAbstract:
The debate over modern South Africa has been dominated by the question whether continuities between apartheid and segregation existed. Much of apartheid was a tightening or an elaboration of segregation, but there were also features that made it unique. The one was the systematic classification in statutory groups of the entire population, including people of racially mixed origins, which resembles the rule of the Cape by the VOC or Dutch East Company that distinguished among legal status groups. The other distinctive feature of apartheid was its concern with the rehabilitation of subordinate communities up to the point where they could become nations. Using the terminology of German romantic nationalism and mission doctrine rather than that of British indirect rule, apartheid substituted culture and ultimately nation for race.
12
Milde, Michael. "Real Respect for the Rule of Law." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 12, no. 2 (1999): 333–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900002265.
Full textAbstract:
Judging the Judges, Judging Ourselves is an excellent book for at least three reasons. First, it is a critically engaged, firsthand account of a unique legal and political event: the inquiry by South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission into the operation of that country’s legal system under Apartheid. Second, it develops an extended argument for a challengingly normative conception of the rule of law, complete with compelling practical illustrations of what can happen if officials charged with maintaining the integrity of a legal system adopt a less substantive standard. And third, the book is well written and a pleasure to read.South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) represents an unusual attempt to confront, acknowledge and overcome the devastating injustice, violence and hatred generated during the Apartheid era. What makes it unusual is the conscious decision to set aside demands for retributive justice. Instead, by exposing abuses and violations of human rights, and then compensating victims and pardoning confessed perpetrators, the TRC aimed to establish a framework in which former antagonists could set aside adversarial postures and work together to create a new, integrated and just South Africa. Whether this laudable experiment will succeed remains to be seen.What was clear early on was that the TRC could not hope to complete its task if it did not investigate the performance of the legal system and the legal profession under the Apartheid regime. Apartheid was a social and political construct that systematically denied basic human rights to the vast majority of South Africa’s population on the basis of race. A substantial amount of state violence was required to secure this result. But it is a singular, remarkable fact that the racial divide was maintained by a legal system which in many respects resembled its counterparts in liberal democratic societies where the courts actively and successfully protect civil liberties. What is particularly striking is that gross human rights violations were permitted, even approved, by legal institutions that appeared to respect such fundamental legitimacy-conferring principles as the rule of law and judicial independence. Equally troubling is the observation that the system was staffed by functionaries many of whom had unimpeachable credentials as advocates of human rights. So how could this justice system have produced such iniquitous results?
13
Serra, M., L. Cirera, R. Rami-Porta, et al. "Routine positron emission tomography (PET) and selective mediastinoscopy is as good as routine mediastinoscopy to rule out N2 disease in non-small cell lung cancer (NSCLC)." Journal of Clinical Oncology 24, no. 18_suppl (2006): 7031. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2006.24.18_suppl.7031.
Full textAbstract:
7031 Background: To evaluate the presence of mediastinal lymph node spread of NSCLC after changing the clinical staging protocol from routine to selective surgical mediastinal exploration (SME) based on PET. Methods: From 1994 to 2003, routine SME (mediastinoscopy, parasternal mediastinotomy or extended cervical mediastinoscopy) was performed to 655 patients (pts) with NSCLC as the last clinical staging procedure prior to thoracotomy. Those with no mediastinal involvement underwent thoracotomy with lung resection (T) and systematic nodal dissection (SND). From 2004, PET was routinely done in 90 pts and SME was reserved for those with positive mediastinal or hiliar uptake on PET, mediastinal lymph node diameter greater than 1cm in shorter axis on computerized tomography, and in tumors contacting with the mediastinum. All other pts and those with negative SME underwent T and SND. Results: Among 655 pts studied between 1994 and 2003, 236 (36%) had positive SME; 419 underwent T and SND and 40 (6.1%) were classsified as pN2. Of the 90 evaluable pts with PET, 27 had increased uptake in the mediastinum an 17 had positive SME; the remaining 10 ptes with negative SME underwent T and SND and 7 of them were found to have no nodal disease (false positive PET), but three of them were found to have nodal disease. Of the 63 pts with no uptake in the mediastinum, 29 underwent SME for reasons stated above: 5 SME was positive; in 24 SME was negative and the patients underwent T and SND: 21 were pN0 and 3 were pN2. Only 1 tumor of the remaining 34 pts with negative PET who underwent T and SND without SME was classified pN2. Additionally, in 1 pt PET detected N2 disease but not N3. 4 (4.5%) pts with pN2 disease were clinically understaged (negative PET and negative SME) and underwent thoracotomy. 3 pts with positive PET who underwent SME were classified pN0, but they were pN2 (false negative SME). In total, 7 (7.8%) pts with pN2 disease were clinically understaged and underwent T. This rate is not statisticallly different from the 6.1% pN2 tumor found after routine SME. Conclusions: In this preliminary study, this new clinical staging protocol with routine PET and selective SME saves up to 35% of SME and yields a similar rate of pN2 disease compared to routine SME. No significant financial relationships to disclose.
14
Seligson, Milton, and Milton Seligson. "Lay participation in South Africa from apartheid to majority rule." Revue internationale de droit pénal 72, no. 1 (2001): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ridp.721.0273.
Full text
15
Amoah, Christopher, Kahilu Kajimo-Shakantu, and Tanya van Schalkwyk. "The empirical reality of project management failures in the construction of social housing projects in South Africa." Journal of Facilities Management 18, no. 4 (2020): 417–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfm-04-2020-0018.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose The concept of government reconstruction development programme (RDP) social housing in South Africa was rolled out in 1994 after the African National Congress Government came to power when the apartheid rule was abolished. The main aim of the government was to enhance the lifestyles of the poor in society through the provision of houses that they could not afford in the open market. However, many concerns have been reported about the social housing project in terms of poor project implementation and the delivery of deliverables that do not befit the need of the end-users. This study aims to assess the flaws in the application of project management (PM) principles in the construction of these social houses. Design/methodology/approach A quantitative approach was adopted for the study by making use of closed- and open-ended questionnaires to collect data from 1,893 social housing inhabitants in Bloemfontein, Free State. Descriptive statistics and R programming language software were used to analyse the data collected. Findings The findings reveal that there was a profound failure in the application of PM principles in the construction of the social houses leading to the provision of deliverables that do not meet the needs of the beneficiaries. There are also poor project deliverables and lack of consultations that could have probably been prevented had proper PM systems been put in place by the government throughout the project lifecycle. This lack of proper PM philosophies has generated dissatisfaction among the beneficiaries leading to numerous complaints about the social housing programme. Research limitations/implications The survey was done in only RDP housing communities in Bloemfontein in the Free State Province of South Africa; however, the result may be applicable in other RDP housing programmes. Practical implications The empirical results indicate that the government has been providing houses with disregard to project objectives by not instituting an appropriate PM systems; hence, the main objective of providing befitting houses to the less privileged to enhance their living conditions has woefully failed, as the inhabitants do not see any improvement of their social standings after receiving the houses. This means the government might have wasted resources as a result of ineffective PM throughout the project implementation. Originality/value This study has identified PM flaws in the construction of the RDP houses, which have led to poor project deliverables. This study thus gives recommendations with regard to proper PM strategies for the implementation of the same or similar project in the future to achieve project objectives.
16
Konanani Happy Raligilia. "Beyond Foot-Dragging: A Reflection on the Reluctance of South Africa’s National Prosecution Authority to Prosecute Apartheid Crimes in Post-Transitional Justice." Obiter 41, no. 1 (2020): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/obiter.v41i1.10548.
Full textAbstract:
To this day, apartheid is still regarded as one of the most heinous crimes to have affected humankind. The brutality of the apartheid system and its impact not only left devastating effects in the minds of the black majority who were affected by the system, but also drew international attention. This prompted the United Nations Security Council to pass drastic resolutions to try and end the apartheid system. It is important to highlight that apartheid crime was committed at the behest of the-then National Party government at the expense of the black majority. The attainment of democratic rule in 1994 also saw the emergence of the need for transitional justice. However, after 25 years of foot-dragging, the National Prosecution Authority in South Africa has still not been fully committed to prosecute apartheid atrocities. This article examines the crime of apartheid and the impact of the transitional justice process in South Africa. The article further reflects on the National Prosecution Authority’s reluctance to prosecute crimes of apartheid and examines the final report of the People’s Tribunal on Economic Crimes in South Africa.
17
Timothy Johns. "Laughing Off Apartheid: Comedy at the Twilight of White Minority Rule." Journal of Narrative Theory 39, no. 2 (2009): 211–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jnt.0.0029.
Full text
18
Gehrig, Sebastian, James Mark, Paul Betts, Kim Christiaens, and Idesbald Goddeeris. "The Eastern Bloc, Human Rights, and the Global Fight against Apartheid." East Central Europe 46, no. 2-3 (2019): 290–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04602007.
Full textAbstract:
Anti-apartheid advocacy allowed Eastern Bloc countries to reframe their ideological language of solidarity towards African countries into a legalist rhetoric during the 1960s and 70s. Support for international anti-racial discrimination law and self-determination from colonial rule reinforced their ties to Africa after the disenchantment of the Hungarian Uprising. Rights activism against apartheid showcased the socialist Bloc’s active contribution to the international rise of human rights language and international law during the Cold War. By the mid-1970s, however, international rights engagement became problematic for most Eastern European states, and dissidents at home eventually appropriated the term apartheid based on decades of state-mandated international rights activism to criticise socialism.
19
Southall, Roger J. "Post-Apartheid South Africa: Constraints on Socialism." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 2 (1987): 345–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00000410.
Full textAbstract:
Few observers reckon that the white citadel will fall overnight, yet the days of racial minority rule in South Africa are now widely assumed to be running out. But the future can rarely be tamed in advance, and many of the more optimistic scenarios and hopes concerning a transition to a non-racial form of state may well prove to be hopelessly misplaced. Even so, to the extent that it is considered that history is now finally on the move, debate about the nature of opportunities available to, and constraints upon a post-apartheid state becomes not only more legitimate but more urgent. The ambition of this article is to provide a framework for consideration of whether a non-racial South Africa could or will be socialist.
20
Parpworth, Neil. "The South African Constitutional Court: Upholding the Rule of Law and the Separation of Powers." Journal of African Law 61, no. 2 (2017): 273–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855317000158.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe supremacy of the constitution and the rule of law are key features of the post-apartheid legal order in South Africa. For either to have any real value, however, it is necessary that they are interpreted and applied by an independent judiciary that is free from executive influence. This important task has fallen mainly on the Constitutional Court. It has recently been called upon to rule on the lawfulness of the conduct of both the president and the National Assembly and held that both had acted unlawfully and inconsistently with the constitution. In the author's view, this ruling signifies that the maturing court is fully aware of its own constitutional obligations and that, unlike its apartheid era predecessors that were hamstrung by the supremacy of Parliament, it possesses a mandate to check the abuse of power by other branches of government.
21
Zunes, Stephen. "The role of non-violent action in the downfall of apartheid." Journal of Modern African Studies 37, no. 1 (1999): 137–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x99002967.
Full textAbstract:
Against enormous odds, non-violent action proved to be a major factor in the downfall of apartheid in South Africa, and the establishment of a democratic black majority government, despite predictions that the transition could come only through a violent revolutionary cataclysm. This was largely the result of conditions working against a successful armed overthrow of the system, combined with the ability of the anti-apartheid opposition to take advantage of the system's economic dependence on a cooperative black labour force. This article traces the history of nonviolent resistance to apartheid, its initial failures, and the return in the 1980s to a largely non-violent strategy which, together with international sanctions, forced the government to negotiate a peaceful transfer to majority rule.
22
Park, Byungjun, and Jongpil Jeong. "A Novel Rule-based MPS model for SME Manufacturing Factory in Korea." Procedia Computer Science 155 (2019): 716–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.procs.2019.08.103.
Full text
23
Fanta, Ashenafi Beyene. "Viability of pro-SME financing schemes: A developing country perspective." Corporate Ownership and Control 12, no. 2 (2015): 269–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv12i2c2p1.
Full textAbstract:
To curb SME financing difficulty, various schemes were suggested as alternative financing techniques that include, among others, relationship lending, factoring, credit scoring, leasing, and credit guarantees. This paper aims at examining the viability of each of the schemes by considering the institutional and legal conditions in developing countries. Critical analysis of extant body of literature revealed that not all pro-SME financing schemes are suitable for SMEs in developing countries. This is because they demand development of legal, informational, and financial frameworks that the countries acutely lack at the moment. This, however, does not rule out the utility of schemes such as credit scoring that can be effectively used to ease SME access to finance if well designed credit offices are in place. Similarly, credit guarantee schemes are crucial as an interim solution if they are allowed to run without government subsidy as it aggravates moral hazard
24
Viljoen, M. "Johannes Kerkorrel en postapartheid- Afrikaneridentiteit." Literator 26, no. 3 (2005): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v26i3.237.
Full textAbstract:
Johannes Kerkorrel and post-apartheid Afrikaner identity The music of Johannes Kerkorrel (Ralph Rabie, 1960-2002) gave expression to the sentiments of a young white urban generation that rebelled against the autocratic rule of the apartheid government. Kerkorrel’s songs, many of which were banned during the apartheid era, created an alternative Afrikaner voice through biting social criticism and political satire. His politicised narratives evoke collective memories and experiences that construct moral hierarchies by means of an exceptional intensity, simplicity and power. Kerkorrel’s life-story may be read as a continuous textual reconfiguration of identity throughout which an uninterrupted thread of self-remembrance is simultaneously woven. In a society in the process of constant transformation, a speculative theorising of Kerkorrel as a construct of local identity may serve as a starting point for understanding popular music representations of the postapartheid Afrikaner character.
25
SHEAR, KEITH. "TESTED LOYALTIES: POLICE AND POLITICS IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1939–63." Journal of African History 53, no. 2 (2012): 173–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853712000370.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTWell into their rule, at a time when South Africa was increasingly perceived as a police state, the Nationalists, the party of apartheid, depended for the implementation of their policies on structures and personnel inherited from previous governments. Even in the South African Police, the institution most associated with the country's authoritarian reputation, key developments of the early apartheid decades originated in and cannot properly be understood without reference to the preceding period. A legacy of conflict between pro- and anti-war white policemen after 1939 was particularly significant. Concentrating on the careers and views of illustrative officers, notably members of the Special Branch, rather than on ‘the police’ in abstraction, this article analyses the complexities and continuities in the South African state's handling of domestic dissent in the years before and after the apartheid election of 1948.
26
Chavali, Siva R., Chiradeep Sen, Gregory M. Mocko, and Joshua D. Summers. "Using Rule Based Design in Engineer to Order Industry: An SME Case Study." Computer-Aided Design and Applications 5, no. 1-4 (2008): 178–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3722/cadaps.2008.178-193.
Full text
27
Gutteridge, William. "Freedom, state security and the rule of law: dilemmas of the apartheid society." International Affairs 64, no. 3 (1988): 522. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622925.
Full text
28
Chigara, Ben. "What Should a Re-constituted Southern African Development Community (SADC) Tribunal Be Mindful of to Succeed?" Nordic Journal of International Law 81, no. 3 (2012): 341–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718107-08103001.
Full textAbstract:
The Southern African Development Community (SADC) is a sub-regional international organisation comprised of 15 transitional States that have embraced the principle of the rule of law as a basic norm of their constitutional arrangements. Their biggest challenge presently is to undo the provocative and salient legacy of social, economic and psychological apartheid on their territories for almost a century, without disrupting their developmental endeavours. This article examines the question of what role if any the SADC Tribunal envisaged under Article 9 of the constitutive SADC Treaty might play to facilitate successful transitions from apartheid to egalitarian rule. It shows that a multiplicity of dialectics abound that do not allow for easy answers, much to the frustration of both the cultural relativists and their rivals, the universalists, regarding human rights protection. The article recommends meaningful pedagogical engagement of the challenges confronting the SADC sub-region as a direct consequence of almost a century of apartheid – the worst form of governance known to man in recent times. This should inform national, sub-regional and regional dynamics in the pursuit of SADC goals and aspirations. SADC Human Rights Courts and Tribunals are encouraged to develop a “due-account jurisprudence” that is congruous with the transitional requirements of their societies just as the German Federal Constitutional Court had done in the aftermath of the fall of the Reich, and also after the re-unification of Germany.
29
Thomas, Gary S., Richard W. Obermayer, William B. Raspotnik, and Wayne L. Waag. "Modeling Pilot Expertise in Air Combat." Proceedings of the Human Factors Society Annual Meeting 36, no. 17 (1992): 1331–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1518/107118192786749379.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this effort was to model expert pilot performance and decision making in one-versus-one (1v1) air-to-air combat. Several knowledge-elicitation techniques were used to extract air combat expertise from a former fighter pilot, who served as the subject-matter-expert (SME). Unstructured and then structured interviews were used to elicit the goals and sub-goals of air-to-air combat, plus some of the pilot behaviors necessary to accomplish the goals. The SME also flew a number of combat sorties against another former fighter pilot in the Simulator for Air-to-Air Combat (SAAC) to demonstrate pilot performance required to accomplish the goals of air combat. Based on the SME's verbal protocols, a group of air combat rules were developed. A rule-based production system was then designed to incorporate the resulting knowledge base. The production system was also designed to be capable of analyzing an existing data base of air combat engagements. Expert system development required additional input from the SME to identify specific values of flight parameters required by the production system. Upon completion and SME verification of the expert model, it will be validated by comparing its performance to that of our SME in simulated air-to-air combat. If the model can successfully describe expert pilot performance, the model will be used to provide diagnostic performance feedback in conjunction with SAAC training.
30
Badru, Pade. "Not Yet Uhuru: The Unfinished Revolution in Africa." Journal of Asian and African Studies 47, no. 3 (2012): 269–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909611428053.
Full textAbstract:
In Kwandiwe Kondlo’s In the Twilight of the Revolution (2009), which examines the role of the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) of Azania in South Africa’s anti-apartheid struggle as the backdrop, this article surveys the momentum of social revolution in Sub-Saharan Africa during the decolonization era that started in the mid-20th century and ended with South Africa’s transition to a multi-racial democracy in 1994. It argues that the failure of the African elite to achieve a genuine independence from both colonial rule and South Africa’s apartheid system is largely because of inconsistent nationalist ideologies and the detachment of the African elite from the popular struggles of the people, which could have resulted in the revolutionary overthrow of the colonial state and the dawn of more progressive and autonomous states all across Black Africa. It concludes that this failure led to the continuing instability of the post-colonial states across Africa and, in South Africa, to the achievement of a particular form of multi-racial democracy with very little or no change to the real politics of apartheid and Boer domination.
31
Waghid, Yusef. "On the Possibility of Cultivating Justice through Teaching and Learning: An Argument for Civic Reconciliation in South Africa." Policy Futures in Education 3, no. 2 (2005): 132–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/pfie.2005.3.2.2.
Full textAbstract:
In this article the author explores possibilities for cultivating justice with reference to teaching and learning in (South African) universities. It is argued that teachers and learners ought to become responsive, democratic and critical – they need to act justly in order to break with South Africa's apartheid legacy. The author discusses why readiness, deliberation and responsibility – acts of justice – ought to unfold in South African university classrooms and, more importantly, how each characteristic can potentially engender responsiveness, democracy and criticism respectively. Finally, some of the implications of justice through teaching and learning for civic reconciliation in South Africa are explored. The author shows how a responsive (compassionate), democratic (deliberative) and critical (restive) disposition on the part of individuals can offer hope for enhancing civic reconciliation after decades of apartheid rule.
32
Stevens, Simon. "The Turn to Sabotage by The Congress Movement in South Africa*." Past & Present 245, no. 1 (2019): 221–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtz030.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Why did leaders of the Congress movement in South Africa abandon their exclusive reliance on non-violent means in the struggle against apartheid, form an armed unit (Umkhonto we Sizwe), and launch a campaign of spectacular sabotage bombings of symbols of apartheid in 1961? None of the earlier violent struggles from which Congress leaders drew inspiration, and none of the contemporaneous insurgencies against white minority rule elsewhere in southern Africa, involved a similar distinct, preliminary and extended phase of non-lethal symbolic sabotage. Following the 1960 Sharpeville massacre, Congress leaders feared the social and political consequences of increased popular enthusiasm for using violence. Nelson Mandela, Joe Slovo, and the other founders of Umkhonto we Sizwe did not launch their sabotage campaign because they believed it would prompt a change of heart among white South Africans, nor because they believed urban sabotage bombings were a necessary prelude to the launch of rural guerrilla warfare. Rather, the sabotage campaign was a spectacular placeholder, a stopgap intended to advertise the Congress movement's abandonment of exclusive non-violence and thus to discourage opponents of apartheid, both inside and outside South Africa, from supporting rival groups or initiating uncontrolled violent action themselves.
33
MILLER, JAMIE. "AFRICANISING APARTHEID: IDENTITY, IDEOLOGY, AND STATE-BUILDING IN POST-INDEPENDENCE AFRICA." Journal of African History 56, no. 3 (2015): 449–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853715000316.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractBetween 1968 and 1975, the leaders of white South Africa reached out to independent African leaders. Scholars have alternately seen these counterintuitive campaigns as driven by a quest for regional economic hegemony, divide-and-rule realpolitik, or a desire to ingratiate the regime with the West. This article instead argues that the South African government's outreach was intended to energise a top-down recalibration of the ideology of Afrikaner nationalism, as the regime endeavoured to detach its apartheid programme from notions of colonialist racial supremacy, and instead reach across the colour line and lay an equal claim to the power and protection of African nationalism. These diplomatic manoeuvrings, therefore, serve as a prism through which to understand important shifts in state identity, ideological renewal, and the adoption of new state-building models.
34
Freund, Bill. "Post-apartheid South Africa under ANC rule: a response to John S Saul on South Africa." Transformation: Critical Perspectives on Southern Africa 89, no. 1 (2015): 50–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/trn.2015.0024.
Full text
35
Agus Bandiyono, Rahayu Asriyani,. "Complexity Of Annual License Notification Of Small-Medium Tax Business Taxes." Jurnal Akuntansi 23, no. 2 (2019): 316. http://dx.doi.org/10.24912/ja.v23i2.594.
Full textAbstract:
The issuance of Government Regulation 23 of 2018 is the government’s effort to encourage the growth of MSMEs while simultaneously increasing MSME compliance in the taxation field. This study aims to analyze the complexity of the SME Annual Taxpayer Individual Taxpayers. This quantitative study uses a questionnaire with the UMKM Individual Taxpayer in Pondok Aren Tax Office as the respondent. Pondok Aren KPP was chosen as a research location because it is an KPP that intensively approaches UMKM. This study uses the SPT complexity variable as the dependent variable. While the independent variables are ambiguity, SPT calculation, rule details, rule changes, taxpayer accounting and tax return forms. Based on the results of the study, there are 3 variables that significantly affect the complexity of the MSME Annual Taxpayer Personal Taxpayers, these variables are the calculation of tax returns, detailed rules and rules changes.
36
van Wyk, Anna-Mart. "Apartheid's Bomb and Regional Liberation: Cold War Perspectives." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 1 (2019): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00855.
Full textAbstract:
South Africa had a small, highly classified nuclear weapons program that produced a small but potent nuclear arsenal. At the end of the 1980s, as South Africa was nearing a transition to black majority rule, the South African government destroyed its nuclear arsenal and its research facilities connected with nuclear armaments and ballistic missiles. This article, based on archival research in the United States and South Africa, shows that the South African nuclear weapons program has to be understood in the context of the Cold War battlefield that southern Africa became in the mid-1970s. The article illuminates the complex U.S.–South African relationship and explains why the apartheid government in Pretoria sought nuclear weapons as a deterrent in the face of extensive Soviet-bloc aid to black liberation movements in southern Africa, the escalating conflict with Cuban forces and Soviet-backed guerrillas on Namibia's northern frontier, and the attacks waged by the African National Congress from exile. A clear link can be drawn between the apartheid government's quest for a nuclear deterrent, liberation in southern Africa, and the Cold War.
37
Manulak, Daniel. "“A marathon, not a sprint”: Canada and South African apartheid, 1987–1990." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, no. 1 (2020): 83–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020917179.
Full textAbstract:
In 2020, Canada does not maintain diplomatic ties with Iran or Saudi Arabia partly owing to their human rights violations—a choice which has eroded its capacity to act meaningfully in these countries. Thirty years ago, the Brian Mulroney government was faced with a similar decision: to sever relations with the white minority regime in South Africa or use its limited but real influence to contribute constructively to an end to apartheid. This article examines how Canada “punched above its weight” on an issue seemingly peripheral to its national interests from 1987 to 1990. It was during these oft-overlooked years—South Africa’s “darkest days”—that Canada engaged through multilateral fora, bilaterally, and its embassy to sustain global pressure and attention on apartheid. In so doing, the Mulroney government became a diplomatic battleground between its major allies, Pretoria, and its African Commonwealth partners. Such efforts were not without costs, but Canada’s “advanced middling” role helped to bring about a peaceful transition towards majority rule in South Africa and thus holds contemporary lessons for policymakers.
38
Kgatla, Thias. "CLERGY’S RESISTANCE TO VENDA HOMELAND’S INDEPENDENCE IN THE 1970S AND 1980S." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 3 (2017): 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/1167.
Full textAbstract:
The article discusses the clergy’s role in the struggle against Venda’s “independence” in the 1970s and 1980s, as well as resistance to the apartheid policy of “separate development” for Venda. It also explores the policy of indirect white rule through the replacement of real community leaders with incompetent, easily manipulated traditional chiefs. The imposition of the system triggered resistance among the youth and the churches, which led to bloody reprisals by the authorities. Countless were detained under apartheid laws permitting detention without trial for 90 days. Many died in detention, but those responsible were acquitted by the courts of law in the Homeland. The article highlights the contributions of the Black Consciousness Movement, the Black People Conversion Movement, and the Student Christian Movement. The Venda student uprising was second in magnitude only to the Soweto uprising of 16 June 1976. The torture of ministers in detention and the response by church leaders locally and internationally, are discussed. The authorities attempted to divide the Lutheran Church and nationalise the Lutherans in Venda, but this move was thwarted. Venda was officially re-incorporated into South Africa on 27 April 1994.
39
Sayed, Yusuf, Shireen Motala, David Carel, and Rashid Ahmed. "School governance and funding policy in South Africa: Towards social justice and equity in education policy." South African Journal of Education 40, no. 4 (2020): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.15700/saje.v40n4a2045.
Full textAbstract:
Equity and redress, in and through education, are fundamental commitments of the new South African democratic government that ensued in 1994 after a brutal and protracted history of colonial and apartheid segregation and oppression denied the majority black population the fundamental right to equitable and quality education. A raft of ambitious and far-reaching policies were put in place to achieve these laudable goals. Yet more than 26 years after the ending of colonial and apartheid rule, the South African education system, and society in general, remain, far from equal – made apparent by the current COVID-19 pandemic. In this paper we take a critical (re)look at South African education governance and funding policies, considering why the South African Schools Acts (SASA) and the National Norms and Standards for School Funding (NNSSF), first promulgated in 1997 and 1998 and subsequently amended, have not delivered as expected on the promises of equity, redistribution and redress. The paper advances conceptual flaws, operational failures and implementation naivety as to why these promises have not been realised, advocating for an alternative social justice model for school governance and funding.
40
du Plessis, Hester. "Politics of science communication in South Africa." Journal of Science Communication 16, no. 03 (2017): A03. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.16030203.
Full textAbstract:
The research field of science communication is fairly neglected in South Africa. The university system in South Africa, with a few exceptions, pays scant attention to the teaching of science communication, leading to limited academic knowledge of this research field with its rich history and philosophical relations. This paper explores some of the reasons behind this neglect of science communication in South Africa and will argue and demonstrate that, primarily, two political systems can be identified as having had a profound impact on the lesser attention given to this research field; the ‘divide and rule’ system of British colonialism and the Afrikaner National Party ‘apartheid’ system of racial segregation.
41
Barnard-Naudé, Jaco. "Form and substance in the Constitutional Court: Whither contract law’s policy after apartheid?" South African Law Journal 138, no. 3 (2021): 569–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/salj/v138/i3a6.
Full textAbstract:
This article enquires into commitments of substance and form in contract law after apartheid. The argument begins with an overview of the substance and form argument as presented by Duncan Kennedy in 1976 and applied to the South African law of contract by Alfred Cockrell in 1992. Kennedy and Cockrell’s argument that commitments of form follow commitments of substance in private-law adjudication generally, and in contract-law adjudication specifically, is mapped onto Karl Klare’s 1998 argument that transformative constitutionalism necessitates a commitment to the ‘postliberal’ in both formal and substantive terms. The argument then proceeds to a reading of the majority judgment in the Constitutional Court in Beadica 231 CC & others v Trustees for the time being of the Oregon Trust & others. The discussion illustrates how form still follows substance in the South African law of contract in a constitutional era, and how the privileged policy position remains that of rule-based formal commitments and individualist substantive commitments. The article concludes with the assertion that the dominance of the individualism/rules position is inconsistent with transformative constitutionalism’s commitment to a postliberal legal order.
42
Rubiya, S., and Sumathy K Swamy. "Testaments of Resistance and Resilience: An Analysis of Trevor Noah’s Born a Crime: Stories from a South African Childhood." Shanlax International Journal of English 8, no. 1 (2019): 63–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/english.v8i1.859.
Full textAbstract:
Where there is Oppression, there is going to be resistance. This is the story of almost every Independence struggle history has ever seen. Such was also the story of one the most shocking and horrendous tale of oppression the world has come to know, the apartheid system of South Africa. It was a system of institutionalised racial segregation that divided the whites and blacks living in South Africa, which gave the former full rights to enjoy all the privileges that the natives ought to enjoy rightfully, depriving the latter of every good thing the country had to offer. This paper will attempt to throw some light on the whole system by analysing a work of art not written by an outsider, but through the eyes of a person who was born into it and saw apartheid for what it was and what it did to the blacks living in South Africa. It is a memoir written by South African comedian Trevor Noah titled Born a Crime: Stories from a South African Childhood, an autobiographical work published in the year 2016 where Noah narrates instances from his childhood living in post-apartheid South Africa.
 The book is a kind of dedication to Noah’s mother, Patricia Nombuyiselo Noah, a symbol of resistance. Patricia Noah broke almost every rule imposed by the White government, from having a good education and moving in to a house in a white neighbourhood to having a relationship with a white person resulting in giving birth to child of mixed race, a crime for which the punishment was death. The paper will attempt to bring out the struggles and tales of resilience of the black people under apartheid by analysing the experiences of the Noah Family with special emphasis on Patricia Noah who can be seen as an embodiment of Resistance, resilience and above all sheer stubbornness to comply with the rules of the colonizers.
43
Onaolapo, Titilope F., Tom W. Okello, and Samuel A. Adelabu. "Assessing spatiotemporal settlement patterns in Eastern Free State, South Africa, pre and post transition from apartheid to majority rule." Transactions of the Royal Society of South Africa 75, no. 2 (2020): 140–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0035919x.2020.1755743.
Full text
44
Morrell, Robert. "Raewyn Connell and the Making of Masculinity Studies in South Africa." Boyhood Studies 13, no. 2 (2020): 117–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/bhs.2020.130209.
Full textAbstract:
The study of masculinity in South Africa scarcely existed in 1990. A minor interest in gender was focused on women and inequality. South Africa was emerging from four decades of apartheid. It was into this environment that Raewyn Connell’s ideas were introduced, adopted and adapted. Raewyn herself made a number of trips to South Africa in the 1990s and 2000s and found a ready reception for her theories about masculinity. South Africa was in transition feeling its way from white minority rule and authoritarianism toward democracy and a commitment to ending poverty, inequality, racism, and the oppression of women. In this article, I describe how Raewyn’s idea energized scholarship, created a new research interest in men and masculinity, and contributed to gender activism.
45
Mbecke, Paulin. "Municipal entrepreneurship: An alternative strategy to promote, improve and sustain service delivery in local governments in South Africa." Corporate Ownership and Control 12, no. 3 (2015): 409–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv12i3c4p2.
Full textAbstract:
Three hypotheses justify service delivery crisis in South Africa. Post-apartheid laws and strategies don’t enable service delivery in local governments. Secondly, there is detachment between laws and strategies and leadership for their implementation. The government does not also promote entrepreneurship in local governments preventing innovation, creativity and competitiveness thus hindering service delivery. This paper supports municipal entrepreneurship as an ideal strategy to facilitate service delivery in local governments through three main considerations. Firstly, laws and strategies developed to facilitate service delivery should be implemented by competent municipal entrepreneurs. Innovation, creativity and competitiveness should be emphasised as the golden rule in managing local governments. Importantly, Citizen Charters should complement municipal entrepreneurship to facilitate standardised service delivery systems that meet people’s expectations
46
Bartnik, Ryszard. "On South African Violence Through Giorgio Agamben’s Biopolitical Framework: A Comparative Study Of J.M. Coetzee’s Disgrace And Z. Mda’s Ways Of Dying." Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 49, no. 4 (2014): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stap-2015-0010.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract In this article I argue that the developments of countries going through transition from authoritarian to democratic rule are always stamped by numerous references to formerly sanctioned and fully operational institutionalized violence. A perfect exemplification of this phenomenon is [post-] apartheid South Africa and its writing. In the context of the above, both the social and the literary realm of the 1990s might be perceived as resonant with Giorgio Agamben’s ‘concentrationary’, deeply divisive imaginary. Escaping from, and concurrently remembering, past fears, anxieties, yet seeking hope and consolation, the innocent but also the formerly outlawed and victimized along [interestingly enough] with [ex]perpetrators exemplify, as discussed in J. M. Coetzee’s and Z. Mda’s novels, the necessity of an exposure of the mechanism of South African ‘biopoliticization’ of life. Their stories prove how difficult the uprooting of the mentality of segregation, hatred and the policy of bracketing the other’s life as insubstantial, thus vulnerable to instrumental violence, in [post-] apartheid society was. In view of the above what is to be highlighted here is the authorial perception of various attempts at disavowing past and present violence as detrimental to South African habitat. In the end, coming to terms with the past, with the belligerent nature of local mental maps, must inevitably lead to the acknowledgement of guilt and traumatic suffering. Individual and collective amnesia conditioned by deeply-entrenched personal culpability or personal anguish is then construed as damaging, and as such is subject do deconstructive analysis.
47
LAWSON, GEORGE. "Negotiated revolutions: the prospects for radical change in contemporary world politics." Review of International Studies 31, no. 3 (2005): 473–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210505006595.
Full textAbstract:
This article is an attempt to rescue revolution, both as concept and practice, from the triumphalism of the contemporary world. To that end, the article uses three transformations from authoritarian rule – the end of apartheid in South Africa, the collapse of communism in the Czech Republic and the transition from military dictatorship to market democracy in post-Pinochet Chile – in order to test the ways in which these contemporary manifestations of radical change compare and contrast with past examples of revolution. Although these cases share some core similarities with revolutions of the modern era, they also differ from them in five crucial ways: the particular role played by the ‘international’ and the state, the nature of violence, the use of ideology, and the process of negotiation itself. As such, they signify a novel process in world politics, that of negotiated revolution.
48
Grillo, Catarina, Fernando A. F. Ferreira, Carla S. E. Marques, and João J. Ferreira. "A knowledge-based innovation assessment system for small- and medium-sized enterprises: adding value with cognitive mapping and MCDA." Journal of Knowledge Management 22, no. 3 (2018): 696–718. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jkm-08-2017-0332.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose The 2008 global financial crisis showed that the ability to innovate is a key management skill and that approaches to assessing the innovation capability of small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) need to be as realistic as possible. This study aims to address the latter practical need through a sociotechnical approach. Design/methodology/approach Based on a combined use of cognitive mapping and the Decision EXpert (DEX) technique, and grounded on the insights generated by a panel of SME managers and entrepreneurs in two intensive group meetings, a knowledge-based assessment system for evaluating SMEs’ innovation capability was created, tested and validated. Findings The knowledge-based assessment system identified the most innovative SMEs in a sample of companies. The “plus-minus-1” and dominance analyses carried out provided further support for the results. Research limitations/implications The proposed system is extremely versatile but process-oriented and idiosyncratic in nature, meaning that extrapolations to other contexts need to be done with due caution. Practical implications The panel of SME decision makers agreed that the system improves the current methods used to evaluate SMEs’ innovation capability, contributing to a more informed perspective on management issues. The panel members also noted that the proposed system functions as a learning mechanism, facilitating the development of well-focused suggestions for improvements SMEs can make. Originality/value The integrated use of cognitive maps and rule-base decisions contributes to a better understanding of how to assess SMEs’ innovation capability. No prior work reporting the integrated use of these two techniques in this study context has been found.
49
Musoni, Francis. "The Ban on “Tropical Natives” and the Promotion of Illegal Migration in Pre-Apartheid South Africa." African Studies Review 61, no. 3 (2018): 156–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2018.73.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract:This article examines the historical as well as contemporary significance of South Africa’s 1913 ban on the recruitment of migrant workers from areas north of latitude 22 degrees south. This ill-conceived policy not only criminalized the employment of so-called “tropical natives” in South Africa but also triggered contestations, fueling illegal migration from the restricted areas. By 1933, when the ban was lifted, illegal migration from Zimbabwe (then Southern Rhodesia) had become a major site of contestations among policymakers, labor agents, business owners, and migrant workers in South Africa. While the dominant narrative in Southern Africa holds that illegal migration only became an issue of concern after the end of apartheid rule, this phenomenon has a much longer history in the subregion. Identifying factors that push people to move from one country to another and those that force or encourage travelers to cross international boundaries without following official channels facilitates the understanding of the complexities involved in cases of illegal migration wherever this practice exists. While low wages and other sources of insecurity in colonial Zimbabwe may indeed have compelled many people to consider moving to South Africa, such factors did not cause migrants to use unofficial channels in crossing the border. Rather, South Africa’s ban imposed numerous barriers, rendering it difficult for those seeking work to cross between the two countries through legal and/or formal channels.
50
Khunou, Freddie S. "Traditional Leadership and Independent Bantustans of South Africa: Some Milestones of Transformative Constitutionalism beyond Apartheid." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 12, no. 4 (2017): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2009/v12i4a2741.
Full textAbstract:
The institution of traditional leadership represents the early form of societal organisation. It embodies the preservation of culture, traditions, customs and values. This paper gives a brief exposition of the impact that the pre-colonial and colonial regimes had on the institution of traditional leadership. During the pre-colonial era, the institution of traditional leadership was a political and administrative centre of governance for traditional communities. The institution of traditional leadership was the form of government with the highest authority. The leadership monopoly of traditional leaders changed when the colonial authorities and rulers introduced their authority to the landscape of traditional governance. The introduction of apartheid legalised and institutionalised racial discrimination. As a result, the apartheid government created Bantustans based on the language and culture of a particular ethnic group. This paper asserts that the traditional authorities in the Bantustans of Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda and Ciskei seemed to be used by the apartheid regime and were no longer accountable to their communities but to the apartheid regime. The Bantustans’ governments passed various pieces of legislation to control the institution of traditional leadership, exercised control over traditional leaders and allowed them minimal independence in their traditional role. The pattern of the disintegration of traditional leadership seemed to differ in Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda and Ciskei. The governments of these Bantustans used different political, constitutional and legal practices and methods to achieve this disintegration. The gradual disintegration and dislocation of the institution of traditional leadership in these four Bantustans led to the loss of valuable knowledge of the essence and relevance of the institution of traditional leadership. One of the reasons for this anomaly emanated from the fact that undemocratic structures of government were established, commonly known as traditional authorities. More often than not these traditional institutions were mere puppet institutions operating on behalf of the Bantustan regime, granted token or limited authority within the Bantustan in order to extend the control of the Bantustan government and to curb possible anti-apartheid and anti-Bantustan-system revolutionary activity within traditional areas. The advent of the post-apartheid government marked the demise of apartheid and the Bantustan system for traditional leaders and the beginning of a new struggle for the freedom of the traditional authorities. This paper highlights changes brought about by the new constitutional dispensation in the institution of traditional leadership. The author demonstrates that the primary objective of the democratic government of South Africa in this regard is to transform the institution of traditional leadership and re-create the institution completely in line with the values and principles of the 1996 Constitution and democracy. The post-apartheid order rejects the old order as far as it is sexist, racist, authoritarian and unequal in its treatment of persons. All of the rules, principles and doctrines of the institution of traditional leadership apply in the new dispensation only in so far as they are rules, principles and doctrines that would survive the scrutiny of the present society when measured against their compliance with the requirements of human dignity, equality and freedom. The government has enacted democratic legislation intended to change the institution of traditional leadership and make it consistent with the 1996 Constitution. The institution of traditional leadership is obliged to ensure full compliance with the constitutional values and other relevant national and provincial legislation. The right to equality, including the prohibition of discrimination based on gender and sex, has an important impact on the institution of traditional leadership. For example, under the new constitutional dispensation women may become traditional leaders in their traditional communities, which is contrary to the old and long observed African customary rule of male intestate succession, which excluded women from succession to the position of traditional leadership. One of the remarkable features of the transformation of traditional leadership in South Africa is that gender equality has been progressively advanced. The inclusion of women in traditional government structures adds democratic value and credibility to the institution of traditional leadership, which for many years remained essentially male-dominated. The doctrine of transformative constitutionalism is well established in South Africa.