Relevant bibliographies by topics / Authoritarianism Civil society. Arab countries

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Academic literature on the topic 'Authoritarianism Civil society. Arab countries'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 12 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Authoritarianism Civil society. Arab countries"

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Medani, Khalid Mustafa. "Teaching the “New Middle East”: Beyond Authoritarianism." PS: Political Science & Politics 46, no. 02 (March 28, 2013): 222–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513000176.

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In 2011 the protests in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) were not only unprecedented in terms of scale and political consequences for the region, they also highlighted a number of long-standing analytical and theoretical misconceptions about Arab politics. In particular, the conventional thesis privileging the idea of a “durable authoritarianism” in the Arab world was partially undermined by a cross-regional civil society that confronted the formidable security and military apparatus of the state. Although in some countries democratic transitions have continued, since they first occurred in Tunisia, other Arab states continue to witness a resilient authoritarianism and strong state repression of civil society activism. These historic events have also set the stage for a new teaching agenda in important ways. Specifically, an agenda for teaching the “new Middle East” must incorporate two important general components: first, a critical review of the influential scholarship on persistent authoritarianism with the objective of addressing past theoretical and methodological misconceptions, and second, the introduction of new conceptual and analytical frameworks relevant to contemporary political developments in the Arab world and the MENA region more generally.
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Gandolfo, K. Luisa. "Debating Arab Authoritarianism." American Journal of Islam and Society 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 100–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v26i1.1416.

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The Middle East has long contended with the title of the region most lackingin democratic state structures, and while several countries endeavor toenforce a form of democracy, yet others preserve the frameworks that efficientlysustain their monarchies, revenue, and power status in the area. Thetwin questions of how and why democracy has proved elusive in theMiddleEast forms the crux of the collection of essays comprised within Schlumberger’stome: Debating Arab Authoritarianism: Dynamics and Durabilityin Nondemocratic Regimes.Spanning Morocco to Oman, via Egypt, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia, theauthoritarian mode of governance is surveyed through an assessment of thedurability of regimes, the role of Islamist political parties, intra-regimedynamics, and the economic aspects of political reform. Divided into foursections, the book’s structure incorporates key elements of Arab authoritarianism:“State-Society Relations and Political Opposition,” “The Regimes,”“The Economy and the Polity,” and “The InternationalArena.” That the sectionsretain a subtle reluctance to address the link between the repressivecapacities ofArab states and their longevity, as well as the concept that Islamis incompatible with democracy, is conspicuous, yet prudent. Far fromretreadingworn theories, the contributors provide fresh conceptual and comparativeanalyses of individual countries and the region on a wider level, inaddition to prospects for the respective regimes ...
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Ma, Shu-Yun. "The Chinese Discourse on Civil Society." China Quarterly 137 (March 1994): 180–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100003410x.

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In recent years the concept of civil society has gained scholarly attention world-wide. It has found numerous advocates in the West, such as John Keane who suggested democratizing European socialism by defending the distinction between civil society and the state; Michael Walzer who proposed synthesizing socialist, capitalist and nationalist ideals under the rubric of civil society; and Daniel Bell, who called for a revival of civil society in the United States as a protection against the expanding state bureaucracies. In 1992 alone, at least three books on the subject appeared. In Eastern Europe, proponents of the civil society concept – like Vaclav Havel, George Konrad and Adam Michnik – have been credited with developing an extremely useful theoretical tool for overthrowing Stalinist authoritarianism. A volume consisting of case studies of seven former or present socialist countries found that the notion of civil society is generally applicable to the study of Communist systems, as long as the influence of different cultures and traditions of individual countries are fully acknowledged. The civil society paradigm, despite its basic European orientation, has also been recognized as applicable to the study of developing countries.
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Al-Najjar, Baqer Salman. "Civil society in the Arab world: a reality that needs reforming1." Contemporary Arab Affairs 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910701773127.

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Arab experience of civil society is new, and because of the nature of the Arab state, it is difficult to find a single case in the region that is independent of the state and able to exert pressure on it. The case of Lebanon, when the Karami government was forced to resign in February 2005, will remain unique for some time to come. However, the fear of similar repetitions elsewhere has led to greater restrictions on civil society organizations, or it has led some Arab regimes to install their own organizations (GONGOS) to defuse the pressure from other organizations or to weaken their demands for democracy and transparency. The GONGOS were a typically Eastern and Russian phenomenon, and they quickly spread to a number of Arab countries that had experienced totalitarian regimes in the past and also to some of the countries in the Arab Mashreq and Maghreb, which have recently under gone a political transformation towards democracy.
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Dursun, Hatice Rümeysa. "Bin Ali Authoritarianism and International Factors in Tunisia (1987-2008)." Journal of Humanity and Society (insan & toplum) 11, no. 3 (September 15, 2021): 85–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.12658/m0628.

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Despite being shaken by the Arab Spring, authoritarian structures still exist in the regions of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Th is situation highlights the importance of studying the continuity of authoritarian structures more comprehensively. In addition to approaches that reduce authoritarianism to intra-state factors, literature has developed over the last decade emphasizing the importance of international factors. This literature in particular emphasizes the politics, economics, and diplomacy established by the West and that ties are effective in the continuity of authoritarianism in non-Western countries. This study attempts to explain Ben Ali’s period and the continuity of authoritarianism in Tunisia in the context of this developing new literature. Although Tunisia underwent a relatively positive transformation process after the Arab Spring, Ben Ali’s authoritarian rule was supported by the West as a model of an economic miracle and democratic stability; this administration managed to survive for 23 years. The study’s main argument can be expressed as follows: While the economic liberalization process imposed on Tunis by Western actors caused an increase in socio-economic inequalities, the instrumentalization of democracy by the West again served to suppress civil and political freedoms. Instead of focusing on the obstacles and opportunities in front of the transition to democracy in the post-Arab Spring period, examining theinternational factors influencing the continuity of authoritarianism in the Ben Ali period will shed light on how authoritarian structures still survive in MENA.
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Schulz, Michael. "ALongue DuréeApproach to the Role of Civil Society in the Uprisings against Authoritarianism in the Arab world." Journal of Civil Society 11, no. 4 (October 2, 2015): 424–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2015.1110906.

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Hrycak, Alexandra. "Orange Harvest?: Women's Activism and Civil Society in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia since 2004." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 44, no. 1-2 (2010): 151–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023910x512840.

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AbstractRising authoritarianism throughout post-Soviet countries has met with responses ranging from small-scale revolts to “electoral revolutions.” This article analyzes women's activism to explore the impact of domestic political opportunity dynamics on the trajectory of civic organizing in Ukraine, Belarus and Russia. The extent and form of state repression are shown to affect the development of women's activism by influencing the number, scope and capacity of women's nongovernmental organizations.
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Abdel-Samad, Mounah. "Legislators’ Need for Civil Society Expertise: Tunisian Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Opportunity." Nonprofit Policy Forum 8, no. 3 (December 20, 2017): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2016-0027.

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AbstractThe primacy of the Tunisian revolution and the country’s successful democratic transition (Stepan 2012, “Tunisia’s Transition and the Twin Tolerations.”Journal of Democracy23:89–103) make Tunisia an exemplar for analyzing legislators’ demand for advocacy by civil society organizations or CSOs. Several researchers (Cavatorta 2012, “Arab Spring: The Awakening of Civil Society. A General Overview.”http://www.iemed.org/observatori-es/arees-danalisi/arxius-adjunts/anuari/med.2012/Cavatorta_en.pdf, Benoit 2011, “The Counter-Power of Civil Society and the Emergence of a New Political Imaginary in the Arab World.”Constellations: an International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory18:271–283. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8675.2011.00650.x, Kubba 2000, “Arabs and Democracy: The Awakening of Civil Society.”Journal of Democracy11:84–90) have explored the role of Tunisian civil society in the democratic transition; however, no study examined legislators’ demand for CSOs’ legislative advocacy in Tunisia. By exploring factors influencing legislators and their demand and need for legislative advocacy, this study sheds light on the inner works of policy makers and ways to influence them. This study finds that, contrary to the idea that governments in developing countries do not want civil society participation in politics, Tunisian legislators are open to and eager for legislative advocacy. Based on 40 survey conducted face to face with Tunisian legislators in the National Constituent Assembly, and archival analysis of the National Constituents Assembly sessions’ minutes from 2011 until 2014, this study finds that Tunisian legislators have a high level of trust in CSOs, want their expertise, and are influenced by them when voting in parliament. These results have several potential impacts on understanding of the relationship between CSOs and government and more specifically legislature.
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Jordan, Bill. "Authoritarianism and Social Policy." Social Policy and Society 19, no. 2 (December 3, 2019): 243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746419000411.

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Authoritarianism seems to be emerging as the default mode of global capitalism. In the absence of reliable economic growth, and with working-class incomes in long-term stagnation, both liberal and social democratic parties have lost support in many countries, and authoritarian regimes have come to power in several. But poor people in the USA, UK and Europe have long experienced coercion, being forced to accept low-paid, insecure work or face benefits sanctions. As a growing proportion of workers have come to rely on supplements such as tax credits, the working class has been divided, and opportunistic authoritarian politicians have mobilised the anxiety and resentment of those on the margins of poverty. This article argues that only an active civil society, with voluntary agencies uncompromised by involvement in coercive policies, along with universal, unconditional Basic Incomes for all citizens, can reverse these trends.
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Mitrakhovich, S. P. "TRANSFORMATION AND CONTRADICTIONS OF THE IDENTITY POLITICS IN MODERN WESTERN SOCIAL AND POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AND PRACTICE OF THE CIVIL SOCIETY." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 1 (March 23, 2020): 171–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2020-1-171-176.

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Identity politics has become a crucial feature of the transformation of modern social and political relations in many countries around the world. Representatives of “progressive” structures actively engaged in such a struggle, trying to undermine the foundations of the existing conservative social system and the established balance of institutions and relative powers of actors. Largely initiated by civil society organizations representing social minorities, this policy has become an instrument for the realization of the tasks of the state power. At the same time, identity politics, showing disparity approach to various social groups, while demanding the increasing powers of the State in its implementation, remains deeply contradictory and generates ideological hybrids such as “eco-authoritarianism” or “liberal authoritarianism”.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Authoritarianism Civil society. Arab countries"

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Awad, Samir. "Persistence of authoritarianism in the Middle East : international politics, civil society, and democracy in Palestine /." 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3088292.

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Books on the topic "Authoritarianism Civil society. Arab countries"

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Barriers to democracy: The other side of social capital in Palestine and the Arab world. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007.

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Vincent, Durac, ed. Civil society and democratization in the Arab world: The dynamics of activism. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, [England]: Routledge, 2010.

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Being modern in the Middle East: Revolution, nationalism, colonialism, and the Arab middle class. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006.

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Watenpaugh, Keith David. Being modern in the Middle East: Revolution, nationalism, colonialism, and the Arab middle class. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006.

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Barriers to Democracy: The Other Side of Social Capital in Palestine and the Arab World. Princeton University Press, 2009.

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Jamal, Amaney A. Barriers to Democracy: The Other Side of Social Capital in Palestine and the Arab World. Princeton University Press, 2009.

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Jamal, Amaney A. Barriers to Democracy: The Other Side of Social Capital in Palestine and the Arab World. Princeton University Press, 2007.

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Jamal, Amaney A. Barriers to Democracy: The Other Side of Social Capital in Palestine and the Arab World. Princeton University Press, 2009.

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Rutherford, Bruce K., and Jeannie Sowers. Modern Egypt. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190641146.001.0001.

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With almost every news broadcast, we are reminded of the continuing instability of the Middle East, where state collapse, civil wars, and terrorism have combined to produce a region in turmoil. If the Middle East is to achieve a more stable and prosperous future, Egyptwhich possesses the regions largest population, a formidable military, and considerable soft powermust play a central role. Modern Egypt: What Everyone Needs to Know® by Bruce Rutherford and Jeannie Sowers introduces readers to this influential country. The book begins with the 2011-2012 uprising that captured the worlds attention before turning to an overview of modern Egyptian history. The book then focuses on present-day Egyptian politics, society, demography, culture, and religion. It analyzes Egypts core problems, including deepening authoritarianism, high unemployment, widespread poverty, rapid population growth, and pollution. The book then concentrates on Egypts relations with the United States, Israel, Arab states, and other world powers. Modern Egypt concludes by assessing the countrys ongoing challenges and suggesting strategies for addressing them. Concise yet sweeping in coverage, the book provides the essential background for understanding this fascinating country and its potential to shape the future of the Middle East.
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Cavatorta, Francesco, and Vincent Durac. Civil Society and Democratization in the Arab World: The Dynamics of Activism. Taylor & Francis Group, 2014.

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Book chapters on the topic "Authoritarianism Civil society. Arab countries"

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Natil, Ibrahim. "Civil State in the Post–Arab Spring Countries: Tunisia, Egypt and Libya." In The Arab Spring, Civil Society, and Innovative Activism, 217–31. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57177-9_10.

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Hoppe, Robert. "Is Sisyphus a Muslim Woman? Policymaking on Women Issues in Three Arab Countries." In Women, Civil Society and Policy Change in the Arab World, 147–76. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02089-7_7.

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Buckley-Zistel, Susanne. "Spatializing Memory and Justice in Transformation Processes." In Re-Configurations, 25–35. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-31160-5_2.

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Abstract This chapter asks what processes of dealing with the past have been set in motion and how they relate to the search for justice and the quest for remembrance on a more global scale. In the aftermath of the “Arab Spring,” the affected countries have been going through transitions of various forms that are significantly re-configuring the MENA region. In this context, a number of new civil society actors, political elites, and international norm entrepreneurs are engaging with the lengthy histories of repression in the respective countries as well as with the violence that occurred during the Arab Spring in order to reckon with the legacy of human rights abuses (Sriram, Transitional justice in the middle East and North Africa, Hurst, London, 2017). These transitions to justice are not without obstacles and challenges, though. The objective of her chapter is therefore not to tell the stories of various transitional justice and memory projects in post-Arab Spring countries, but to situate such practices in time and space.
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Szmolka, Inmaculada. "Analytical framework for a comparative study of change in political regimes." In Political Change in the Middle East and North Africa. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474415286.003.0002.

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This chapter reflects on the existence or not of a new wave of democratisation in the wake of the Arab Spring. It is true that simultaneity, contagion, diffusion and emulation do feature in the political dynamics of change following the Arab Spring. However, rather than a democratic tsunami, there were ebbs and flows of a ‘wave of political change’ that has involved differing transformative processes in each country. Secondly, the author offers a typology of political regimes as well as a classification of MENA regimes prior to the Arab Spring, in order to identify the starting point of political change. Thirdly, different types of political change processes are defined and categorised: two general processes of political change (democratisation and autocratisation); and, five specific processes of political change affecting democracies (democratic regression, democratic deepening and consolidation of democracy) or authoritarianisms (political liberalisation and authoritarian progression). And finally, the author presents the methodological framework used in this book to study political change in the MENA countries. This change is analysed with reference to three dimensions: pluralism and political competition (party/representation systems and electoral integrity); government (constitutional reforms, government and state powers, and good governance; and public rights and liberties (political rights, civil rights, rule of law, and civil society).
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Pérez-Beltrán, Carmelo, and Ignacio Álvarez-Ossorio. "Civil society and social movements." In Political Change in the Middle East and North Africa. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474415286.003.0009.

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This chapter establishes a general framework that enables to assess the situation of civil society in the MENA region, before and after the Arab Spring. The Arab Spring undermined many of the theories that dwelt on the depoliticisation of civil society, its inability to influence the political agenda and the customary use made of it as an instrument of authoritarian regimes. Although this activism appeared to take on new forms, it was not spontaneously generated, but included an accumulation of baggage from the past, in constant relationship and tension with the state; hence, along with associations concerned with charity work and development, there also existed another more critical and politically committed type of organisation, in which the theory of the persistence of authoritarianism had not shown sufficient interest. Likewise, the Arab Spring questioned the institutionalised, structured, organisational nature of civil society that transitology usually supports. During the uprisings, none of the traditional or formal civil society organisations came to the fore, either in their interventionist (NGOs) or their most contestatory dimensions (human rights organisations, Islamist groups, or more politicised platforms). Thus, the chapter shows that it is necessary to go beyond a certain reductionist view of what civil society is and to propose another concept, much more dynamic, creative and horizontalist that involves not only hierarchical organisational structures, but also other spaces of mobilisation in which the citizenry can express its social, political and economic commitment.
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Butigan, Vjekoslav. "The Political Ethos of the Civil Society." In The Paideia Archive: Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy, 32–36. Philosophy Documentation Center, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/wcp20-paideia199841731.

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Totalitarian political systems in the socialist countries of Eastern Europe destroyed and repressed the civil society that used to exist in them. The authoritarian and totalitarian ethos was formed under a powerful influence of ideologies of the communist parties and politocracy in these countries so that the political ethos of politicians dominated the political ethos of the citizen. The breakdown of the real socialism and its unsuccessful attempts to complete accelerated liberal modernization of these societies caused turbulence of social values in addition to the general moral chaos. The moral crisis has deepened; anomie increased as well as the society’s inclination to commit crime. This makes difficult the creation of the cultural matrix of the civil society and its moral values. The liberation and development of the political ethos of the civil society as an element of the democratic political culture require structural and mental changes in these societies. They imply abandoning the value matrices of the traditional and political societies based upon collectivism, tribalism, authoritarianism, egalitarianism, ethnocentrism, etatisme and mythologization of the past. They require the use of the citizens’ active potential as well as that of their associations, their readiness for political commitment, self-initiative, respect of the general interest and a courageous defense of freedom and social justice.
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Sibai, Abla Mehio, and Anthony Rizk. "Population ageing in Arab countries." In Oxford Textbook of Geriatric Medicine, 49–54. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med/9780198701590.003.0007.

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To varying degrees, Arab countries are experiencing demographic shifts towards ageing populations. This is brought about by a region-wide decline in mortality and fertility rates and a surge in life expectancy over the last few decades. Future projections indicate a much faster pace of population ageing with subsequent rectangularization of the population pyramid. Rapid urbanization, increased tobacco consumption, nutrition transition, and reduced physical activity have contributed towards the rise of non-communicable diseases in later life. Of significance are the high levels of diabetes and obesity in oil-rich countries. Meanwhile, geriatrics and gerontology remain nascent fields in most medical and nursing schools. Some of the most pressing needs include building population-based databases, emphasizing geriatric and gerontology programmes, embracing a holistic patient-centred approach to care supported by coordinated referrals to specialized follow-up, capitalizing on the role of the family and intergenerational support systems, and encouraging civil society organizations of older persons.
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Nyirenda, Joshua C. "Exploring the ICT Capabilities of Civil Society in Sub Saharan Africa." In Information Communication Technologies and the Virtual Public Sphere, 207–28. IGI Global, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-60960-159-1.ch011.

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Civil society is argued to have been the most significant force of many forces that eradicated entrenched authoritarianism in Africa, in the early 1990s, ushering most of these countries to multi-party democracies. And yet after such accomplishment, many of these new democracies have receded to undemocratic practices. With weak economies, civil society faces many challenges in resource mobilization and in mobilizing the masses for national causes. Information communication technologies, or ICTs, are increasingly being seen as an aid to the mobilization and organization challenges of civil society. However, advanced ICT capabilities are mostly in developed countries where civil society is already strong. Using e-governance as a proxy measure for ICT capabilities for civil society, this chapter conducts an exploratory study using secondary baseline data collected by international institutions on Sub Saharan Countries. The relationship between ICT capabilities and the several civil society development indicators (press freedom, civil liberties, and various other variables) is investigated. Later, the Nation of Zambia (a country with moderate ICT capabilities in the region) is used for a qualitative case study to explore how ICT capabilities and various contextual issues influence ICT applications by civil society organizations to enhance operational capabilities such as collaboration and mobilization efforts.
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Masoud, Tarek. "Not Ready for Democracy." In Revisiting the Arab Uprisings, 111–40. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190876081.003.0008.

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Comparing Egypt and Tunisia, Tarek Masoud argues that the distinctive make-ups and strengths of civil society in those two countries explain why their transitions took different paths. He dismisses previous arguments about the role of the army or the democratic commitment of politicians, arguing instead that Tunisian civil society was stronger and had a less pronounced religious coloration than Egypt’s, with the result that its secular politicians could easily acquire a substantial political base, leading to more balanced electoral results. As no single party or camp had hegemony, leading politicians were forced to make the necessary political compromises. Masoud then builds on this conclusion to suggest a more structural argument: that the greater economic development, industrialization and urbanization of Tunisia explains why its civil society had those specific features that Egypt’s lacked.
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Szmolka, Inmaculada, and Marién Durán. "Autocratisation, authoritarian progressions and fragmented states." In Political Change in the Middle East and North Africa. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474415286.003.0018.

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This chapter analyses the MENA countries that have experienced negative changes following the Arab Spring: a process of autocratisation in Turkey, authoritarian progressions in Kuwait and Bahrain, and the fragmentation of state authority in Syria and Iraq. Turkey has transited from being a defective democracy to authoritarianism (due to a concentration of power in the hands of president Erdoğan), which has been a more pronounced tendency since the attempted coup d’état in July 2016. Kuwait, one of the ‘less authoritarian’ Arab countries before 2011, has undergone an authoritarian progression as a consequence of the emir’s attempts to control parliament and approve restrictive laws regarding rights and liberties. Likewise, authoritarian progression in Bahrain has been the consequence of a decline in political competition - as a result of the withdrawal of opposition movements from parliament and state repression against any type of opposition. The democratic regime established in 2005 in Iraq currently faces enormous concerns: disabling sectarism, weak governance, and the occupation of much of northwestern Iraq by IS. Violence directed by al-Assad’s regime against protesters provoked a civil war on several fronts and a breakdown of state authority in Syria. The chapter shows that these conflicts in the Middle East, as well as in Yemen, have made the region unstable and represent an enormous international challenge.
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