Journal articles: 'Black pointed seed'

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Prasad, Suday. "Report of Indian Flying Fox, Pteropus giganteus (Brunnich) (Chiroptera, Pteropodidae) in Dumraon, Bihar." International Archive of Applied Sciences and Technology 11, no. 1 (2020): 42–45. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13435141.

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(Uploaded by Plazi for the Bat Literature Project) Bats are the only flying mammals that are capable of true flight. Bats are economically important to our society. They also play vital roles in balancing the ecosystem, seed dispersal, pollination of many edible & medicinal plants; regeneration of forest ecosystem and considered as a universally important bioindicators. A large size mega bat (female) died of electric shock, was collected near palm tree (Borassus flabelifer) south of Veer Kunwar Singh College of Agriculture, Dumraon in the month of January, 2017. The present investigation was conducted for morphometric identification of mega chiropteran Pteropus giganteus in Dumraon, Buxar (Bihar). The forearm length and wingspan of this bat was recorded 173.9 mm and 975.8 mm respectively whereas total body mass of 780 mm and head with body length were recorded 258 mm respectively. The species observed as the long snout, hairy, well developed nostril and long pointed black ears. It has also been observed strong clawed toes, second finger with claws and inconspicuous tail. Viewing the presence of orchard and availability of Indian flying fox, Pteropus giganteus and other micro chiropteran in these areas it will become quit imperative for further biological and ecological study as well as management of this species.

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Prasad, Suday. "Report of Indian Flying Fox, Pteropus giganteus (Brunnich) (Chiroptera, Pteropodidae) in Dumraon, Bihar." International Archive of Applied Sciences and Technology 11, no. 1 (2020): 42–45. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13435141.

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(Uploaded by Plazi for the Bat Literature Project) Bats are the only flying mammals that are capable of true flight. Bats are economically important to our society. They also play vital roles in balancing the ecosystem, seed dispersal, pollination of many edible & medicinal plants; regeneration of forest ecosystem and considered as a universally important bioindicators. A large size mega bat (female) died of electric shock, was collected near palm tree (Borassus flabelifer) south of Veer Kunwar Singh College of Agriculture, Dumraon in the month of January, 2017. The present investigation was conducted for morphometric identification of mega chiropteran Pteropus giganteus in Dumraon, Buxar (Bihar). The forearm length and wingspan of this bat was recorded 173.9 mm and 975.8 mm respectively whereas total body mass of 780 mm and head with body length were recorded 258 mm respectively. The species observed as the long snout, hairy, well developed nostril and long pointed black ears. It has also been observed strong clawed toes, second finger with claws and inconspicuous tail. Viewing the presence of orchard and availability of Indian flying fox, Pteropus giganteus and other micro chiropteran in these areas it will become quit imperative for further biological and ecological study as well as management of this species.

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9

Prasad, Suday. "Report of Indian Flying Fox, Pteropus giganteus (Brunnich) (Chiroptera, Pteropodidae) in Dumraon, Bihar." International Archive of Applied Sciences and Technology 11, no. 1 (2020): 42–45. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13435141.

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(Uploaded by Plazi for the Bat Literature Project) Bats are the only flying mammals that are capable of true flight. Bats are economically important to our society. They also play vital roles in balancing the ecosystem, seed dispersal, pollination of many edible & medicinal plants; regeneration of forest ecosystem and considered as a universally important bioindicators. A large size mega bat (female) died of electric shock, was collected near palm tree (Borassus flabelifer) south of Veer Kunwar Singh College of Agriculture, Dumraon in the month of January, 2017. The present investigation was conducted for morphometric identification of mega chiropteran Pteropus giganteus in Dumraon, Buxar (Bihar). The forearm length and wingspan of this bat was recorded 173.9 mm and 975.8 mm respectively whereas total body mass of 780 mm and head with body length were recorded 258 mm respectively. The species observed as the long snout, hairy, well developed nostril and long pointed black ears. It has also been observed strong clawed toes, second finger with claws and inconspicuous tail. Viewing the presence of orchard and availability of Indian flying fox, Pteropus giganteus and other micro chiropteran in these areas it will become quit imperative for further biological and ecological study as well as management of this species.

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10

Prasad, Suday. "Report of Indian Flying Fox, Pteropus giganteus (Brunnich) (Chiroptera, Pteropodidae) in Dumraon, Bihar." International Archive of Applied Sciences and Technology 11, no. 1 (2020): 42–45. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13435141.

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Abstract:

(Uploaded by Plazi for the Bat Literature Project) Bats are the only flying mammals that are capable of true flight. Bats are economically important to our society. They also play vital roles in balancing the ecosystem, seed dispersal, pollination of many edible & medicinal plants; regeneration of forest ecosystem and considered as a universally important bioindicators. A large size mega bat (female) died of electric shock, was collected near palm tree (Borassus flabelifer) south of Veer Kunwar Singh College of Agriculture, Dumraon in the month of January, 2017. The present investigation was conducted for morphometric identification of mega chiropteran Pteropus giganteus in Dumraon, Buxar (Bihar). The forearm length and wingspan of this bat was recorded 173.9 mm and 975.8 mm respectively whereas total body mass of 780 mm and head with body length were recorded 258 mm respectively. The species observed as the long snout, hairy, well developed nostril and long pointed black ears. It has also been observed strong clawed toes, second finger with claws and inconspicuous tail. Viewing the presence of orchard and availability of Indian flying fox, Pteropus giganteus and other micro chiropteran in these areas it will become quit imperative for further biological and ecological study as well as management of this species.

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Iushkevich, L. V., and A. A. Kem. "Impact of soil press work on crop yield in the forest steppe of Western Siberia." Bulletin of NSAU (Novosibirsk State Agrarian University) 48, no. 3 (2018): 38–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31677/2072-6724-2018-48-3-38-43.

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Soil compaction after sowing reduces overall porosity, increases thermal conductivity and heating of the upper layer, which increases the contact of seeds with the soil, accelerates water consumption, swelling and germination of seedlings of crops. Currently, the most part of drills, including seeding systems, press the soil by the rolls of different modifications simultaneously with sowing. After sowing crops, the upper (0-10 cm) soil layer has insufficient compaction (less than 1.00-1.05 g/cm3) and increased non-capillary porosity (more than 50%), which leads to moisture losses from the upper layer. The researchers found out that rolling-up contributes to increasing of the top layer clumpiness on 5.8% on average and reduces erodability of the field surface on14.4% with weak soil response to deflation (less than 50 g). The experimental results on effectiveness of additional pressrolling after sowing SKP-2.1 on the fall variants of the steam field treatment to a depth of 20-22 cm showed that seed germination was increased on 11.3%, and grain increase was 0.09-0.15 t/ha or 4.2-7.2%. On minimal steam treatment, (depth of 10-12 cm) additional soil press rolling was not sufficiently effective. On the black-earth soils of the forest-steppe of Western Siberia, press-rolling of the soil after sowing SKP-2,1 contributes to additional grain yield of winter rye and durum wheat to 0,14-0,23 t/ha (6,1-11,0 %). Additional rolling after sowing by SKP-2,1 and John Deere 1820 with pointed tines for autumn backgrounds increases grain yield in the second wheat after steam from 2.52 to 2.74 t/ha, or 8.7%.

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Nardini, E., E. Lusso, G. Risaliti, et al. "The most luminous blue quasars at 3.0 < z < 3.3." Astronomy & Astrophysics 632 (December 2019): A109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/0004-6361/201936911.

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We present the X-ray analysis of 30 luminous quasars at z ≃ 3.0 − 3.3 with pointed XMM–Newton observations (28–48 ks) originally obtained by our group to test the suitability of active galactic nuclei as standard candles for cosmological studies. The sample was selected in the optical from the Sloan Digital Sky Survey Data Release 7 to be representative of the most luminous, intrinsically blue quasar population, and by construction boasts a high degree of homogeneity in terms of optical and UV properties. In the X-rays, only four sources are too faint for a detailed spectral analysis, one of which is formally undetected. Neglecting one more object later found to be radio-loud, the other 25 quasars are, as a whole, the most X-ray luminous ever observed, with rest-frame 2–10 keV luminosities of 0.5 − 7 × 1045 erg s−1. The continuum photon index distribution, centred at Γ ∼ 1.85, is in excellent agreement with those in place at lower redshift, luminosity, and black-hole mass, confirming the universal nature of the X-ray emission mechanism in quasars. Even so, when compared against the well-known LX–LUV correlation, our quasars show an unexpectedly varied behaviour, splitting into two distinct subsets. About two-thirds of the sources are clustered around the relation with a minimal scatter of 0.1 dex, while the remaining one-third appear to be X-ray underluminous by factors of > 3−10. Such a large incidence (≈25%) of X-ray weakness has never been reported in radio-quiet, non-broad absorption line (BAL) quasar samples. Several factors could contribute to enhancing the X-ray weakness fraction among our z ≃ 3 blue quasars, including variability, mild X-ray obscuration, contamination from weak-line quasars, and missed BALs. However, the X-ray weak objects also have, on average, flatter spectra, with no clear evidence of absorption. Indeed, column densities in excess of a few ×1022 cm−2 can be ruled out for most of the sample. We suggest that, at least in some of our X-ray weak quasars, the corona might experience a radiatively inefficient phase due to the presence of a powerful accretion-disc wind, which substantially reduces the accretion rate through the inner disc and therefore also the availability of seed photons for Compton up-scattering. The origin of the deviations from the LX–LUV relation will be further investigated in a series of future studies.

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Pierre, Yvette. "Rooted Pedagogies: Black Women Activist Teachers Planting Seeds." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 14, no. 19 (2018): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2018.v14n19p36.

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The history of activism on the part of African American women has laid the foundation on which contemporary African American women activists and scholars have developed theories, critiques, and cultural frameworks that challenges pre- established paradigms and epistemologies. This paper focuses on extending the research that begun on African American teacher activists to gain sufficient insight into their political perspectives and how their perspectives were manifested in their personal and professional lives to influence their role as a teacher. This study was informed by black feminist epistemology and it employs portraiture as its research methodology. Data analysis yielded significant findings. The subjects of the study considered those life experiences to be most significant that contributed in developing their critical consciousness as children through the influence of their family, school, and community. Each teacher pointed to the need to teach critical thinking skills so that students of color will be able to establish their places in the world as productive citizens. The pedagogical approaches of the black women activist teachers were theorized and it emerged as a model of Rooted Pedagogies grounded in the historical tradition of black women’s activism. Furthermore, the implications for teacher education and practice were discussed, alongside with the recommendations for future research.

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Akhshi, N., F. Nazarian Firouzabadi, K. Cheghamirza, and H. R. Dorri. "Coefficient Analysis and Association between Morpho-Agronomical Characters in Common Bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.)." Cercetari Agronomice in Moldova 48, no. 4 (2015): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cerce-2015-0050.

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AbstractPulses are important food sources for human consumption. In an attempt to study the associations between common bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.) morpho-agronomical traits, twelve genotypes and inbred lines were evaluated in a randomized complete block design (RCBD) with three replications in 2010-2011 crop season. Seed yield and 20 other morpho-agronomic characters were recorded. Analysis of variance (ANOVA) revealed a significant (p ≤ 0.01) difference among genotypes with respect to almost all traits. Correlation analysis demonstrated that seed yield had a strong positive correlation with both seed number per plant and seed number per pod, suggesting the usefulness of these traits in common bean breeding programs. Step-wise regression analysis pointed out that the pod weight, seed number per pod and 100 seed weight contributed to the seed yield prediction, whereas other traits did not contributed to the seed yield prediction. These traits explained almost 99% of total seed yield variations. Path analysis showed that the maximum direct and positive effect was related to pod weight. Furthermore, factor analysis revealed that four factors, explained almost 71% of the total variance. The results of this research showed that biologic yield, pod weight, straw weight, number of pod per plant and seed number per plant were the most closely related traits to the seed yield.

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Schreiber, Verena, and Nadine Marquardt. "Zwischen Aneignung und Abwehr: Städtische Integrationspolitik im Blick ihrer Adressat_innen." Geographische Zeitschrift 104, no. 4 (2016): 239–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/gz-2016-0011.

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Mohammed, Hasan Abdullah, and Sanaa A. M. Al-Hameed. "Effect of Dietary Black Cumin Seeds (Nigella Stavia),Garlic(Allium Sativum)and Lettuce Leaves (Lactuca Sativa) on Performance and Egg Qualty Traits of Native Layer Hens." IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 910, no. 1 (2021): 012001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/910/1/012001.

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Abstract This work is done in rental house at Shaqlawa/Erbil city and It has been adapted to be a typical miniature field for experiment. (two month rearing ),for native layer at age (35week). Aimed of this experiment to investigate the effect of dietary 5% individual powder of black seeds, garlic and grinding of lettuce leaves on performance and egg quality traits of layer Hens. Atotal number of 64 layer distributed for four treatments, each of treatment included 16 hen and 4 cock, The treatments were as follows : T1 (control) without any addition, T2: 5% black cumin seeds powder, T3: 5% garlic powder, T4 : 5% lettuce leaves grinding. Result observed that T4 impact to improve the egg performance and color yolk egg, best value pointed in T1 for eggs phenotype characterized further for Albumin, yolk length/cm and significant (P≤0.05) with other treatments. Results also shown in T3 were the best value for egg shell strength (Kg/cm2). T2 observed better value for thickness, egg shell weight/g and percentage of egg shell. T3 obtained best value for yolk height and yolk Albumin index egg and H.U, followed by T2.

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Amusa, O. D., and L. A. Ogunkanmi. "Assessment of morpho-variability between bruchid tolerant AND SUSCEPTIBLE cowpea (Vigna unguiculata L. Walp.) accessions." Ife Journal of Science 23, no. 1 (2021): 105–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijs.v23i1.10.

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Cowpea bruchid is a major constraint to cowpea production. Easy identification of resistant/tolerant accessions to bruchid infestation has been a major challenge in bruchid resistant breeding programmes. Hence, the study was aimed to evaluate variations in some morphological characters between some bruchid resistant/tolerant and susceptible cowpea accessions, correlating them with their bruchid tolerance status in the hope of identifying a pointer character(s) that can facilitate easy identification of bruchid tolerant among cowpea germplasm. Sixty accessions were collected and evaluated for bruchid tolerance. Accessions were then grouped into bruchid susceptible and bruchid tolerant. These accessions were planted in Randomized Complete Block Design with ten replicates. Morphological differences between groups were evaluated accordingly. Of the sixty accessions evaluated, fifty-two were susceptible while eight were bruchid tolerant. No qualitative differences were observed between bruchid susceptible and tolerant groups, however significant differences were observed in quantitative characters which include terminal leaflet length, terminal leaflet/width ratio, leaf petiole length, terminal leaflet petiole length (TLPL), leaf petiole length, pod length (PDL), pod width, total number of pods per plant, seed length (SDL), seed width (SDW), seed thickness (SDTK) and 100 seed weight (100SDW). Bruchid tolerance was significantly positively correlated with seed characters which include, SDL (r = 0.798, p < 0.01); SDW (r = 0.798, p < 0.01); SDTK (r = 0.758, p < 0.01);100SDW (0.830, p < 0.01) and significantly negatively correlated with TLPL and PDL (p < 0.05). These characters can provide easy identification of bruchid tolerant among cowpea germplasm, hence requires further investigations. Keywords: Cowpea, Vigna unguiculata, Bruchid, Callosobruchus maculatus, Morphology

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Jhariya, Rupali, M. K. Tripathi, Riya Mishra, Sanjeev Sharma, Ravindra Solanki, and R. S. Sikarwar. "Appraisal of Variability Across Soybean Genotypes Based on Qualitative Traits." Journal of Biology and Nature 17, no. 2 (2025): 58–72. https://doi.org/10.56557/joban/2025/v17i29443.

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Soybean (Glycine max [L.] Merrill) is a worldwide substantial legume crop esteemed for its nutritional richness, agronomic resourcefulness and wide adaptableness. The objective of this study was to evaluate the genetic description among soybean genotypes using a set of defined qualitative traits conducted during the Kharif 2023 at the Experimental Farm, Department of Genetics and Plant Breeding, RVSKVV, Gwalior, M.P., India. A total 92 diverse soybean genotypes were grown in a randomized block design with two replications. Qualitative traits following DUS guidelines viz., plant growth type, leaf shape and colour, flower and pod characteristics, seed morphology and hilum colour were investigated from representative plants. Significant phenotypic variation was observed among genotypes. Plant growth type included determinate (41), semi-determinate (27) and indeterminate (24) types. Leaf shape was predominantly pointed ovate (62 genotypes), tracked by rounded ovate (20) and lanceolate (10). Foliage colour varied between light (43) and dark green (49). Flower colour was nearly evenly split between white (42) and purple (50). Pod pubescence was absent in 52 genotypes and present in 40, with brown being the predominant pubescence colour. Seed characteristics exhibited broad diversity in shape, size, color, luster, and hilum pigmentation, highlighting valuable morphological markers for genotype classification. These findings indicated presence of substantial qualitative trait variability, which is crucial for parental selection, varietal identification and genetic improvement programmes. Future research integrating molecular tools with phenotypic data will facilitate the development of high-yielding, stress-tolerant and nutritionally superior soybean cultivars, contributing to sustainable agriculture and food security.

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Paula, Filipe Cassimiro Magalhães de, Tomaz Ribeiro Lanza, Gustavo Franco de Castro, and Lin Chau Ming. "EVALUATION OF Vigna subterranea (L.) VERDC. DEVELOPMENT UNDER DIFFERENT MOUNDING PERIODS IN VIÇOSA, MG, BRAZIL." REVISTA DE AGRICULTURA NEOTROPICAL 11, no. 3 (2024): e8345. http://dx.doi.org/10.32404/rean.v11i3.8345.

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The bambara bean (Vigna subterranea (L.) Verdc.) is native to the African continent, being considered rustic, tolerant to water stress, high temperatures, and soils with low fertility. In view of climate change, it's a strategic crop having a short cycle and a fast economic return. The practice of mounding is considered essential for crops that have parts of economic interest below the soil surface promoting better plant development, protection against solar radiation and weed control. The objective of this work was to evaluate the phytotechnical aspects of bambara bean under different periods of mounding. The methodology used was a randomized block design with three treatments and six repetitions submitted to the Tukey test at 5% probability. The treatments were no mounding (SA), mounding 60 days after planting (A60AP), and mounding 90 days after planting (A90AP). The parameters analyzed were mass of 100 seeds (M100S), number of seeds per plot (NSP), productivity in kg/ha (PR), and number of seeds per kilo (NSQ). The results pointed out that mounding brings positive results for M100S and PR for A60AP. A90AP and SA had reductions in M100S and increase in NSQ when compared to A60AP. The variable NSP was not influenced by any of the treatments. Thereby, A60AP lead to a greater increase in productivity and quality for bambara groundnut in region of MG, Brazil.

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Hidosa, Denbela, and Mekete Girma. "Replacement Effect of Noug-Cake with Lablab Purpureus Seed on Biological Performance of Woyito-Guji Goat Fed a Basal Diet of Haricot Bean Haulms." ES Journal of Microbiology 4, no. 1 (2023): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.59152/esjm/1015.

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Objective: This study aimed to investigate the replacement effect of noug-cake (NC) with lablab purpureus seed (LPS) on biological performance of Woyito-Guji goat. Material and Methods: About 24 intact male Woyito-Guji bucks having a preliminary weight of 17.34kg were allocated to one of the 4 investigational treatments in a randomized complete block design (RCBD). The investigational treatments used were; haricot bean haulms (HBH) ad-libitum+ 18% of wheat bran (WB)+23% of maize (MG)+24% of sorghum (SG)+20% of NC+12% of sunflower seed (SFS) +1.5% of common salt and+1.5% of limestone (T1), HBH ad-libitum+18% of WB+22% of MG + 20% of SG+15% of NC+12% of SFS + 10% of LPS+1.5% of common salt + 1.5% of limestone(T2), HBH ad-libitum+20% of WB +23% of MG + 22% of SG+ 5% of NC+12% of SFS + 15% of LPS +1.5% of common salt and+ 1.5% of limestone (T3), and HBH ad-libitum+18% of WB + 23% of MG + 24% of SG +12% of SFS+ 20% of LPS+1.5% of common salt + 1.5% of limestone (T4). Results: The total-dry-matter and crude protein consumption, and nutrient digestibility were higher (p<0.001) for bucks consumed the T1 and T4 over the bucks consumed the T2 and T3. Similarly, goats consumed T1 and T4 gained more (p<0.001) average-daily-gain (ADG), hot carcass weight (HCW), and rib eye muscle area (REMA) than bucks that given T2 and T3. Conclusion: The findings from this investigation pointed-out that replacing NC with roasted LPS at a 20% inclusion level in goat rations improved biological performance of goat.

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Hidosa, Denbela, and Mekete Girma. "Replacement consequences of Noug-cake with Lablab purpureus seed on biological performance of Woyito-Guji goat." Veterinary Research Notes 3, no. 6 (2023): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5455/vrn.2023.c28.

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Objective: The goal of this study was to find out what happened when Noug-cake (NC) was replaced with Lablab purpureus seed (LPS) and how that affected the health and performance of Woyito-Guji goats. Material and Methods: About 24 intact male Woyito-Guji bucks with a preliminary weight of 17.34 kg were allocated to one of the four investigational treatments in a randomized complete block design. The investigational treatments used were haricot bean haulms (HBH) ad-libitum + 18% of wheat bran (WB) + 23% of maize (MG) + 24% of sorghum (SG) + 20% of NC + 12% of sun¬flower seed (SFS) + 1.5% of common salt and 1.5% of limestone (T1); HBH ad libitum + 18% of WB + 23% of MG + 24% of SG + 20% of NC + 12% of SFS + 1.5% of common salt and + 1.5% of limestone (T1), HBH ad-libitum + 18% of WB + 22% of MG + 20% of SG + 15% of NC + 12% of SFS + 10% of LPS + 1.5% of common salt + 1.5% of limestone (T2), HBH ad-libitum + 20% of WB + 23% of MG + 22% of SG + 5% of NC + 12% of SFS + 15% of LPS + 1.5% of common salt and + 1.5% of limestone (T3), and HBH ad-libitum + 18% of WB + 23% of MG + 24% of SG + 12% of SFS + 20% of LPS + 1.5% of common salt + 1.5% of limestone (T4). Results: The total dry matter and crude protein consumption and nutrient digestibility were higher (p < 0.001) for bucks who consumed T1 and T4 over the bucks who consumed T2 and T3. Similarly, goats that consumed T1 and T4 gained more (p < 0.001) in average daily gain, hot carcass weight, and rib-eye muscle area than bucks that were given T2 and T3. Conclusion: The findings from this investigation pointed out that replacing NC with roasted LPS at a 20% inclusion level in goat rations improved the biological performance of goats.

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Palepi, Multazam, Jumini Jumini, Syaffrudin Syaffrudin, and Syaffrudin Syaffrudin. "Pengaruh Jenis Mikoriza dan Jumlah Populasi Tanaman Terhadap Pertumbuhan dan Hasil Jagung Manis (Zea mays L.)." Jurnal Ilmiah Mahasiswa Pertanian 4, no. 1 (2020): 91–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.17969/jimfp.v4i1.10341.

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Abstrak. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui pengaruh jenis mikoriza dan populasi tanaman terhadap pertumbuhan dan hasil jagung manis, serta interaksi antara jenis mikoriza dengan populasi tanaman terhadap pertumbuhan dan hasil jagung manis. Penelitian ini dilaksanakan pada bulan November 2017 sampai Januari 2018 di Desa Blang Krueng, Kecamatan Baitussalam, Kabupaten Aceh Besar. Rancangan Penelitian yang digunakan adalah Rancangan Acak Kelompok (RAK) pola faktorial 3 x 2 dengan 3 ulangan. Faktor yang diteliti yaitu jenis mikoriza dan populasi tanaman. Faktor jenis mikoirza terdiri dari 3 taraf yaitu ; mikoriza glomus mosseae, gigaspora dan campuran. Faktor populasi tanman terdiri atas 2 taraf yaitu : satu benih dan dua benih. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan penggunaan jenis mikoriza campuran secara umum menghasilkan pertumbuhan dan hasil tanaman jagung yang lebih baik. Sedangkan populasi tamanan yang terbaik adalah satu tamanan. Selanjutnya Interaksi yang lebih baik terdapat pada jenis mikoriza campuran dengan populasi tamanan pada parameter diameter batang 15 HST dan 30 HST, berat basah akar dan berat buah berkelobot, diameter tongkol,berat buah tampa kelobot dan potensi hasil per hektar. The effect of Mycoriza Types and Number of Crop Populations on Growth and Yield of Sweet CornAbstractThis research purposes to know the effect of mycoriza types and the population of the plants toward the growth and yield of sweet corn and the interaction between mycoriza types and the population of the plants to the growth and yield of sweet corn. This research was carried out in November 2017 until Januari 2018 at Blang Krueng village, Baitussalam sub-district, Aceh Besar Regency and Physiology Laboratory, faculty of Agriculture, Syiah Kuala University. This research was conducted Randomized Block Design factorial pattern 3 x 2 with 3 replications. The factors studied in this research are mycoriza types and the population of the plants. 3 types of mycoriza types are glomus mosseae mycoriza, gigaspora and the mixture of glomus mosseae and gigaspora. and 2 types of the population of the plants are using one seed and two seed. The result of this research pointed out that the using of the mixture mycoriza type generally increased the growth and yield of sweet corn. Whereas, the using of the population of the plants with one seed had showed the best result. And the better interaction is obtained in the mixture mycoriza with the population of the plants in there after a good interaction is present in mixed mycorrhizae species with plan population on the diameter of tehstem 15 HST and 30 HST, the weight of the root base and the weight of the weighted fruit, the diameter of the cob weight of the without any weight fruit and the potential yield per hactare.

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Shoaib, A., N. Akhtar, S. Akhtar, and R. Hafeez. "First Report of Alternaria longipes Causing Leaf Spot of Potato Cultivar Sante in Pakistan." Plant Disease 98, no. 12 (2014): 1742. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/pdis-05-14-0539-pdn.

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Potato (Solanum tuberosum) is one of the most important vegetable crops worldwide, including Pakistan. During surveys from November to February of 2011 to 2013 in Sahiwal (Punjab), a severe leaf spot disease, new to farmers, was recorded. Symptoms consisted of 1- to 3-mm diameter black circular necrotic spots and appeared on the leaves of 2- to 3-week-old plants. Disease incidence was ~70 to 80%. This disease was localized to few fields in Sahiwal on potato variety Sante and to our knowledge, this has not been found on other areas or potato varieties in Pakistan. Fungi were isolated from randomly selected diseased plants. Ten infected plants were brought to the laboratory in sterilized polyethylene bags. One infected leaf per plant was selected for pathogen isolation. Infected parts of leaves were cut into ~2 mm2 pieces. Leaf pieces were surface sterilized for 1 min with 0.5% sodium hypochlorite and then inoculated aseptically onto 2% malt extract agar (MEA) (Sigma, Dorset, UK) and incubated at 25 ± 2°C for 3 to 4 days in the dark. Hyphal tip transfer from emerging colonies was performed to obtain pure cultures. Initial microscopic examination of pure fungal colonies revealed Alternaria as the likely causal organism. For morphology-based identification, five isolates from separate infected leaves were grown on MEA as well as potato carrot agar (PCA) for 7 days. All isolates showed similar morphological characters including dusty greenish black, floccose colonies with regular and smooth margins reaching 3 to 4.5 cm in diameter on MEA and sporulation with well-defined zones of growth. Aerial hyphae produced long branches that bore lateral chains of 1 to 7 conidia. Conidia were pointed at the tip, ovoid or ellipsoid, ranged from 18 to 40 × 5 to 12 μm with 4 to 8 transverse and 0 to 1 longitudinal septa. No conidial beak was present. Conidial color darkened from dull olive to brown as the culture matured. Based on morphology, the pathogen was identified as Alternaria longipes (1). A pure culture of a fungal pathogen was submitted to First Fungal Culture Bank of Pakistan (FCBP1355) for future reference. To confirm the morphology-based identification, the rDNA internal transcribed spacer (ITS) nucleotide sequence was amplified using ITS1 forward and ITS4 reverse primers (2). The amplicon of 537 bp was sequenced and submitted to GenBank under accession KJ806191. A BLASTn search using the KJ806191 sequence revealed it to be 99% identical to around 20 different strains of A. longipes deposited in GenBank including leaf spot pathogens of another Solanaceaeous member, Nicotiana tabacum (AY154684) and Asteraceous plant, Atractylodes macrocepha (JQ004404). Pathogenicity testing was performed in the greenhouse at 30 ± 2°C. Pots (16 × 9 cm) were filled with sterilized soil. Since spores of Alternaria sp. are known to survive in soil or plant debris, soil was sterilized and inoculated with 106 spore suspension of the isolated pathogen before sowing the potato seeds. Control pots were not inoculated. Approximately 10 days after plant germination, the previously observed disease symptoms appeared on leaves and A. longipes was re-isolated from the necrotic areas of leaves, thus fulfilling Koch's postulates. Plants in control treatments were asymptomatic. Pathogenicity tests were repeated three times. To our knowledge, this is the first report of A. longipes leaf spot of potato cultivar Sante from Pakistan. However, the distribution of this disease is confined to the area where it was observed, but it could be a threat for potato crop if not managed timely. References: (1) E. G. Simmons. Alternaria: An identification manual. CBS, Fungal Biodiversity Center Utrecht, The Netherlands, 2007. (2) T. J. White et al. Page 315 in: PCR Protocols: A Guide to Methods and Applications. Academic Press, San Diego, CA, 1990.

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Deyneka, Alina, and Iryna Zhuravel. "Study of the qualitative composition and determination of the quantitative content of phenolic compounds by the HPLC method in the flowers of Celosia cristata (L.) Kuntze." Annals of Mechnikov Institute, no. 3 (September 12, 2022): 28–31. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7070948.

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Introduction. Celosia cristata (L.) Kuntze is one of the 60 representatives of the Amaranthaceae L. family. It was brought to Europe in the middle of the 16th century. It is a perennial herbaceous plant with juicy straight ribbed stems of green or brown-green color. The leaves are green with purple spots or completely brown, located on short petioles. The leaf blade is oval-lanceolate or linear-lanceolate with a pointed tip. The flowers are small, silvery, collected in the apical inflorescence of panicles, resembling a cock's comb. The color of the flowers depends on the variety and can be from yellow with a golden tint to burgundy. The fruit is a ball-shaped box with numerous small, black, shiny seeds. Cockscomb (Celosia cristata (L.) Kuntze) is grown in Ukraine mainly as an ornamental plant. The chemical composition of this plant is represented by saponins, flavonoids, betalains, amino acids, tannins, and alkaloids. Nitrogen-containing pigments betacyanins and betaxanthins were isolated from the inflorescences of Celosia cristata (L.) Kuntze. It is also known that flowers contain carbohydrates, amino acids and phenolic compounds. Saponins cristain and cellosins A, B, C and D, semenoside A, glycoproteins, β-sitosterol and stigmasterol were isolated from the seeds of this plant. However, the chemical composition of the flowers of this plant has not been studied enough. Pharmacological studies conducted by foreign scientists have shown that celosia combis is characterized by anti-inflammatory, immunostimulating, antinociceptive, antitumor, hepatoprotective, antidiabetic, antioxidant, wound-healing, antiviral, antimicrobial, anthelmintic activity. In the folk medicine of Mexico and China, the seeds of the combed celosia are used for hemorrhoids, headaches, leucorrhoea, bacterial skin diseases, cataracts, hypertension, leaves - for liver diseases. Phenolic compounds are an important group of compounds of secondary plant synthesis. Flavonoids and hydroxycinnamic acids are the most common phenolic compounds with a wide spectrum of action. They improve the condition of capillary walls, have a positive effect on the motility and secretory function of the gastrointestinal tract, have antispasmodic, wound healing, anti-inflammatory, hypoglycemic, antitumor, bactericidal, antiradical, diuretic activity. Little-studied plants that have long been used in traditional medicine can become a new source of phenolic compounds. Among such plants can be attributed to the combed celosia. The purpose of the work was to study the qualitative composition and determine the quantitative content of phenolic compounds by HPLC. Materials and methods. Air-dried, crushed flowers of Сelosia cristata (L.) Kuntze were used for the experiment. The raw materials were harvested in 2019-2021 in the Kharkiv region. The study of the qualitative composition and determination of the quantitative content of phenolic compounds was carried out by the HPLC method. Results and their discussion. According to the results of the experiment, 11 compounds of phenolic nature were identified in the flowers of Сelosia cristata (L.) Kuntze, in particular 8 phenolic acids, of which 4 belonged to hydroxycinnamic (caffeic, p-coumaric, ferulic and rosmarinic) acids, as well as 3 flavonoids (rutin, luteolin, quercetin). The total content of phenolic compounds identified in the flowers of Сelosia cristata (L.) Kuntze was 1780.15 mg/kg. Quantitatively, this raw material was dominated by hydroxycinnamic acids (964.65 mg/kg), the content of which accounted for more than 50% of the total content of identified phenolic compounds in the flowers of Сelosia cristata (L.) Kuntze. Flavonoids in the studied sample contained almost 1.5 times less - 652.99 mg/kg. The dominant compound in the flowers of Сelosia cristata (L.) Kuntze was p-coumaric acid. Its content was 866.70 mg/kg, which was almost half of the content of all identified compounds. Among the flavonoids in the flowers of Сelosia cristata (L.) Kuntze, rutin prevailed. 343.73 mg/kg of this compound was accumulated, which was almost half of the content of flavonoids in the studied raw materials. The amount of luteolin in the flowers of the combed celosia was somewhat less - 252.40 mg/kg. Veratric acid accumulated 120.99 mg/kg. The content of p-hydroxybenzoic, caffeic, lilac, ferulic, rosmarinic, salicylic acids and quercetin did not exceed 60 mg/kg. Conclusions. Using the HPLC method, 11 phenolic compounds with a total content of 1780.15 mg/kg were identified in the flowers of Сelosia cristata (L.) Kuntze, among which hydroxycinnamic acids dominated quantitatively. It was established that p-coumaric acid was the dominant compound in this raw material. Among flavonoids, rutin prevailed (343.73 mg/kg). The obtained results of the experiment will be used as a basis for the development of medicinal products based on the flowers of the combed celosia.

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25

Müller, Bernhard. "Fallback onto kicked neutron stars and its effect on spin-kick alignment." Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society, September 21, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mnras/stad2881.

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Abstract Fallback in core-collapse supernova explosions is potentially of significant importance for the birth spins of neutron stars and black holes. It has recently been pointed out that the angular momentum imparted onto a compact remnant by fallback material is subtly intertwined with its kick because fallback onto a moving neutron star or black hole will preferentially come for a conical region around its direction of travel. We show that contrary to earlier expectations such one-sided fallback accretion onto a neutron star will tend to produce spin-kick misalignment. Since the baroclinic driving term in the vorticity equation is perpendicular to the nearly radial pressure gradient, convective eddies in the progenitor as well as Rayleigh-Taylor plumes growing during the explosion primarily carry angular momentum perpendicular to the radial direction. Fallback material from the accretion volume of a moving neutron star therefore carries substantial angular momentum perpendicular to the kick velocity. We estimate the seed angular momentum fluctuations from convective motions in core-collapse supernova progenitors and argue that accreted fallback material will almost invariably be accreted with the maximum permissible specific angular momentum for reaching the Alfvén radius. This imposes a limit of $\mathrm {\sim }10^{-2}\, \mathrm{M}_\odot$ of fallback accretion for fast-spinning young neutron stars with periods of $\mathrm {\sim }20\, \mathrm{ms}$ and less for longer birth spin periods.

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26

Feisst, Debbie. "Three by the Sea by M. Grey." Deakin Review of Children's Literature 1, no. 2 (2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.20361/g20011.

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Grey, Mini. Three by the Sea. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2010. Print. Mini Grey (yes, that’s her real name; she was born in a Mini in a Wales car park) is an award-winning author of children’s picture books including Egg Drop and Traction Man is Here! In Three by the Sea, a black cat, a white dog, and a gray mouse share a hut on a pebbly beach. They lived together happily on the seemingly otherwise-uninhabited island. The dog did the gardening, which amounted to burying and digging up bones; the cat did the housework by simply throwing garbage out the window; and the mouse did the cooking – a cheese fondue. Every day. However, one stormy night, everything changes for the three unlikely roommates, as a traveling salesman blows to shore on an inflatable raft and finds his way to the trio’s beach hut. This Stranger, a fox in a double-breasted striped suit, announces that they are the lucky winners of a free visit from the Winds of Change Trading Company and proceeds to bestow gifts upon them. For Mouse, cookbooks and herb seed packets; for Dog, a shiny new collar; and for Cat, some tins of sardines. The gifts, however, are not truly free, as the Stranger also pointed out the inadequacies and faults of the friends’ personalities and behaviour. At dinner—a cheese fondue—the fighting begins, and insults are hurled. After deciding to pack up and go where his culinary talents would be appreciated, Mouse finds himself in a spot of trouble as he attempts to leave the island. Of course, in the end, friendship reigns, and all three agree it is time for the Stranger to go; however, the short visit has everlasting effects on their relationship and way of life. This is a lovely story that will provoke discussion about the fox’s motivations, though children younger than 5 years may find the concept a challenge. The illustrations are charming and are vintage and modern at the same time. Recommended: 3 out of 4 stars Reviewer: Debbie FeisstDebbie is a Public Services Librarian at the H.T. Coutts Education Library at the University of Alberta. When not renovating, she enjoys travel, fitness and young adult fiction.

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Chen, Hao, Gui Qiao Liu, Longhai Xue, et al. "First Report of Seedling Blight of Oat (Avena sativa) Caused by Microdochium nivale in China." Plant Disease, October 7, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/pdis-10-19-2139-pdn.

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Oat (Avena sativa) is extensively planted as a fodder crop on the vast ranges of northern and northwestern China, and it has become an important supplementary feed for grazing livestock (Yang et al. 2010). Microdochium nivale has been reported associated with seedling blight in many temperate regions (Imathiu et al. 2010) and the damage can result in serious loss of oat production. In August 2018, a serious seedling blight of oat (cv. Baiyan 7; about 30-day-old) was observed in the field in Shandan County, Zhangye City, Gansu Province (38.22° N, 101.22° E). More than 20% of oat plants were severely affected. Symptoms included leaf chlorosis and wilt. The root systems of infected plants were black and severely rotted, often with only a small amount of fine root remaining after removal from the soil. Twenty isolations were made from blackened roots on potato dextrose agar (PDA) and five isolations (TM-1, TM-2, TM-3, TM-4 and TM-5) were further purified by a single-spore method (Choi et al. 1999). Each isolate was identical based on preliminary molecular analyses of their DNA sequences of ITS by blast in the NCBI GenBank. The representative isolate TM-2 was selected for sequencing of the RNA polymerase II subunit (RPB2) gene. The isolated colonies were grown on PDA and formed colonies of approximately 62 mm (diameter) in 5 days at 25 ± 1 °C. Colonies exhibited entire margins, the color varied from white to pale yellow, and the sparse aerial mycelium were villous-floccose and cottony. The conidia were falcate, straight to curved, apex pointed or obtuse to subacute, lacking basal differentiation, 0-3-septate, most one-septate, 2.2 to 3.1 × 12.3 to 22.6μm (av.= 2.8 ×17.6; n=50). These morphological characteristics were consistent with previous descriptions of Microdochium (Zhang et al. 2010). Molecular identity was confirmed by sequencing partial sequences of ITS gene (ITS1 and ITS4 primers) (White et al. 1990) and RPB2 regions (RPB2-5f2 and RPB2-7cr) (O’Donnell et al. 2010). Sequences were deposited in GenBank under accessions MN428647 (RPB2) and MN428646 (ITS). Blast search revealed that both of the ITS and RPB2 sequences to be 99% similar to the corresponding sequences of M. nivale(CBS 116205) accession numbers KP859008.1 and KP859117.1. For pathogenicity tests, millet seed-based inoculum of M. nivale was prepared using a modified procedure of Fang et al. (2011). Three-week-old healthy oat seedlings of cv. Baiyan 7 were transplanted into potting mix containing millet seed-based inoculum of M. nivale at a rate of 3%. Control seedlings for comparison were transplanted into pots containing uninoculated potting mix. After 10 days, all the inoculated plants had developed seedling blight symptoms and that were similar to those observed in the field; while control plants remained healthy. The pathogen was reisolated from inoculated plants and identified as M. nivale based on morphological characteristics and the molecular methods described above. To our knowledge, this is the first report of seedling blight of oat caused by M. nivale in China.

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28

Rahaman, Md Anisur, Anik Sarker, Sourav Modak, Md Rasal-Monir, and Naheed Zeba. "Genetic Variability, Correlation Co-efficient and Path Analysis in Soybean (Glycine max L. Merr.) Genotypes." Asian Journal of Advances in Agricultural Research, September 23, 2022, 46–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.9734/ajaar/2022/v19i2372.

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Soybean (Glycine max L. Merr.) is an important oil seed and grain legume crop in the world and a perspective high potential crop in Bangladesh. It belongs to the family Leguminosae, sub-family papilionaceae and genus Glycine. An experiment was conducted with 14 genotypes of soybean (Glycine max L. Merr.) in a randomized complete block design (RCBD) to study the variability, correlation coefficient, and path analysis. Analysis of variance for each trait showed significant differences among the genotypes. The genotypic coefficient of variation (GCV) and phenotypic coefficient of variation (PCV) were close to each other for all the characters except the leaf area index, indicating the minor environmental influence on the expression of these characters. High heritability associated with high genetic advance in percent of mean was observed for leaf area index, number of seeds per plant, 100 seed weight, and yield, which pointed out that selection for these characters, would be effective. The significant positive correlation with seed yield was found in pod length and 100 seed weight which revealed that selection based on these traits would improve yield ultimately. Path coefficient analysis evidenced that 50% flowering, pod length, days to 1st pod maturity, number of seed per plant and 100 seed weight had a positive direct effect on yield per plant. Therefore, importance must be given to these characters in further breeding programs to improve soybean yield.

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Odongo, Forrester, Maurice E. Oyoo, Paul K. Kimurto, and Victor W. Wasike. "Morphological Characterization of Bambara Groundnut [Vigna subterranea (L.) Verdc.] Landraces in Kenya." Agricultural Science Digest - A Research Journal, Of (September 11, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.18805/ag.d-363.

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Background: Bambara groundnut [Vigna subterranea (L.) Verdc.], an indigenous drought tolerant crop of African origin is one of most important leguminous crop in Sub-Saharan Africa. Small-scale farmers continue cultivating unimproved landraces over the production areas in Kenya. Bambara exist variously as mixtures of seeds, which contain variable types of seed morphology which need to be agronomically and phenotypically differentiated. The study aimed at characterizing Bambara groundnuts collected in Kenya using morphological markers. Methods: One hundred and five germplasm assembled from four major growing agro-ecologies (Busia, Kakamega, Bungom and Vihiga Counties) and Kenya National Gene bank, were evaluated at the Kenya Agricultural and Livestock Research Organization (KALRO) - Alupe (0.4347° N, 34.2422° E) in a randomized complete block design with three replications in the long and short rains of 2015. Nineteen quantitative traits and seven qualitative traits were observed and measured at different growth stages and during harvesting. Result: Many landraces displayed pointed, round and yellowish pod, with grooved and oval seeds. About 49.4% had round leaves, 21.5% had elliptical leaves, while 55.7% were heterogeneous for leaf shape. Quantitative traits were significant (p≤0.05) except for seed weight, seed number per plant and number of stems. The first four principal components accounted for a total of 73.1% of the variations. germplasm were divided into two distinct clusters. Leaf morphology variations could be used as a reliable phenotypic marker in Bambara breeding.

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Chen, Kunyuan, Jiang-kuan Cui, Yongji Jiao, et al. "First record of Aphelenchoides besseyi on foxtail millet (Setaria italica) in Henan Province of China." Plant Disease, March 12, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/pdis-12-21-2625-pdn.

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Aphelenchoides besseyi is one of the important plant-parasitic nematodes on rice, reducing approximate 10-20% of the rice yield annually (Jones et al. 2013). Foxtail millet (Setaria italica) has been a major cereal crop in Northern China, especially in the semi-arid areas of this region, for thousands of years. In August of 2019 and 2020, a survey of nematodes on autumn grain crops was performed each year. One foxtail millet field (N34° 58′ 027″ and E113° 39′ 059″) in Yuanyang County of Henan Province caught our attention. Some upper leaves showed chlorosis without or with necrotic tips, and flag leaves presented crinkling and distortion, stalks were colored, earheads were vertical, glumes were brown or light black and open, and grains became thin. A total of ten samples were collected, and the nematodes were isolated from the spike pieces by shallow plate method and counted under a stereomicroscope. The average number of nematodes per earhead of foxtail millet counted up to 1738.75 ± 107.72. Morphologically, females were slender with a short stylet, an oval metacorpus with a distinct valve, a labial region slightly wider than the first body annulus and a conoid tail with a terminus bearing a star-shaped mucro with four pointed processes. The females were characterized as follows (mean ± SD; n=20): body length (L) = 668.92 ± 12.73 µm (647.38 to 689.70 µm); maximum body width (W) = 14.35 ± 1.11 µm (12.12 to 16.88 µm); L/W = 46.83 ± 2.94 (40.44 to 50.03); tail length = 38.93 ± 3.48 µm (33.41 to 45.92 µm); L/tail length = 17.31 ± 1.44 (14.47 to 19.62); and stylet length (ST) = 11.57 ± 0.57 µm (10.77 to 12.34 µm). The males had three pairs of ventrosubmedian papillae with the first one adanal, spicula curved with a slight basal process, terminus bearing four mucrones arranged variably, and the whole worm was in ‘J’ shape. The males could be described as follows (mean ± SD, n = 20): L = 606.66 ± 10.70 µm (586.49 to 626.37 µm); W = 13.95 ± 0.60 µm (12.71 to 14.94 µm); L/W = 43.55 ± 1.69 (40.73 to 46.43); tail length = 35.54 ± 1.93 µm (31.41 to 38.18 µm); L/tail length = 17.07 ± 0.79 (16.05 to 18.67); ST = 11.53 ± 0.56 µm (1061 to 12.76 µm). All the key morphometrics were consistent with those of A. besseyi reported from Brazil (Favoreto et al. 2018) and China (Lin et al. 2004; Ou et al. 2014). The amplifications of rDNA internal transcribed spacer (ITS) fragments generated a PCR fragment of 830 bp from a single nematode, using the primers set TW81 (5′-GTTTCCGTAGGTGAACCTGC-3′) and AB28 (5′-ATATGCTTAAGTTCAGCGGGT-3′) (Joyce et al. 1994). Five independent PCR experiments were conducted, and all the PCR products were purified and sequenced. Nucleotide sequence of ITS-rDNA was deposited in GenBank with Accession Number OK090549.1. The obtained ITS region sequence was more than 99% identical to those of A. besseyi reported from China (MW216945.1) and India (JF826518.1, JF826519.1 and JF826517.1). These ITS sequence results further supported that the isolated nematodes were A. besseyi. Subsequently, the species-specific primers of A. besseyi (BSF, 5′-TCGATGAAGAACGCAGTGAATT-3′ and BSR, 5′-AGATCAAAAGCCAATCGAATCAT-3′) were used for confirmation by PCR (Cui et al. 2010). An expected PCR fragment of 312 bp was obtained, which was consistent with those of A. besseyi reported previously. The pathogenicity of identified A. besseyi was confirmed by infection of foxtail millet (Setaria italica cv. ‘Yugu33’). Foxtail millet budding seeds were sown in the pots contained 150 mL of sterile soil mixture. In two weeks, 10 seedlings were inoculated with 100 A. besseyi each, and 4 plants were non-inoculated as the control. The foxtail millet seedlings were grown in a plant-growth chamber at 25/30°C under 12 h dark/12 h light. On the average, 73.3 and 138.2 of A. besseyi were isolated from each plant at 15 and 40 days post inoculation, respectively. Both the morphological and molecular characteristics were identical with those nematodes obtained from the original samples. All the upper leaves of the inoculated plants showed chlorosis and necrosis, symptoms that were similar to those observed in the field, and neither symptom developed on the non-inoculated control plants, nor were nematodes re-isolated from the control plants. To the best of our knowledge, this is the first record of A. besseyi on foxtail millet in Henan Province of North China. Henan is one of the most important grain-producing areas in China, and A. besseyi is an important domestic quarantine nematode, which may become a severe threat to cereal production in Henan Province. Our findings will be very beneficial for A. besseyi management and further research on foxtail millet in Henan Province of North China.

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31

Probyn, Elspeth. "Indigestion of Identities." M/C Journal 2, no. 7 (1999). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1791.

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Do we eat what we are, or are we what we eat? Do we eat or are we eaten? In less cryptic terms, in eating, do we confirm our identities, or are our identities reforged, and refracted by what and how we eat? In posing these questions, I want to shift the terms of current debates about identity. I want to signal that the study of identity may take on new insights when we look at how we are or want to be in terms of what, how, and with whom we eat. If the analysis of identity has by and large been conducted through the optic of sex, it may well be that in western societies we are witnessing a shift away from sex as the sovereign signifier, or to put it more finely, the question of what we are is a constantly morphing one that mixes up bodies, appetites, classes, genders and ethnicities. It must be said that the question of identity and subjectivity has been so well trodden in the last several decades that the possibility of any virgin territory is slim. Bombarded by critiques of identity politics, any cultural critic still interested in why and how individuals fabricate themselves must either cringe before accusations of sociological do-gooding (and defend the importance of the categories of race, class, sex, gender and so forth), or face the endless clichés that seemingly support the investigation of identity. The momentum of my investigation is carried by a weak wager, by which I mean that the areas and examples I study cannot be overdetermined by a sole axis of investigation. My point of departure is basic: what if we were to think identities in another dimension, through the optic of eating and its associated qualities: hunger, greed, shame, disgust, pleasure, etc? While the connections suggested by eating are diverse and illuminating, interrogating identity through this angle brings its own load of assumptions and preconceptions. One of the more onerous aspects of 'writing about food' is the weight of previous studies. The field of food is a well traversed one, staked out by influential authors concerned with proper anthropological, historical and sociological questions. They are by and large attracted to food for its role in securing social categories and classifications. They have left a legacy of truisms, such as Lévi-Strauss's oft-stated maxim that food is good to think with1, or Brillat-Savarin's aphorism, 'tell me what you eat: I will tell you what you are' (13). In turn, scientific idioms meet up with the buzzing clichés that hover about food. These can be primarily grouped around the notion that food is fundamental, that we all eat, and so on. Indeed, buffeted by the winds of postmodernism that have permeated public debates, it seems that there is a popular acceptance of the fact that identities are henceforth difficult, fragmented, temporary, unhinged by massive changes to modes of employment and the economy, re-formations of family, and the changes in the gender and sexual order. Living with and through these changes on a daily basis, it is no wonder that food and eating has been popularly reclaimed as a 'fundamental' issue, as the last bastion of authenticity in our lives. To put it another way, and in the terms that guide me, eating is seen as immediate -- it is something we all have to do; and it is a powerful mode of mediation, of joining us with others. What, how, and where we eat has emerged as a site of considerable social concern: from the fact that most do not eat en famille, that we increasingly eat out and through drive-in fast food outlets (in the US, 50% of the food budget is spent on eating outside the home), to the worries about genetically altered food and horror food -- mad cows, sick chickens, square tomatoes. Eating performs different connections and disconnections. Increasingly the attention to what we eat is seen as immediately connecting us, our bodies, to large social questions. At a broad level, this can be as diffuse as the winds that some argue spread genetically modified seed stock from one region to another. Or it can be as individually focussed as the knowledge that others are starving as we eat. This connection has long haunted children told 'to eat up everything on your plate because little children are starving in Africa', and in more evolved terms has served as a staple of forms of vegetarianism and other ethical forms of eating. From the pictures of starving children staring from magazine pages, the spectre of hunger is now broadcast by the Internet, exemplified in the Hunger Site where 'users are met by a map of the world and every 3.6 seconds, a country flashes black signifying a death due to hunger'. Here eating is the subject of a double articulation: the recognition of hunger is presumed to be a fundamental capacity of individuals, and our feelings are then galvanised into painless action: each time a user clicks on the 'hunger' button one of the sponsors donates a cup and a half of food. As the site explains, 'our sponsors pay for the donations as a form of advertising and public relations'. Here, the logic is that hunger is visceral, that it is a basic human feeling, which is to say that it is understood as immediate, and that it connects us in a basic way to other humans. That advertising companies know that it can also be a profitable form of meditation, transforming 'humans' into consumers is but one example of how eating connects us in complex ways to other people, to products, to new formulations of identity, and in this case altruism (the site has been called 'the altruistic mouse')2. Eating continually interweaves individual needs, desires and aspirations within global economies of identities. Of course the interlocking of the global and the local has been the subject of much debate over the last decade. For instance, in his recent book on globalisation, John Tomlinson uses 'global food and local identity' as a site through which to problematise these terms. It is clear that changes in food processing and transportation technologies have altered our sense of connection to the near and the far away, allowing us to routinely find in our supermarkets and eat products that previously would have been the food stuff of the élite. These institutional and technological changes rework the connections individuals have to their local, to the regions and nations in which they live. As Tomlinson argues, 'globalisation, from its early impact, does clearly undermine a close material relationship between the provenance of food and locality' (123). As he further states, the effects have been good (availability and variety), and bad (disrupting 'the subtle connection between climate, season, locality and cultural practice'). In terms of what we can now eat, Tomlinson points out that 'the very cultural stereotypes that identify food with, say, national culture become weakened' (124). Defusing the whiff of moralism that accompanies so much writing about food, Tomlinson argues that these changes to how we eat are not 'typically experienced as simply cultural loss or estrangement but as a complex and ambiguous blend: of familiarity and difference, expansion of cultural horizons and increased perceptions of vulnerability, access to the "world out there" accompanied by penetration of our own private worlds, new opportunities and new risks' (128). For the sake of my own argument his attention to the increased sense of vulnerability is particularly important. To put it more strongly, I'd argue that eating is of interest for the ways in which it can be a mundane exposition of the visceral nature of our connectedness, or distance from each other, from ourselves, and our social environment: it throws into relief the heartfelt, the painful, playful or pleasurable articulations of identity. To put it more clearly, I want to use eating and its associations in order to think about how the most ordinary of activities can be used to help us reflect on how we are connected to others, and to large and small social issues. This is again to attend to the immediacy of eating, and the ways in which that immediacy is communicated, mediated and can be put to use in thinking about culture. The adjective 'visceral' comes to mind: 'of the viscera', the inner organs. Could something as ordinary as eating contain the seeds of an extraordinary reflection, a visceral reaction to who and what we are becoming? In mining eating and its qualities might we glimpse gut reactions to the histories and present of the cultures within which we live? As Emily Jenkins writes in her account of 'adventures in physical culture', what if we were to go 'into things tongue first. To see how they taste' (5). In this sense, I want to plunder the visceral, gut levels revealed by that most boring and fascinating of topics: food and eating. In turn, I want to think about what bodies are and do when they eat. To take up the terms with which I started, eating both confirms what and who we are, to ourselves and to others, and can reveal new ways of thinking about those relations. To take the most basic of facts: food goes in, and then broken down it comes out of the body, and every time this happens our bodies are affected. While in the usual course of things we may not dwell upon this process, that basic ingestion allows us to think of our bodies as complex assemblages connected to a wide range of other assemblages. In eating, the diverse nature of where and how different parts of ourselves attach to different aspects of the social becomes clear, just as it scrambles preconceptions about alimentary identities. Of course, we eat according to social rules, in fact we ingest them. 'Feed the man meat', the ads proclaim following the line of masculinity inwards; while others draw a line outwards from biology and femininity into 'Eat lean beef'. The body that eats has been theorised in ways that seek to draw out the sociological equations about who we are in terms of class and gender. But rather than taking the body as known, as already and always ordered in advance by what and how it eats, we can turn such hypotheses on their head. In the act of ingestion, strict divisions get blurred. The most basic fact of eating reveals some of the strangeness of the body's workings. Consequently it becomes harder to capture the body within categories, to order stable identities. This then forcefully reminds us that we still do not know what a body is capable of, to take up a refrain that has a long heritage (from Spinoza to Deleuze to feminist investigations of the body). As Moira Gatens and Genevieve Lloyd argue in terms of this idea, 'each body exists in relations of interdependence with other bodies and these relations form a "world" in which individuals of all kinds exchange their constitutive parts -- leading to the enrichment of some and the demise of others (e.g. eating involves the destruction of one body at the same time as it involves the enhancement of the other)' (101). I am particularly interested in how individuals replay equations between eating and identity. But that phrase sounds impossibly abstracted from the minute instances I have in mind. From the lofty heights, I follow the injunction to 'look down, look way down', to lead, as it were, with the stomach. In this vein, I begin to note petty details, like the fact of recently discovering breakfast. From a diet of coffee (now with a milk called 'Life') and cigarettes, I dutifully munch on fortified cereal that provides large amounts of folate should I be pregnant (and as I eat it I wonder am I, should I be?3). Spurred on by articles sprinkled with dire warnings about what happens to women in Western societies, I search out soy, linseed and other ingredients that will help me mimic the high phytoestrogen diet of Japanese women. Eating cereal, I am told, will stave off depression, especially with the addition of bananas. Washed down with yoghurt 'enhanced' with acidophilius and bifidus to give me 'friendly' bacteria that will fight against nasty heliobacter pylori, I am assured that I will even lose weight by eating breakfast. It's all a bit much first thing in the morning when the promise of a long life seems like a threat. The myriad of printed promises of the intricate world of alimentary programming serve as an interesting counterpoint to the straightforward statements on cigarette packages. 'Smoking kills' versus the weak promises that eating so much of such and such a cereal 'is a good source of soy phytoestrogenes (isolfavones) that are believed to be very beneficial'. Apart from the unpronounceable ingredients (do you really want to eat something that you can't say?), the terms of the contract between me and the cereal makers is thin: that such and such is 'believed to be beneficial'? While what in fact they may benefit is nebulous, it gets scarier when they specify that 'a diet rich in folate may reduce the risk of birth defects such as spina bifida'. The conditional tense wavers as I ponder the way spina bifida is produced as a real possibility. There is of course a long history to the web of nutritional messages that now surrounds us. In her potted teleology of food messages, Sue Thompson, a consultant dietitian, writes that in the 1960s, the slogan was 'you are what you eat'. Then in the 1970s and 1980s, the idea was that food was bad for you. In her words, 'it became a time of "Don't eat" and "bad foods". Now, happily, 'we are moving into a time of appreciating the health benefits of food' (Promotional release by the Dairy Farmers, 1997). As the new battle ground for extended enhanced life, eating takes on fortified meaning. Awed by the enthusiasm, I am also somewhat shocked by the intimacy of detail. I can handle descriptions of sex, but the idea of discussing the ways in which you 'are reducing the bacterial toxins produced from small bowel overgrowth' (Thompson), is just too much. Gut level intimacy indeed. However, eating is intimate. But strangely enough except for the effusive health gurus, and the gossip about the eating habits of celebrities, normally in terms of not-eating, we tend not to publicly air the fact that we all operate as 'mouth machines' (to take Noëlle Châtelet's term). To be blunt about it, 'to eat, is to connect ... the mouth and the anus' (Châtelet 34). We would, with good reason, rather not think about this; it is an area of conversation reserved for our intimates. For instance, in relationships the moment of broaching the subject of one's gut may mark the beginning of the end. So let us stay for the moment at the level of the mouth machine, and the ways it brings together the physical fact of what goes in, and the symbolic production of what comes out: meanings, statements, ideas. To sanitise it further, I want to think of the mouth machine as a metonym4 for the operations of a term that has been central to cultural studies: 'articulation'. Stuart Hall's now classic definition states that 'articulation refers to the complex set of historical practices by which we struggle to produce identity or structural unity out of, on top of, complexity, difference, contradiction' (qtd. in Grossberg, "History" 64). While the term has tended to be used rather indiscriminately -- theorists wildly 'articulate' this or that -- its precise terms are useful. Basically it refers to how individuals relate themselves to their social contexts and histories. While we are all in some sense the repositories of past practices, through our actions we 'articulate', bridge and connect ourselves to practices and contexts in ways that are new to us. In other terms, we continually shuttle between practices and meanings that are already constituted and 'the real conditions' in which we find ourselves. As Lawrence Grossberg argues, this offers 'a nonessentialist theory of agency ... a fragmented, decentered human agent, an agent who is both "subject-ed" by power and capable of acting against power' ("History" 65). Elsewhere Grossberg elaborates on the term, arguing that 'articulation is the production of identity on top of difference, of unities out of fragments, of structures across practices' (We Gotta Get Out 54). We are then 'articulated' subjects, the product of being integrated into past practices and structures, but we are also always 'articulating' subjects: through our enactment of practices we reforge new meanings, new identities for ourselves. This then reveals a view of the subject as a fluctuating entity, neither totally voluntaristic, nor overdetermined. In more down to earth terms, just because we are informed by practices not of our own making, 'that doesn't mean we swallow our lessons without protest' (Jenkins 5). The mouth machine takes in but it also spits out. In these actions the individual is constantly connecting, disconnecting and reconnecting. Grossberg joins the theory of articulation to Deleuze and Guattari's notion of rhizomes. In real and theoretical terms, a rhizome is a wonderful entity: it is a type of plant, such as a potato plant or an orchid, that instead of having tap roots spreads its shoots outwards, where new roots can sprout off old. Used as a figure to map out social relations, the rhizome allows us to think about other types of connection. Beyond the arboreal, tap root logic of, say, the family tree which ties me in lineage to my forefathers, the rhizome allows me to spread laterally and horizontally: as Deleuze puts it, the rhizome is antigenealogical, 'it always has multiple entryways' compelling us to think of how we are connected diversely, to obvious and sometimes not so obvious entities (35). For Grossberg the appeal of joining a theory of articulation with one inspired by rhizomes is that it combines the 'vertical complexity' of culture and context, with the 'wild realism' of the horizontal possibilities that connect us outward. To use another metaphor dear to Deleuze and Guattari, this is to think about the spread of rhizomatic roots, the 'lines of flight' that break open seemingly closed structures, including those we call ourselves: 'lines of flight disarticulate, open up the assemblage to its exterior, cutting across and dismantling unity, identity, centers and hierarchies' (qtd. in Grossberg, We Gotta Get Out 58). In this way, bodies can be seen as assemblages: bits of past and present practice, openings, attachments to parts of the social, closings and aversion to other parts. The tongue as it ventures out to taste something new may bring back fond memories, or it may cause us to recoil in disgust. As Jenkins writes, this produces a fascinating 'contradiction -- how the body is both a prison and a vehicle for adventure' (4). It highlights the fact that the 'body is not the same from day to day. Not even from minute to minute ... . Sometimes it seems like home, sometimes more like a cheap motel near Pittsburgh' (7). As we ingest we mutate, we expand and contract, we change, sometimes subtly, sometimes violently. The openings and closings of our bodies constantly rearranges our dealings with others, as Jenkins writes, the body's 'distortions, anxieties, ecstasies and discomforts all influence a person's interaction with the people who service it'. In more theoretical terms, this produces the body as 'an articulated plane whose organisation defines its own relations of power and sites of struggle', which 'points to the existence of another politics, a politics of feeling' (Grossberg, "History" 72). These theoretical considerations illuminate the interest and the complexity of bodies that eat. The mouth machine registers experiences, and then articulates them -- utters them. In eating, we may munch into whole chains of previously established connotations, just as we may disrupt them. For instance, an email arrives, leaving traces of its rhizomatic passage zapping from one part of the world to another, and then to me. Unsolicited, it sets out a statement from a Dr. Johannes Van Vugt in San Francisco who on October 11, 1999, National Coming Out Day in the US, began an ongoing 'Fast for Equal Rights for persons who are gay, lesbian and other sexual orientation minorities'. Yoking his fast with the teachings of Ghandi and Martin Luther King, Dr. Van Vugt says he is fasting to 'call on you to choose love, not fear, and to do something about it'. The statement also reveals that he previously fasted 'to raise awareness and funds for African famine relief for which he received a Congressional commendation'. While personally I don't give much for his chances of getting a second commendation, this is an example of how the mouth machine closed still operates to articulate identities and politics to wildly diverging sites. While there is something of an arboreal logic to fasting for awareness of famine, the connection between not eating and anti-homophobic politics is decidedly rhizomatic. Whether or not it succeeds in its aim, and one of the tenets of a rhizomatic logic is that the points of connection cannot be guaranteed in advance, it does join the mouth with sex with the mouth with homophobic statements that it utters. There is then a sort of 'wild realism' at work here that endeavours to set up new assemblages of bodies, mouths and politics. From fasting to writing, what of the body that writes of the body that eats? In Grossberg's argument, the move to a rhizomatic field of analysis promises to return cultural theory to a consideration of 'the real'. He argues that such a theory must be 'concerned with particular configurations of practices, how they produce effects and how such effects are organized and deployed' (We Gotta Get Out 45). However, it is crucial to remember that these practices do not exist in a pure state in culture, divorced from their representations or those of the body that analyses them. The type of 'wild realism' that Grossberg calls for, as in Deleuze's 'new empiricism' is both a way of seeing the world, and offers it anew, illuminates otherly its structures and individuals' interaction with them. Following the line of the rhizome means that we must 'forcibly work both on semiotic flows, material flows, and social flows', Guattari goes on to argue that 'there is no tripartition between a field of reality, the world, a field of representation, the book, and a field of subjectivity, the author. But an arrangement places in connection certain multiplicities taken from each of these orders' (qtd. in Grossberg, We Gotta Get Out 48). In terms of the possibilities offered by eating, these theoretical and conceptual arguments direct us to other ways of thinking about identity as both digestion and as indigestible. Bodies eat into culture. The mouth machine is central to the articulation of different orders, but so too is the tongue that sticks out, that draws in food, objects and people. Analysed along multiple alimentary lines of flight, in eating we constantly take in, chew up and spit out identities. Footnotes 1. As Barbara Santich has recently pointed out, Lévi-Strauss's point was made in relation to taboos on eating totem animals in traditional societies and wasn't a general comment on the connection between eating and thinking (4). 2. The sponsors of the Hunger Site include 0-0.com, a search engine, Proflowers.com, and an assortment of other examples of this new form of altruism (such as GreaterGood.com which advertises itself as a 'shop to benefit your favorite cause'), and 'World-Wide Recipes', which features a 'virtual restaurant'. 3. The pregnant body is of course one of the most policed entities in our culture, and pregnant friends report on the anxieties that are produced about what will go into the future child's body. 4. While Châtelet writes that thinking about the eating body 'throws her into full metaphor ... joining, for example the nutritional mouth and the lover's mouth' (8), I have tried to avoid the tug of metaphor. Of course, the seduction of metaphor is great, and there are copious examples of the metaphorisation of eating in regards to consumption, ingestion, reading and writing. However, as I've argued elsewhere (Probyn, Outside Belongings), I prefer to focus on the 'work' (or as Le Doeuff would say, 'le faire des images') that Deleuze and Guattari's terms accomplish as ways of modelling the social. This is a particularly crucial (if here underdeveloped) point in terms of my present project, where I seek to analyse the ways in which eating may reproduce an awareness of the visceral nature of social relations. That said, and as my valued colleague Melissa Hardie has often pointed out, my text is littered with metaphor. References Brillat-Savarin, Jean-Anthelme. The Physiology of Taste. Trans. Anne Drayton. Penguin, 1974. Châtelet, Noëlle. Le Corps a Corps Culinaire. Paris: Seuil, 1977. Deleuze, Gilles. "Rhizome versus Trees." The Deleuze Reader. Ed. Constantin V. Boundas. New York: Columbia UP, 1993. Foucault, Michel. The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences. New York: Vintage, 1973. Gatens, Moira, and Genevieve Lloyd. Collective Imaginings: Spinoza, Past and Present. New York and London: Routledge, 1999. Grossberg, Lawrence. "History, Politics and Postmodernism: Stuart Hall and Cultural Studies." Journal of Communication Inquiry 10.2 (1986): 61-77. ---. We Gotta Get Out of This Place: Popular Conservatism and Postmodern Culture. New York and London: Routledge,1992. Le Doeuff, Michèle. L'Étude et le Rouet. Paris: Seuil, 1989. Jenkins, Emily. Tongue First: Adventures in Physical Culture. London: Virago, 1999. Probyn, Elspeth. Outside Belongings. New York and London: Routledge, 1996. ---. Sexing the Self. Gendered Positions in Cultural Studies. New York and London: Routledge, 1993. Santich, Barbara. "Research Notes." The Centre for the History of Food and Drink Newsletter. The University of Adelaide, September 1999. Thompson, Sue. Promotional pamphlet for the Dairy Farmers' Association. 1997. Tomlinson, John. Globalization and Culture. Oxford: Polity Press, 1999. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Elspeth Probyn. "The Indigestion of Identities." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.7 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/indigestion.php>. Chicago style: Elspeth Probyn, "The Indigestion of Identities," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 7 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/indigestion.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Elspeth Probyn. (1999) The indigestion of identities. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(7). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/indigestion.php> ([your date of access]).

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32

LeClerc, Tresa. "Consumption, Wellness, and the Far Right." M/C Journal 25, no. 1 (2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.2870.

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Abstract:

Introduction Within wellness circles, there has been growing concern over an increasing focus on Alternative Right (or Alt-right) conspiracy (see Aubry; Bloom and Moskalenko). Greene, referring to a definition provided by the Anti-Defamation League, defines the Alt-right as a loose political network characterised by its rejection of mainstream conservatism, embrace of white nationalism, and use of online platforms (33). The “wellness revolution”, on the other hand, which marked a split from the health care sector in which “thought leaders” replaced medical experts as authorities on health (Pilzer, qtd. in Kickbusch and Payne 275), combines New Age practices with ideological movements that emphasise the “interdependence of body, mind and spirit” (Voigt and Laing 32). It has been noted that there is overlap between the circulation of conspiracy theory and New Age mysticism (see Ward and Voas; Parmigiani). Influencers following the Paleo diet, or Palaeolithic diet, such as Australian celebrity chef and Paleo diet guru Pete Evans, have also come under fire for sharing conspiracy theories and pseudoscience (see Brennan). Johnson notes that the origins of the Paleo diet can be traced back to 1975, with the publication of Dr Walter Voegtlin’s book The Stone Age Diet. This text, however, has been largely disavowed by Paleo leaders due to Voegtlin’s “white supremacist, eugenicist, and generally unpalatable politics”. Nevertheless, it is interesting to consider how white nationalism and conspiracy theory may overlap within the wellness space. A specific example occurred in 2020, when Pete Evans shared an Alt-right conspiracy meme to his Facebook account. The ‘butterfly-caterpillar meme’ contained the image of a black sun, a symbol equated with the swastika (Goodrick-Clarke 3). Though Evans later commented that the sharing of the hate symbol was unintentional, and that he misunderstood the symbol, this case raised questions about the ability of wellness influencers to amplify white nationalist messaging. This essay is concerned with the question: what makes the wellness industry a target for the spreading of white nationalist ideas? It argues that the wellness industry and far-right ideology possess a pre-occupation with bodily purity which makes it more likely that white nationalist material carrying this message will be spread via wellness networks. Through a critical examination of the media surrounding Evans’s sharing of the butterfly-caterpillar meme, this case study will examine the ideological aspects of the Paleo diet and how they appeal to a white nationalist agenda. Focussing on the Australian context, this essay will theorise the spreadability of memes in relation to white nationalist symbolism. It contends that the Paleo diet positions foods that are not organic as impure, and holds a preference for positive messaging. Alt-right propaganda packaged in a positive and New Age frame poses a danger in that it can operate as a kind of contagion for high-profile networks, exponentially increasing its spreadability. This is of particular concern when it is considered that diet can have an impact on people’s actions outside of the online space: it impacts what people consume and do with their bodies, as evidenced by calls for eating disorders created by algorithmic repetition to be considered a ‘cyber-pathy’. This creates the conditions for the wellness industry to be targeted using memes as recruitment material for white nationalist groups. The Paleo Diet and the Sharing of a Neo-Nazi Meme Pete Evans is a famous Australian TV Chef from the hit series My Kitchen Rules, a show that ran from 2010-2020. The show followed pairs from different households as they cooked for Evans and his co-host Manu Feildel. During the show’s run, Evans also became known for spruiking the Paleo diet, producing several cookbooks and a documentary on the topic. According to Catie Gressier, who conducted a study of Paleo dieters in Melbourne, Paleo’s aim is “to eat only those foods available prior to the agricultural revolution: meat, fish, vegetables, nuts, seeds and a small amount of fruit” and that this framed as a more “authentic” diet (3). This is seen as an ideological diet as opposed to others which may consist of rules or eating restrictions. The Paleo diet stresses “real foods” or “organic foods as close to their real state as possible” (Ramachandran et al.). Studies find that the paleo diet can be very nutritious (Cambeses-Franco et al. 2021). However, it is important to note that the presence of multiple influencers and thought leaders in the field means that there can be several variations in the diet. This article will limit its examination to that of the diet promoted by Evans. A common rationale is that the human body is incompatible with certain mass-produced foods (like grains, pulses, and dairy products, sugar, salt, and modification practices (like food processing), and that these are the cause of many modern conditions (Cambeses-Franco et al. 2021). While growing concerns over unnatural additives in foods are warranted, it can be observed that in Evans’s case, the promotion of the Paleo diet increasingly blurred the line between pseudoscience and conspiracy. In his Paleo diet book for toddlers, Evans emphasised the importance of the ideological diet and suggested that parents feed their toddlers bone broth instead of breast milk, prompting a federal investigation by the health department (Brennan). This escalated in 2020 during the global pandemic. In January, Evans promoted the work of a prominent anti-vaccine advocate (Molloy). In April, his Biocharger device, which he claimed could cure coronavirus, earned him a hefty fine from the Therapeutic Goods Administration (White). In November, several months after My Kitchen Rules was cancelled, Evans posted an Alt-right political cartoon with the image of a black sun, a symbol equated with the swastika (Goodrick-Clarke 3), to his Facebook account (Gillespie). In later news reports, it was also pointed out that the black sun symbol was emblazoned on the backpack of the Christchurch shooter (see Sutton and Molloy) who had targeted two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, killing 51 people and injuring 40. Initially, when a user on Facebook pointed out that the meme contained a black sun, Evans responded “I was waiting for someone to see that” (Evans, qtd. in Gillespie). Evans eventually recanted the image, writing: sincere apologies to anyone who misinterpreted a previous post of a caterpillar and a butterfly having a chat over a drink and perceived that I was promoting hatred. I look forward to studying every symbol that have ever existed and research them thoroughly before posting. Hopefully this symbol ❤️ resonates deeply into the hearts of ALL! (Evans, qtd. in Gillespie). The post was later deleted. In December of 2020, Evans’s Facebook page of around 1.5 million followers was removed due to its sharing of conspiracy theories and misinformation about the coronavirus (Gillespie). However, it should be noted that the sharing of the caterpillar-butterfly meme was different from the previous instances of conspiracy sharing, in that Evans stated that it was unintentional, and it included imagery associated with neo-Nazi ideology (the black sun). Evans’s response implies that, while the values of the Paleo diet are framed in terms of positivity, the symbols in the butterfly-caterpillar meme are associated with “promoting hatred”. In this way, Evans frames racism as merely and simplistically an act of hatred, rather than engaging in the ways in which it reinforces a racial hierarchy and racially motivated violence. According to Hartzell (10), white nationalists tend to position themselves as superior to other races and see themselves as protectors of the “white race”. “White” in this context is of European descent (Geary, Schofield and Sutton). There are conspiracy theories associated with this belief, one of which is that their race is under threat of extinction because of immigration from ‘undesirable’ countries of origin. This can also be observed in the Alt-right, which is a white nationalist movement that was created and organised online. According to Berger, this movement “seeks to unify the activities of several different extremist movements or ideologies”. This is characterised by anti-immigrant sentiment, conspiracy theories, and support for former US President Donald Trump. It can be argued, in this case, that the symbol links to a larger conspiracy theory in which whiteness must be defended against some perceived threat. The meme implies that there is an ‘us’ versus ‘them’, or ‘good’ versus ‘evil’, and that some people are ‘in the know’ while others are not. Spreadable Memes An important aspect of this case study is that this instance of far-right recruitment used the form of a meme. Memes are highly spreadable, and they have very complex mechanisms for disseminating ideas and ideology. This can have a dramatic impact if that ideology is a harmful one, such a white supremacist symbol. While the digital meme, an image with a small amount of text, is common today, Richard Dawkins originally used the term meme to describe the ways in which units of culture can be spread from person to person (qtd. in Shifman 9). These can be anything from the lyrics of a song to a political idea. Jeff Hemsley and Robert Mason (qtd. in Shifman) see virality as a “process wherein a message is actively forwarded from one person to other, within and between multiple weakly linked personal networks, resulting in a rapid increase in the number of people who are exposed to the message” (55). This also links to Jenkins, Ford, and Green’s notions of spreadability (3-11), a natural selection process by which media content continues to exist through networked sharing, or disappears once it stops being shared. Evans’s response indicates that he merely shared the image. Despite the black sun imagery, a Make America Great Again (MAGA) hat is clearly present. A political presence, and one that is associated with white nationalism, is present despite Evans’s attempts to frame the meme in the language of innocence and positivity. This is not to say Evans is extremist or supports a white nationalist agenda. However, in much the same way that sharing of imagery may not necessarily indicate agreement with its ideological messaging, this framing creates a way in which wellness influencers may avoid criticism (Ma 1). Furthermore, the act of sharing the meme, regardless of intention, amplifies its message exponentially. The Paleo Diet, the Far Right and Purity This overlap between wellness and white nationalist ideology is not new. In Jules Evans’s exploration of why QAnon is popular with New Age and far-right followers, she points to the fact that many Nazi leaders – Hitler, Hess, Himmler – “were into alternative medicine, organic and vegetarian diets, homeopathy, anti-vaxxing, and natural healing”. Similarly, Bernhard Forchtner and Ana Tominc argue that a natural diet which focussed on food purity was favoured by the Nazis (421). In their examination of the German neo-Nazi YouTube channel Balaclava Küche they argue add that “present-day extreme right views on environment and diet are often close to positions found in contemporary Green movements and foodie magazines” (422). Like neo-Nazi preoccupations with food, the Paleo diet’s ideology has its basis in the concept of purity. Gressier found that the Paleo diet contains an “embedded moralism” that “filters into constructions of food as either pure or polluting” (1). This is supported by Ramachandran et al.’s study, which found that the diet “promoted ‘real food’ – or the shift to consuming organic whole foods that are as close to their natural state as possible, with an avoidance of processed foods”. This framing of the food as real creates a binary – if one is real, the other must not be. Another example can be seen in Pete Evans’s Webpage, which lists about 33 Paleo recipes. The Butter Chicken recipe states: the paleo way of life is not meant to be restrictive, as you can see from this lovely butter chicken recipe. All the nasties have been replaced with good-quality ingredients that make it as good, if not better, than the original. I prefer chicken thighs for their superior flavour and tenderness. The term “nasties” here can be seen to create a dichotomy between real and fake, the west and the east. We see these foods are associated with impurity, the foods that are not “real foods” are positioned as a threat. It can be seen as an orientalist approach, othering those not associated with the west. As can be observed in this Butter Chicken recipe that is “getting rid of the nasties”, it appropriates and ‘sanitises’ ingredients. In her article on the campaign to boycott Halal, Shakira Hussein points out that “ethnic food” presents as multiculturalism in the context of white chefs and homecooks, but the opposite is true if the roles are switched (91). Later in her essay “Halal Chops and Fascist Cupcakes”, she discusses the “weaponisation of food” and how specific white nationalist groups express disgust at the thought of consuming Muslim food. This ethnocentric framing of butter chicken projects a western superiority, replacing traditional ingredients with ‘familiar’ ingredients, making it more palatable to nationalistic tastes. Spreading Consumption I have established that the Paleo diet, with its emphasis on ‘real foods’, is deeply embedded with nationalist ideology. I have also discussed how this is highly spreadable in the form of a meme, particularly when it is framed in the language of positivity. Furthermore, I have argued that this is an attempt to escape criticism for promoting white nationalist values. I would like to turn now to how this spreadability through diet can have an impact on the physical actions of its followers through its digital communication. The Paleo diet, and how to go about following it as described by celebrity influencers, has an impact on what people do with their bodies. Hanganu-Bresch discusses the concept of orthorexia, a fixation with eating proper foods that operates as a cyber-pathy, a digitally propagated condition targeting media users. Like the ‘viral’ and ‘spreadable’ meme, this puritanical obsession with eating can also be considered both a spreadable condition and ideology. According to Hanganu-Bresch, orthorexia sees this diet as a way to overcome an illness or to improve general health, but this also begins to feel righteous and even holy or spiritual. This operates within the context of neoliberalism. Brice and Thorpe talk about women’s activewear worn in everyday settings, or ‘athleisure’, as a neoliberal uniform that says, ‘I’m taking control of my body and health’. To take this idea a step further, this uniform could be extended out into digital spaces as well in terms of what people post on their profiles and social media. This ideological aspect operates as not only a highly spreadable message, but one that is targeted at the overall health of its followers. It encourages not only the spreading of ideology, in this case, white nationalist ideology, but also the modification of food consumption. If this were then to be used as a vehicle to spread messages that encourage white nationalist ideology, it can be seen to be not only a kind of contagion but a powerful one at that. White nationalist iconography that is clearly associated with white supremacist propaganda has the potential to spread extremism. However, neoliberal principles of discipline and bodywork operate through “messages of empowerment, choice, and self-care” (Lavrence and Lozanski, qtd. in Brice and Thorpe). While racist extremism does not necessarily equate to neoliberal and ethnocentric values, a frame of growth, purity, and positivity create an overlap that allow extremist messaging to spread more easily through these networks. Conclusion The case of Pete Evans’s sharing of the butterfly-caterpillar meme exemplifies a concerning overlap between white nationalist discourse and wellness. Ideologically based diets that emphasise real foods, such as the Paleo diet, have a preoccupation with purity and consumption that appeals to white nationalism. They also share a tolerance for the promotion of conspiracy theory and tendency to create an ‘us’ versus ‘them’ dichotomy. Noting these points can provide insight into a potential targeting of the wellness industry to spread racist ideology. As research into spreadability shows, memes are extremely shareable, even if the user does not grasp the meaning behind the symbolism. This article has also extended the idea of the cyberpathy further, noting a weaponisation of the properties of the meme, for the purposes of radicalisation, and how these are accelerated by celebrity influence. This is more potent within the wellness industry when the message is packaged as a form of growth and positivity, which serve to deflect accusations of racism. Furthermore, when diet is combined with white nationalist ideology, it may operate like a contagion, creating the conditions for racism. Those exposed may not have the intention of sharing or spreading racist ideology, but its amplification contributes to the promotion of a racist agenda nevertheless. As such, further investigation into the far-right infiltration of the wellness industry would be beneficial as it could provide more insight into how wellness groups are targeted. Acknowledgements A previous version of this article was presented with Dr Shakira Hussein and Scheherazade Bloul at the Just Food Conference at New York University in June 2021. This article would not have been possible without their input and advice. Dr Shakira Hussein can be contacted at shussein@unimelb.edu.au and Scheherazade Bloul can be contacted at scherrybloul@gmail.com. References Aubry, Sophie. “‘Playing with Fire’: The Curious Marriage of Qanon and Wellness.” Sydney Morning Herald 27 Sep. 2020. 29 July 2020 <https://www.smh.com.au/lifestyle/health-and-wellness/playing-with-fire-the- curious-marriage-of-qanon-and-wellness-20200924-p55yu7.html>. Berger, J.M. “Trump Is the Glue That Binds the Far Right.” The Atlantic 29 Oct. 2018. 20 July 2021 <https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2018/10/trump-alt-right-twitter/574219/>. Bloom, Mia, and Sophia Moskalenko. Pastels and Pedophiles: Inside the Mind of QAnon. Stanford University Press, 2021. Brennan, Imogen. “Pete Evans’ Co-Authored Paleo Diet Cookbook for Babies under Investigation.” ABC News 12 Mar. 2015. 13 Nov. 2021 <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2015-03-12/paleo-diet-cookbook-for-babies-under-investigation-pete-evans/6309452>. Brice, Julie, and Holly Thorpe. “Chapter 1: Activewear: The Uniform of the Neoliberal Female Citizen.” Sportswomen’s Apparel around the World: Uniformly Dressed (New Femininities in Digital, Physical and Sporting Cultures). Ed. Linda K. Fuller. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021. 19-35. Cambeses-Franco, Cristina, Sara González-García, Gumersindo Feijoo, and María Teresa Moreira. “Is the Paleo Diet Safe for Health and the Environment?” Science of the Total Environment 781 (2021). <https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S004896972101785X>. Evans, Pete. “Butter Chicken.” Peteevans.com. 8 Mar. 2022 <https://peteevans.com/recipes/butter-chicken/>. Forchtner, Bernhard, and Ana Tominc. “Kalashnikov and Cooking-Spoon: Neo-Nazism, Veganism and a Lifestyle Cooking Show on Youtube.” Food, Culture & Society 20.3 (2017): 415-441. Geary, Daniel, Camilla Schofield, and Jennifer Sutton. “Introduction: Toward a Global History of White Nationalism.” Global White Nationalism: From Apartheid to Trump. Eds. Daniel Geary, Camilla Schofield, and Jennifer Sutton. 1st ed. Manchester: Manchester UP, 2020. 1–28. Gillespie, Eden. “‘Misinterpreted’: Pete Evans Apologises for Sharing Cartoon with Supposed Neo-Nazi Symbol and Is Dropped by Publisher.” SBS The Feed 16 Nov. 2020. 13 Nov. 2021 <https://www.sbs.com.au/news/the-feed/misinterpreted-pete-evans-apologises-for-sharing-cartoon-with-supposed-neo-nazi-symbol-and-is-dropped-by-publisher>. Goodrick-Clarke, Nicholas. Black Sun: Aryan Cults, Esoteric Nazism, and the Politics of Identity. New York: New York UP, 2001. Greene, Viveca S. “‘Deplorable’ Satire: Alt-Right Memes, White Genocide Tweets, and Redpilling Normies.” Studies in American Humor 5.1 (2019): 31-69. Gressier, Catie. “Food as Faith: Suffering, Salvation and the Paleo Diet in Australia.” Food Culture & Society (2021): 1-13. Hanganu-Bresch, Cristina. “Orthorexia: Eating Right in the Context of Healthism.” Medical Humanities 46.3 (2020): 311-322. Hartzell, Stephanie L. “Alt-White: Conceptualizing the Alt-Right as a Rhetorical Bridge between White Nationalism and Mainstream Public Discourse.” Journal of Contemporary Rhetoric 8 (2018). Hussein, Shakira. “Not Eating the Muslim Other: Halal Certification, Scaremongering, and the Racialisation of Muslim Identity.” International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 4.3 (2015): 85-96. Hussein, Shakira. “Halal Chops and Fascist Cupcakes: On Diversity and the Weaponisation of Food.” Meanjin 76.1 (2017). <https://meanjin.com.au/essays/halal-chops-and-fascist-cupcakes/>. Jenkins, Henry, Sam Ford, and Joshua Green. Spreadable Media: Creating Value and Meaning in a Networked Culture. New York: New York UP, 2013. Johnson, Adrienne Rose. “The Paleo Diet and the American Weight Loss Utopia, 1975–2014.” Utopian Studies 26.1 (2015): 101-124. Kickbusch, Ilona, and Lea Payne. “Twenty-First Century Health Promotion: The Public Health Revolution Meets the Wellness Revolution.” Health Promotion International 18.4 (2003): 275-278. Ma, Cindy. “What Is the ‘Lite’ in ‘Alt-Lite?’ The Discourse of White Vulnerability and Dominance among Youtube’s Reactionaries.” Social Media + Society 7.3 (2021). Molloy, Shannon. “Celebrity Chef Pete Evans Sparks Fury for ‘Dangerous’ Selfie with Anti-Vaccination Voice.” News.com.au 13 Jan. 2020. 13 Nov. 2021 <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2015-03-12/paleo-diet-cookbook-for-babies-under-investigation-pete-evans/6309452>. Morgan, Jonathon. “These Charts Show Exactly How Racist and Radical the Alt-Right Has Gotten This Year.” The Washington Post 26 Sep. 2016. 20 July 2021 <https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-intersect/wp/2016/09/26/these-charts-show-exactly-how-racist-and-radical-the-alt-right-has-gotten-this-year/>. Parmigiani, Giovanna. “Magic and Politics: Conspirituality and COVID-19.” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 89.2 (2021): 506–529. Ramachandran, Divya, James Kite, Amy Jo Vassallo, Josephine Y. Chau, Stephanie Partridge, Becky Freeman, and Timothy Gill. “Food Trends and Popular Nutrition Advice Online – Implications for Public Health.” Online Journal of Public Health Informatics 10.2 (2018). Shifman, Limor. Memes in Digital Culture. MIT Press, 2014. 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Zhou, Naaman. “Pete Evans’ Documentary Should be Cut from Netflix, Doctors Group Says”. The Guardian 2 June 2018. 3 Jan. 2022 <https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2018/jun/03/pete-evans-documentary-should-be-cut-from-netflix-doctors-group-says>.

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Duncan, Pansy Kathleen. "The Uses of Hate: On Hate as a Political Category." M/C Journal 20, no. 1 (2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1194.

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I. First Brexit, then Trump: Has the past year or so ushered in a “wave” (Weisberg), a “barrage” (Desmond-Harris) or a “deluge” (Sidahmed) of that notoriously noxious affect, hate? It certainly feels that way to those of us identified with progressive social and political causes—those of us troubled, not just by Trump’s recent electoral victory, but by the far-right forces to which that victory has given voice. And yet the questions still hanging over efforts to quantify emotional or affective states leaves the claim that there has been a clear spike in hate moot (Ngai 26; Massumi 136-7; Ahmed, Promise 3-8). So let’s try asking a different question. Has this same period seen a rise, across liberal media platforms, in the rhetorical work of “hate-attribution”? Here, at least, an answer seems in readier reach. For no one given to scrolling distractedly through liberal Anglophone media outlets, from The New York Times, to The Guardian, to Slate, will be unfamiliar with a species of journalism that, in reporting the appalling activities associated with what has become known as the “alt-right” (Main; Wallace-Wells; Gourarie), articulates those activities in the rubric of a calculable uptick in hate itself.Before the U.S. Presidential election, this fledgling journalistic genre was already testing its wings, its first shudderings felt everywhere from Univision anchor Jorge Ramos’s widely publicized documentary, Hate Rising (2016), which explores the rise of white supremacist movements across the South-West U.S, to an edition of Slate’s Trumpcast entitled “The Alt-Right and a Deluge of Hate,” which broached the torment-by-Twitter of left-wing journalist David French. In the wake of the election, and the appalling acts of harassment and intimidation it seemed to authorize, the genre gained further momentum—leading to the New Yorker’s “Hate Is on the Rise After Trump’s Election,” to The Guardian’s “Trump’s Election led to Barrage of Hate,” and to Vox’s “The Wave of Post-Election Hate Reportedly Sweeping the Nation, Explained.” And it still has traction today, judging not just by James King’s recent year-in-review column, “The Year in Hate: From Donald Trump to the Rise of the Alt-Right,” but by Salon’s “A Short History of Hate” which tracks the alt-right’s meteoric 2016 rise to prominence, and the New York Times’ recently launched hate-speech aggregator, “This Week in Hate.”As should already be clear from these brisk, thumbnail accounts of the texts in question, the phenomena alluded to by the titular term “hate” are not instances of hate per se, but rather instances of “hate-speech.” The word “hate,” in other words, is being deployed here not literally, to refer to an emotional state, but metonymically, as a shorthand for “hate-speech”—a by-now widely conventionalized and legally codified parlance originating with the U.N. Declaration to describe “violent or violence-inciting speech or acts that “aim or intend to inflict injury, or incite prejudice or hatred, against persons of groups” because of their ethnic, religious, sexual or social affiliation. And there is no doubt that, beyond the headlines, these articles do incredibly important work, drawing connections between, and drawing attention to, a host of harmful activities associated with the so-called “alt-right”—from a pair of mangled, pretzel-shaped swastikas graffiti-ed in a children’s playground, to acts of harassment, intimidation and violence against women, African-Americans, Latinos, Muslims, Jews, and LGBTQ people, to Trump’s own racist, xenophobic and misogynistic tweets. Yet the fact that an emotion-term like hate is being mobilized across these texts as a metonym for the “alt-right” is no oratorical curio. Rather, it perpetuates a pervasive way of thinking about the relationship between the alt-right (a political phenomenon) and hate (an emotional phenomenon) that should give pause to those of us committed to mining that vein of cultural symptomatology now consigned, across the social sciences and critical humanities, to affect theory. Specifically, these headlines inscribe, in miniature, a kind of micro-assessment, a micro-geography and micro-theory of hate. First, they suggest that, even prior to its incarnation in specific, and dangerous, forms of speech or action, hate is in and of itself anathema, a phenomenon so unquestioningly dangerous that a putative “rise” or “spike” in its net presence provides ample pretext for a news headline. Second, they propose that hate may be localized to a particular social or political group—a group subsisting, unsurprisingly, on that peculiarly contested frontier between the ideological alt-right and the American Midwest. And third, they imply that hate is so indubitably the single most significant source of the xenophobic, racist and sexist activities they go on to describe that it may be casually used as these activities’ lexical proxy. What is crystallizing here, I suggest, is what scholars of rhetoric dub a rhetorical “constellation” (Campbell and Jamieson 332)—a constellation from which hate emerges as, a) inherently problematic, b) localizable to the “alt-right,” and, c) the primary engine of the various activities and expressions we associate with them. This constellation of conventions for thinking about hate and its relationship to the activities of right-wing extremist movement has coalesced into a “genre” we might dub the genre of “hate-attribution.” Yet while it’s far from clear that the genre is an effective one in a political landscape that’s fast becoming a political battleground, it hasn’t appeared by chance. Treating “hate,” then, less as a descriptive “grid of analysis” (Sedgwick 152), than as a rhetorical projectile, this essay opens by interrogating the “hate-attribution” genre’s logic and querying its efficacy. Having done so, it approaches the concept of “alternatives” by asking: how might calling time on the genre help us think differently about both hate itself and about the forces catalyzing, and catalyzed by, Trump’s presidential campaign? II.The rhetorical power of the genre of hate-attribution, of course, isn’t too difficult to pin down. An emotion so thoroughly discredited that its assignment is now in and of itself a term of abuse (see, for example, the O.E.D’s freshly-expanded definition of the noun “hater”), hate is an emotion the Judeo-Christian tradition deems not just responsible for but practically akin to murder (John 3:1). In part as a result of this tradition, hate has proven thoroughly resistant to efforts to elevate it from the status of an expression of a subject’s pestiferous inner life to the status of a polemical response to an object in the world. Indeed, while a great deal of the critical energy amassing under the rubric of “affect theory” has recently been put into recuperating the strategic or diagnostic value of emotions long scorned as irrelevant to oppositional struggle—from irritation and envy, to depression, anger and shame (Ngai; Cvetkovich; Gould; Love)—hate has notably not been among them. In fact, those rare scholarly accounts of affect that do address “hate,” notably Ahmed’s excellent work on right-wing extremist groups in the United Kingdom, display an understandable reluctance to rehabilitate it for progressive thought (Cultural Politics). It should come as no surprise, then, that the genre of “hate-attribution” has a rare rhetorical power. In identifying “hate” as the source of a particular position, gesture or speech-act, we effectively drain said position, gesture or speech-act of political agency or representational power—reducing it from an at-least-potentially polemical action in or response to the world, to the histrionic expression of a reprehensible personhood. Yet because hate’s near-taboo status holds across the ideological and political spectrum, what is less clear is why the genre of hate-attribution has achieved such cachet in the liberal media in particular. The answer, I would argue, lies in the fact that the work of hate-attribution dovetails all too neatly with liberal political theory’s longstanding tendency to laminate its social and civic ideals to affective ideals like “love,” “sympathy,” “compassion,” and, when in a less demonstrative humor, “tolerance”. As Martha Nussbaum’s Political Emotions has recently shown, this tradition has an impressive philosophical pedigree, running from Aristotle’s philia (16), John Locke’s “toleration” and David Hume’s “sympathy” (69-75), to the twentieth century’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights, with its promotion of “tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups.” And while the labour of what Lauren Berlant calls “liberal sentimentality” (“Poor Eliza”, 636) has never quite died away, it does seem to have found new strength with the emergence of the “intimate public sphere” (Berlant, Queen)—from its recent popular apotheosis in the Clinton campaign’s notorious “Love Trumps Hate” (a slogan in which “love,” unfortunately, came to look a lot like resigned technocratic quietism in the face of ongoing economic and environmental crisis [Zizek]), to its revival as a philosophical project among progressive scholars, many of them under the sway of the so-called “affective turn” (Nussbaum; Hardt; Sandoval; hooks). No surprise, then, that liberalism’s struggle to yoke itself to “love” should have as its eerie double a struggle to locate among its ideological and political enemies an increasingly reified “hate”. And while the examples of this project we’ve touched on so far have hailed from popular media, this set of protocols for thinking about hate and its relationship to the activities of right-wing extremist movements is not unique to media circles. It’s there in political discourse, as in ex-DNC chair Debbie Wasserman Schultz’s announcement, on MSNBC, that “Americans will unite against [Trump’s] hatred.” And it’s there, too, in academic media studies, from FLOW journal’s November 2016 call for papers inviting respondents to comment, among other things, on “the violence and hatred epitomized by Trump and his supporters,” to the SCMS conference’s invitation to members to participate in a pop-up panel entitled “Responding to Hate, Disenfranchisement and the Loss of the Commons.” Yet while the labor of hate-attribution to which many progressive forces have become attached carries an indisputable rhetorical force, it also has some profound rhetorical flaws. The very same stigma, after all, that makes “hate” such a powerful explanatory grenade to throw also makes it an incredibly tough one to land. As Ahmed’s analysis of the online rhetoric of white supremacist organizations should remind us (Cultural Politics), most groups structured around inciting and promoting violence against women and minorities identify, perversely, not as hate groups, but as movements propelled by the love of race and nation. And while left-wing pundits pronounce “hate” the signature emotion of a racist, misogynist Trump-voting right, supporters of Trump ascribe it, just as routinely, to the so-called “liberal elite,” a group whose mythical avatars—from the so-called “Social Justice Warrior” or “SJW,” to the supercilious Washington politico—are said to brand “ordinary [white, male] Americans” indiscriminately as racist, misogynistic, homophobic buffoons. Thus, for example, The Washington Post’s uncanny, far-right journalistic alter-ego, The Washington Times, dubs the SPLC a “liberal hate group”; the Wikipedia mirror-site, Conservapedia, recasts liberal objections to gun violence as “liberal hate speech” driven by an “irrational aversion to weapons”; while one blood-curdling sub-genre of reportage on Steve Bannon’s crypto-fascist soapbox, Breitbart News, is devoted to denouncing what it calls “ ‘anti-White Racism.’” It’s easy enough, of course, to defend the hate-attribution genre’s liberal incarnations while dismissing its right-wing variants as cynical, opportunistic shams, as Ahmed does (Cultural Politics)—thereby re-establishing the wellspring of hate where we are most comfortable locating it: among our political others. Yet to do so seems, in some sense, to perpetuate a familiar volley of hate-attribution. And to the extent that, as many media scholars have shown (Philips; Reed; Tett; Turow), our digital, networked political landscape is in danger of being reduced to a silo-ed discursive battleground, the ritual exchange of terminological grenades that everyone seems eager to propel across ideological lines, but that no one, understandably, seems willing to pick up, seems counter-productive to say the least.Even beyond the genre’s ultimate ineffectiveness, what should strike anyone used to reflecting on affect is how little justice it does to the ubiquity and intricacy of “hate” as an affective phenomenon. Hate is not and cannot be the exclusive property or preserve of one side of the political spectrum. One doesn’t have to stretch one’s critical faculties too far to see the extent to which the genre of hate-attribution participates in the emotional ballistics it condemns or seeks to redress. While trafficking in a relatively simple hate-paradigm (as a subjective emotional state that may be isolated to a particular person or group), the genre itself incarnates a more complex, socially dynamic model of hate in which the emotion operates through logics of projection perhaps best outlined by Freud. In the “hate-attribution” genre, that is, hate—like those equally abjected categories “sentimentality,” “worldliness” or “knowingness” broached by Sedgwick in her bravura analyses of “scapegoating attribution” (150-158)—finds its clearest expression in and through the labor of its own adscription. And it should come as no surprise that an emotion so widely devalued, where it is not openly prohibited, might also find expression in less overt form.Yet to say as much is by no means to discredit the genre. As legal scholar Jeremy Waldron has recently pointed out, there’s no particular reason why “the passions and emotions that lie behind a particular speech act” (34)—even up to and including hate—should devalue the speech acts they rouse. On the contrary, to pin the despicable and damaging activities of the so-called “alt right” on “hate” is, if anything, to do an injustice to a rich and complex emotion that can be as generative as it can be destructive. As Freud suggests in “Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego,” for example, hate may be the very seed of love, since the forms of “social feeling” (121) celebrated under the liberal rubric of “tolerance,” “love,” and “compassion,” are grounded in “the reversal of what was first a hostile feeling into a positively-toned tie in the nature of an identification” (121; italics mine). Indeed, Freud projects this same argument across a larger, historical canvas in Civilization and its Discontents, which contends that it is in our very struggle to combat our “aggressive instincts” that human communities have developed “methods intended to incite people into identifications and aim-inhibited relationships of love” (31). For Freud, that is, the practice of love is a function of ongoing efforts to see hate harnessed, commuted and transformed. III.What might it mean, then, to call time on this round of hate-attribution? What sort of “alternatives” might emerge when we abandon the assumption that political engagement entails a “struggle over who has the right to declare themselves as acting out of love” (Ahmed, Cultural Politics 131), and thus, by that same token, a struggle over the exact location and source of hate? One boon, I suggest, is the license it gives those of us on the progressive left to simply own our own hate. There’s little doubt that reframing the dangerous and destructive forms of speech fomented by Trump’s campaign, not as eruptions of hate, or even as “hate-speech,” but as speech we hate would be more consistent with what once seemed affect theory’s first commandment: to take our own affective temperature before launching headlong into critical analysis. After all, when Lauren Berlant (“Trump”) takes a stab at economist Paul Krugman’s cautions against “the Danger of Political Emotions” with the timely reminder that “all the messages are emotional,” the “messages” she’s pointing to aren’t just those of our political others, they’re ours; and the “emotions” she’s pointing to aren’t just the evacuated, insouciant versions of love championed by the Clinton campaign, they’re of the messier, or as Ngai might put it, “uglier” (2) variety—from shame, depression and anger, to, yes, I want to insist, hate.By way of jump-starting this program of hate-avowal, then, let me just say it: this essay was animated, in part, by a certain kind of hate. The social critic in me hates the breathtaking simplification of the complex social, economic and emotional forces animating Trump voters that seem to actuate some liberal commentary; the psychologist in me hates the self-mystification palpable in the left’s insistence on projecting and thus disowning its own (often very well justified) aggressions; and the human being in me, hating the kind of toxic speech to which Trump’s campaign has given rise, wishes to be able to openly declare that hatred. Among its other effects, hate is characterized by hypervigilance for lapses or failings in an object it deems problematic, a hypervigilance that—sometimes—animates analysis (Zeki and Romoya). In this sense, “hate” seems entitled to a comfortable place in the ranks of what Nick Salvato has recently dubbed criticism’s creative “obstructions”—phenomena that, while “routinely identified as detriments” to critical inquiry, may also “form the basis for … critical thinking” (1).Yet while one boon associated with this disclosure might be a welcome intellectual honesty, a more significant boon, I’d argue, is what getting this disclosure out of the way might leave room for. Opting out of the game of hurling “hate” back and forth across a super-charged political arena, that is, we might devote our column inches and Facebook posts to the less sensational but more productive task of systematically challenging the specious claims, and documenting the damaging effects, of a species of utterance (Butler; Matsuda; Waldron) we’ve grown used to simply descrying as pure, distilled “hate”. And we also might do something else. Relieved of the confident conviction that we can track “Trumpism” to a spontaneous outbreak of a single, localizable emotion, we might be able to offer a fuller account of the economic, social, political and affective forces that energize it. Certainly, hate plays a part here—although the process by which, as Isabelle Stengers puts it, affect “make[s] present, vivid and mattering … a worldly world” (371) demands that we scrutinize that hate as a syndrome, rather than simply moralize it as a sin, addressing its mainsprings in a moment marked by the nerve-fraying and life-fraying effects of what has become known across the social sciences and critical humanities as conditions of social and economic “precarity” (Muehlebach; Neil and Rossiter; Stewart).But perhaps hate’s not the only emotion tucked away under the hood. Here’s something affect theory knows today: affect moves not, as more traditional theorists of political emotion have it, “unambiguously and predictably from one’s cognitive processing,” but in ways that are messy, muddled and indirect (Gould 24). That form of speech is speech we hate. But it may not be “hate speech.” That crime is a crime we hate. But it may not be a “hate-crime.” One of the critical tactics we might crib from Berlant’s work in Cruel Optimism is that of decoding and decrypting, in even the most hateful acts, an instance of what Berlant, herself optimistically, calls “optimism.” For Berlant, after all, optimism is very often cruel, attaching itself, as it seems to have done in 2016, to scenes, objects and people that, while ultimately destined to “imped[e] the aim that brought [it to them] initially,” nevertheless came to seem, to a good portion of the electorate, the only available exponent of that classic good-life genre, “the change that’s gonna come” (“Trump” 1-2) at a moment when the Democratic party’s primary campaign promise was more of the free-market same. And in a recent commentary on Trump’s rise in The New Inquiry (“Trump”), Berlant exemplified the kind of critical code-breaking this hypothesis might galvanize, deciphering a twisted, self-mutilating optimism in even the most troublesome acts, claims or positions. Here’s one translation: “Anti-P.C. means: I feel unfree.” And here’s another: “people react negatively, reactively and literally to Black Lives Matter, reeling off the other ‘lives’ that matter.” Berlant’s transcription? “They feel that they don’t matter, and they’re not wrong.”ReferencesAhmed, Sara. The Promise of Happiness. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2010.———. The Cultural Politics of Emotion. London: Routledge, 2004.Aristotle. Rhetoric. Trans. W. Rhys Roberts. New York: Cosimo Classics, 2010.———. Politics. Trans. Ernest Barker. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995.Berlant, Lauren. Cruel Optimism. 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Baird, Barbara. "Before the Bride Really Wore Pink." M/C Journal 15, no. 6 (2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.584.

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Introduction For some time now there has been a strong critical framework that identifies a significant shift in the politics of homosexuality in the Anglo-oriented West over the last fifteen to twenty years. In this article I draw on this framework to describe the current moment in the Australian cultural politics of homosexuality. I focus on the issue of same-sex marriage as a key indicator of the currently emerging era. I then turn to two Australian texts about marriage that were produced in “the period before” this time, with the aim of recovering what has been partially lost from current formations of GLBT politics and from available memories of the past. Critical Histories Lisa Duggan’s term “the new homonormativity” is the frame that has gained widest currency among writers who point to the incorporation of certain versions of homosexuality into the neo-liberal (U.S.) mainstream. She identifies a sexual politics that “does not contest dominant heteronormative assumptions and institutions, but upholds and sustains them, while promising the possibility of a demobilized gay constituency and a privatized, depoliticized gay culture anchored in domesticity and consumption” (50). More recently, writing of the period inaugurated by the so-called “war on terror” and following Duggan, Jasbir Puar has introduced the term “homonationalism” to refer to “a collusion between homosexuality and American nationalism that is generated both by national rhetorics of patriotic inclusion and by gay and queer subjects themselves” (39). Damien Riggs adds the claims of Indigenous peoples in ongoing colonial contexts to the ground from which contemporary GLBT political claims can be critiqued. He concludes that while “queer people” will need to continue to struggle for rights, it is likely that cultural intelligibility “as a subject of the nation” will be extended only to those “who are established through the language of the nation (i.e., one that is founded upon the denial of colonial violence)” (97). Most writers who follow these kinds of critical analyses refer to the discursive place of homosexual couples and families, specifically marriage. For Duggan it was the increasing focus on “full gay access to marriage and military service” that defined homonormativity (50). Puar allows for a diversity of meanings of same-sex marriage, but claims that for many it is “a demand for reinstatement of white privileges and rights—rights of property and inheritance in particular” (29; see also Riggs 66–70). Of course not all authors locate the political focus on same-sex marriage and its effects as a conservative affair. British scholar Jeffrey Weeks stresses what “we” have gained and celebrates the rise of the discourse of human rights in relation to sexuality. “The very ordinariness of recognized same-sex unions in a culture which until recently cast homosexuality into secret corners and dark whispers is surely the most extraordinary achievement of all” (198), he writes. Australian historian Graham Willett takes a similar approach in his assessment of recent Australian history. Noting the near achievement of “the legal equality agenda for gay people” (“Homos” 187), he notes that “the gay and lesbian movement went on reshaping Australian values and culture and society through the Howard years” (193). In his account it did this in spite of, and untainted by, the dominance of Howard's values and programs. The Howard period was “littered with episodes of insult and discrimination … [as the] government tried to stem the tide of gay, lesbian and transgender rights that had been flowing so strongly since 1969”, Willett writes (188). My own analysis of the Howard years acknowledges the significant progress made in law reform relating to same-sex couples and lesbian and gay parents but draws attention to its mutual constitution with the dominance of the white, patriarchal, neo-liberal and neo-conservative ideologies which dominated social and political life (2013 forthcoming). I argue that the costs of reform, fought for predominantly by white and middle class lesbians and gay men deploying homonormative discourses, included the creation of new identities—single lesbians and gays whose identity did not fit mainstream notions, non-monogamous couples and bad mothers—which were positioned on the illegitimate side of the newly enfranchised. Further the success of the reforms marginalised critical perspectives that are, for many, necessary tools for survival in socially conservative neoliberal times. Same-Sex Marriage in Australia The focus on same-sex marriage in the Australian context was initiated in April 2004 by then Prime Minister Howard. An election was looming and two same-sex couples were seeking recognition of their Canadian marriages through the courts. With little warning, Howard announced that he would amend the Federal Marriage Act to specify that marriage could only take place between a man and a woman. His amendment also prevented the recognition of same-sex marriages undertaken overseas. Legislation was rushed through the parliament in August of that year. In response, Australian Marriage Equality was formed in 2004 and remains at the centre of the GLBT movement. Since that time political rallies in support of marriage equality have been held regularly and the issue has become the key vehicle through which gay politics is understood. Australians across the board increasingly support same-sex marriage (over 60% in 2012) and a growing majority of gay and lesbian people would marry if they could (54% in 2010) (AME). Carol Johnson et al. note that while there are some critiques, most GLBT people see marriage “as a major equality issue” (Johnson, Maddison and Partridge 37). The degree to which Howard’s move changed the terrain of GLBT politics cannot be underestimated. The idea and practice of (non-legal) homosexual marriage in Australia is not new. And some individuals, publicly and privately, were calling for legal marriage for same-sex couples before 2004 (e.g. Baird, “Kerryn and Jackie”). But before 2004 legal marriage did not inspire great interest among GLBT people nor have great support among them. Only weeks before Howard’s announcement, Victorian legal academic and co-convenor of the Victorian Gay & Lesbian Rights Lobby Miranda Stewart concluded an article about same-sex relationship law reform in Victoria with a call to “begin the debate about gay marriage” (80, emphasis added). She noted that the growing number of Australian couples married overseas would influence thinking about marriage in Australia. She also asked “do we really want to be part of that ‘old edifice’ of marriage?” (80). Late in 2003 the co-convenors of the NSW Gay and Lesbian Rights Lobby declared that “many members of our community are not interested in marriage” and argued that there were more pressing, and more practical, issues for the Lobby to be focused on (Cerise and McGrory 5). In 2001 Jenni Millbank and Wayne Morgan, two leading legal academics and activists in the arena of same-sex relationship politics in Australia, wrote that “The notion of ‘same-sex marriage’ is quite alien to Australia” (Millbank and Morgan, 295). They pointed to the then legal recognition of heterosexual de facto relationships as the specific context in Australia, which meant that marriage was not viewed as "paradigmatic" (296). In 1998 a community consultation conducted by the Equal Opportunity Commission in Victoria found that “legalising marriage for same-sex couples did not enjoy broad based support from either the community at large or the gay and lesbian community” (Stewart 76). Alongside this general lack of interest in marriage, from the early-mid 1990s gay and lesbian rights groups in each state and territory began to think about, if not campaign for, law reform to give same-sex couples the same entitlements as heterosexual de facto couples. The eventual campaigns differed from state to state, and included moments of high profile public activity, but were in the main low key affairs that met with broadly sympathetic responses from state and territory ALP governments (Millbank). The previous reforms in every state that accorded heterosexual de facto couples near equality with married couples meant that gay and lesbian couples in Australia could gain most of the privileges available to heterosexual couples without having to encroach on the sacred territory (and federal domain) of marriage. In 2004 when Howard announced his marriage bill only South Australia had not reformed its law. Notwithstanding these reforms, there were matters relating to lesbian and gay parenting that remained in need of reform in nearly every jurisdiction. Further, Howard’s aggressive move in 2004 had been preceded by his dogged refusal to consider any federal legislation to remove discrimination. But in 2008 the new Rudd government enacted legislation to remove all discrimination against same-sex couples in federal law, with marriage and (ironically) the lack of anti-discrimination legislation on the grounds of sexuality the exceptions, and at the time of writing most states have made or will soon implement the reforms that give full lesbian and gay parenting rights. In his comprehensive account of gay politics from the 1950s onwards, published in 2000, Graham Willett does not mention marriage at all, and deals with the moves to recognise same-sex relationships in one sixteen line paragraph (Living 249). Willett’s book concludes with the decriminalisation of sex between men across every state of Australia. It was written just as the demand for relationship reform was becoming the central issue of GLBT politics. In this sense, the book marks the end of one era of homosexual politics and the beginning of the next which, after 2004, became organised around the desire for marriage. This understanding of the recent gay past has become common sense. In a recent article in the Adelaide gay paper blaze a young male journalist wrote of the time since the early 1970s that “the gay rights movement has shifted from the issue of decriminalising homosexuality nationwide to now lobbying for full equal rights for gay people” (Dunkin 3). While this (reductive and male-focused) characterisation is not the only one possible, I simply note that this view of past and future progress has wide currency. The shift of attention in this period to the demand for marriage is an intensification and narrowing of political focus in a period of almost universal turn by state and federal governments to neoliberalism and an uneven turn to neo-conservatism, directions which have detrimental effects on the lives of many people already marginalised by discourses of sexuality, race, class, gender, migration status, (dis)ability and so on. While the shift to the focus on marriage from 2004 might be understood as the logical final step in gaining equal status for gay and lesbian relationships (albeit one with little enthusiasm from the GLBT political communities before 2004), the initiation of this shift by Prime Minister Howard, with little preparatory debate in the LGBT political communities, meant that the issue emerged onto the Australian political agenda in terms defined by the (neo)conservative side of politics. Further, it is an example of identity politics which, as Lisa Duggan has observed in the US case, is “increasingly divorced from any critique of global capitalism” and settles for “a stripped-down equality, paradoxically imagined as compatible with persistent overall inequality” (xx). Brides before Marriage In the last part of this article I turn to two texts produced early in 1994—an activist document and an ephemeral performance during the Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras parade. If we point only to the end of the era of (de)criminalisation, then the year 1997, when the last state, Tasmania, decriminalised male homosex, marks the shift from one era of the regulation of homosexuality to another. But 1994 bore the seeds of the new era too. Of course attempts to identify a single year as the border between one era and the next are rhetorical devices. But some significant events in 1994 make it a year of note. The Australian films Priscilla: Queen of the Desert and The Sum of Us were both released in 1994, marking particular Australian contributions to the growing presence of gay and lesbian characters in Western popular culture (e.g. Hamer and Budge). 1994 was the UN International Year of the Family (IYF) and the Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras chose the theme “We are Family” and published endorsement from both Prime Minister Keating and the federal opposition leader John Hewson in their program. In 1994 the ACT became the first Australian jurisdiction to pass legislation that recognised the rights and entitlements of same-sex couples, albeit in a very limited and preliminary form (Millbank 29). The NSW Gay and Lesbian Rights Lobby's (GLRL) 1994 discussion paper, The Bride Wore Pink, can be pinpointed as the formal start to community-based activism for the legal recognition of same-sex relationships. It was a revision of an earlier version that had been the basis for discussion among (largely inner Sydney) gay and lesbian communities where there had been lively debate and dissent (Zetlein, Lesbian Bodies 48–57). The 1994 version recommended that the NSW government amend the existing definition of de facto in various pieces of legislation to include lesbian and gay relationships and close non-cohabiting interdependent relationships as well. This was judged to be politically feasible. In 1999 NSW became the first state to implement wide ranging reforms of this nature although these were narrower than called for by the GLRL, “including lesser number of Acts amended and narrower application and definition of the non-couple category” (Millbank 10). My concern here is not with the politics that preceded or followed the 1994 version of The Bride, but with the document itself. Notwithstanding its status for some as a document of limited political vision, The Bride bore clear traces of the feminist and liberationist thinking, the experiences of the AIDS crisis in Sydney, and the disagreements about relationships within lesbian and gay communities that characterised the milieu from which it emerged. Marriage was clearly rejected, for reasons of political impossibility but also in light of a list of criticisms of its implication in patriarchal hierarchies of relationship value (31–2). Feminist analysis of relationships was apparent throughout the consideration of pros and cons of different legislative options. Conflict and differences of opinion were evident. So was humour. The proliferation of lesbian and gay commitment ceremonies was listed as both a pro and a con of marriage. On the one hand "just think about the prezzies” (31); on the other, “what will you wear” (32). As well as recommending change to the definition of de facto, The Bride recommended the allocation of state funds to consider “the appropriateness or otherwise of bestowing entitlements on the basis of relationships,” “the focusing on monogamy, exclusivity and blood relations” and the need for broader definitions of “relationships” in state legislation (3). In a gesture towards a political agenda beyond narrowly defined lesbian and gay interests, The Bride also recommended that “the lesbian and gay community join together with other groups to lobby for the removal of the cohabitation rule in the Social Security Act 1991” (federal legislation) (34). This measure would mean that the payment of benefits and pensions would not be judged in the basis of a person’s relationship status. While these radical recommendations may not have been energetically pursued by the GLRL, their presence in The Bride records their currency at the time. The other text I wish to excavate from 1994 is the “flotilla of lesbian brides” in the 1994 Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras. These lesbians later appeared in the April 1994 issue of Sydney lesbian magazine Lesbians on the Loose, and they have a public afterlife in a photo by Sydney photographer C Moore Hardy held in the City of Sydney archives (City of Sydney). The group of between a dozen and twenty lesbians (it is hard to tell from the photos) was dressed in waist-to-ankle tulle skirts, white bras and white top hats. Many wore black boots. Unshaven underarm hair is clearly visible. Many wore long necklaces around their necks and the magazine photo makes clear that one bride has a black whip tucked into the band of her skirt. In an article about lesbians and legal recognition of their relationships published in 1995, Sarah Zetlein referred to the brides as “chicks in white satin” (“Chicks”). This chick was a figure that refused the binary distinction between being inside and outside the law, which Zetlein argued characterised thinking about the then emerging possibilities of the legal recognition of lesbian (and gay) relationships. Zetlein wrote that “the chick in white satin”: Represents a politics which moves beyond the concerns of one’s own identity and demands for inclusion to exclusion to a radical reconceptualisation of social relations. She de(con)structs and (re) constructs. … The chick in white satin’s resistance often lies in her exposure and manipulation of her regulation. It is not so much a matter of saying ‘no’ to marriage outright, or arguing only for a ‘piecemeal’ approach to legal relationship regulation, or lobbying for de facto inclusion as was recommended by The Bride Wore Pink, but perverting the understanding of what these legally-sanctioned sexual, social and economic relationships mean, hence undermining their shaky straight foundations.(“Chicks” 56–57) Looking back to 1994 from a time nearly twenty years later when (straight) lesbian brides are celebrated by GLBT culture, incorporated into the mainstream and constitute a market al.ready anticipated by “the wedding industrial complex” (Ingraham), the “flotilla of lesbian brides” can be read as a prescient queer negotiation of their time. It would be a mistake to read the brides only in terms of a nascent interest in legally endorsed same-sex marriage. In my own limited experience, some lesbians have always had a thing for dressing up in wedding garb—as brides or bridesmaids. The lesbian brides marching group gave expression to this desire in queer ways. The brides were not paired into couples. Zetlein writes that “the chick in white satin … [has] a veritable posse of her girlfriends with her (and they are all the brides)” (“Chicks” 63, original emphasis). Their costumes were recognisably bridal but also recognisably parodic and subverting; white but hardly innocent; the tulle and bras were feminine but the top hats were accessories conventionally worn by the groom and his men; the underarm hair a sign of feminist body politics. The whip signalled the lesbian underground sexual culture that flourished in Sydney in the early 1990s (O’Sullivan). The black boots were both lesbian street fashion and sensible shoes for marching! Conclusion It would be incorrect to say that GLBT politics and lesbian and gay couples who desire legal marriage in post-2004 Australia bear no trace of the history of ambivalence, critique and parody of marriage and weddings that have come before. The multiple voices in the 2011 collection of “Australian perspectives on same-sex marriage” (Marsh) put the lie to this claim. But in a climate where our radical pasts are repeatedly forgotten and lesbian and gay couples increasingly desire legal marriage, the political argument is hell-bent on inclusion in the mainstream. There seems to be little interest in a dance around the margins of inclusion/exclusion. I add my voice to the concern with the near exclusive focus on marriage and the terms on which it is sought. It is not a liberationist politics to which I have returned in recalling The Bride Wore Pink and the lesbian brides of the 1994 Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras, but rather an attention to the differences in the diverse collective histories of non-heterosexual politics. The examples I elaborate are hardly cases of radical difference. But even these instances might remind us that “we” have never been on a single road to equality: there may be incommensurable differences between “us” as much as commonalities. They also remind that desires for inclusion and recognition by the state should be leavened with a strong dose of laughter as well as with critical political analysis. References Australian Marriage Equality (AME). “Public Opinion Nationally.” 22 Oct. 2012. ‹http://www.australianmarriageequality.com/wp/who-supports-equality/a-majority-of-australians-support-marriage-equality/›. Baird, Barbara. “The Politics of Homosexuality in Howard's Australia.” Acts of Love and Lust: Sexuality in Australia from 1945-2010. Eds. Lisa Featherstone, Rebecca Jennings and Robert Reynolds. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Press, 2013 (forthcoming). —. “‘Kerryn and Jackie’: Thinking Historically about Lesbian Marriages.” Australian Historical Studies 126 (2005): 253–271. Butler, Judith. “Is Kinship Always Already Heterosexual?” Differences 13.1 (2002): 14–44. Cerise, Somali, and Rob McGrory. “Why Marriage Is Not a Priority.” Sydney Star Observer 28 Aug. 2003: 5. City of Sydney Archives [061\061352] (C. Moore Hardy Collection). ‹http://www.dictionaryofsydney.org//image/40440?zoom_highlight=c+moore+hardy›. Duggan Lisa. The Twilight of Equality?: Neoliberalism, Cultural politics, and the Attack on Democracy. Boston: Beacon Press, 2003. Dunkin, Alex. “Hunter to Speak at Dr Duncan Memorial.” blaze 290 (August 2012): 3. Hamer, Diane, and Belinda Budege, Eds. The Good Bad And The Gorgeous: Popular Culture's Romance With Lesbianism. London: Pandora, 1994. Ingraham, Chrys. White Weddings: Romancing Heterosexuality in Popular Culture, 2nd ed. New York: Routledge, 2008. Johnson, Carol, and Sarah Maddison, and Emma Partridge. “Australia: Parties, Federalism and Rights Agendas.” The Lesbian and Gay Movement and the State. Ed. Manon Tremblay, David Paternotte and Carol Johnson. Surrey: Ashgate, 2011. 27–42. Lesbian and Gay Legal Rights Service. The Bride Wore Pink, 2nd ed. Sydney: GLRL, 1994. Marsh, Victor, ed. Speak Now: Australian Perspectives on Same-Sex Marriage. Melbourne: Clouds of Mgaellan, 2011. Millbank Jenni, “Recognition of Lesbian and Gay Families in Australian Law—Part one: Couples.” Federal Law Review 34 (2006): 1–44Millbank, Jenni, and Wayne Morgan. “Let Them Eat Cake and Ice Cream: Wanting Something ‘More’ from the Relationship Recognition Menu.” Legal Recognition of Same-Sex Partnerships: A Study of National, European and International Law. Ed. Robert Wintermute and Mads Andenaes. Portland: Hart Publishing, 2001. 295–316. O'Sullivan Kimberley. “Dangerous Desire: Lesbianism as Sex or Politics.” Ed. Jill Julius Matthews. Sex in Public: Australian Sexual Cultures Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1997. 120–23. Puar, Jasbir K. Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times. Durham: Duke UP, 2007 Stewart, Miranda, “It’s a Queer Thing: Campaigning for Equality and Social Justice for Lesbians and Gay Men”. Alternative Law Journal 29.2 (April 2004): 75–80. Walker, Kristen. “The Same-Sex Marriage Debate in Australia.” The International Journal of Human Rights 11.1–2 (2007): 109–130. Weeks, Jeffrey. The World We Have Won: The Remaking of Erotic and Intimate Life. Abindgdon: Routledge, 2007. Willett, Graham. Living Out Loud: A History of Gay and Lesbian Activism in Australia. Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 2000. Willett, Graham. “Howard and the Homos.” Social Movement Studies 9.2 (2010): 187–199. Zetlein, Sarah. Lesbian Bodies Before the Law: Intimate Relations and Regulatory Fictions. Honours Thesis, University of Adelaide, 1994. —. “Lesbian Bodies before the Law: Chicks in White Satin.” Australian Feminist Law Journal 5 (1995): 48–63.

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Patti-Signorelli, Anna, and José Javier Romero-Díaz de la Guardia. "CHAPTER 4: The biopsychosocial model and what it means for understanding inclusion in education - Brahm Norwich Introduction This chapter focuses on two specific pieces of Paul Cooper’s writing from 19 and 15 years ago respectively, namely his ideas about the biopsychosocial model and how he developed and used this perspective in unique ways to expand our thinking about inclusion and inclusive education. I believe this will give me the opportunity to show the detail of his analyses and way he engaged in the key debates going on in the field. It will also enable me to show the continuing relevance /of the arguments he voiced to current issues and concerns. Paul’s intellectual approach has been to oppose what he sees as false oppositions or dichotomies and this is something I have learned from and shared with him. The biopsychosocial model was for him a way to combine and bring together a more complex synthesis not just as an intellectual exercise, but as critical to enhancing educational practice, especially for those with disability and difficulties. A critical discussion of education, ADHD and the biopsychosocial (BPS) perspective Paul Cooper’s paper on the biopsychosocial perspective (Cooper, 2008) focuses on ADHD to propose a BPS model or what is called here a ‘paradigm’ as a way forward to address controversies amongst educationalists. Its argument had and continues to have much wider significance for the field of special educational needs and inclusive education. The main point in the paper was to show how the polarity between biological and social explanations for learning and behaviour problems had become redundant and unhelpful. ADHD it was stated was influenced by both biology and the social environment and indeed was ‘socially constructed’. But, this notion of social construction was not like the one adopted by the social model advocates referenced in the paper and still widely used in the 2020s. Shakespeare (2018, p. 68), for example, refers to the social model of disability as ‘the idea that people are disabled by society, rather than by their bodies’. What motivated Paul was the negativity towards the ADHD concept based on what he saw as: ‘outdated thinking and a lack of understanding of the diagnosis and the biopsychosocial paradigm through which it can be usefully understood’ (p. 457). Before examining the arguments about a social or a BPS model of ADHD, it worth exploring the usage of the terms in these models in written publications generally and in relation to academic research publications in education. Using the google ngram viewer system shows that the phrase ’social model of disability’ is used 114 times more in those texts covered within the google system than the phrase ‘biopsychosocial model of disability’ published in 2019. In addition, references to the phrase ‘social model of disability; increased 2.6 times from 2000 to 2019. By contrast, the use of the phrase ‘biopsychosocial model of disability’ increased more rapidly by 9.3 times, over the same period. Though this analysis is confined to those ngram accessed books in English, it does show that the ‘social model’ was used in this corpus considerably more than the ‘BPS model’. This is so even when the ‘BPS model’ had a greater increase in usage compared to the ‘social model’ over this almost two decade period. This picture is repeated when examining research literature references in education using the Education Research Complete database (ERC). In a search for literature with the terms ‘inclusive education or inclusion or mainstreaming or integration’ and either ‘biopsychosocial model’ or ‘social model’, it was found that there were 13 times as many references for social model than BPS model. It is clear from these analyses that Paul Cooper’s position has not been widely adopted since the 2000s and into the late 2010s, despite the international interest in the WHO International Classification of Functioning (ICF), which adopts a BPS model of disability (Hollenweger, 2012). My argument here is that this does not detract from the value and importance of the arguments in his paper. I am not going into the details of the case for the usefulness and risks in the use of medical classification systems that include ADHD as the most prevalent of childhood behaviour disorders. Cooper’s 2008 paper does this, and no doubt since then the current state of knowledge about ADHD has changed. What I will focus on is the argument made by Paul Cooper about the involvement of biological processes in functioning that comes to be identified as ADHD. Here he considered evidence for there being a problem in the response inhibition system, involving neuropsychological executive functioning mechanisms implicating physiological processes in the frontal lobes of the brain. In addition, he also implicates the genetic studies that have shown a much greater incidence of ADHD among identical than non-identical twins and among children who are biologically related as opposed to adopted. What he resists is the polarising between recognising these biological processes on human behaviour and the social processes; the either – or in favour of the both – and perspective. This is a central point in the commentary I am making of Paul Cooper’s positions and one which will be made too in relation to his ideas about inclusion in education below. The BPS model he is advocating rejects a biological determinism and represents biological factors as being mediated by psychosocial processes; the biological is subjected to social construction at various social and psychological levels. See Figure 4.1 which represents this kind of BPS model. In this respect the BPS model he advocates has strong links to Bronfenbrenner’s bio-ecological model (Bronfenbrenner and Morris, 2006). It is notable that many references to Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model have tended to also split the biological from the psycho-social (Tudge et al., 2009). Figure 4.1 Factors in interaction in the bio-psycho-social model of ADHD Critical reactions to ADHD have involved the dismissal of ADHD by some as a medical construct that individualises educational failure and disruptive behaviour. Part of the aversion to ADHD has been its use to legitimise the practice of using drugs as a form of social control of defiant children. Some argued this approach represented wrong-headed pseudo-science. The argument which Paul Cooper focussed on was the assertion that this individualised these problems, distract from how schools and teachers were involved in these problems, and so absolve them of responsibility to provide relevant opportunities for these groups. He countered this argument by claiming that the BPS model recognises that schools are a major setting through which institutional control and pedagogical practices contribute to the construction of ADHD. In his argument for a more complex BPS model, he countered the arguments of authors like Slee (1995) who were critical of what they portrayed as: ‘The monism of locating the nature of [classroom] disruption in the neurological infrastructure of the child is myopic and convenient’ (Slee, 1995, p. 74). Slee has continued this critical line of argument with his more recent views about the language of special educational needs in referring to: ‘the saturation of our discourse and thinking with the quasi-medical posturing of special educational needs. The conceptual foundations and usage of terms like special educational needs passes without a second thought’ (Slee, 2018; p. 78). Paul Cooper’s thorough response to four challenges from the critical perspective continue to be very relevant to the current circumstances. Firstly, it has been claimed that the ADHD diagnosis is somehow bogus or ‘illicit’ because there is an absence of neuro-scientific evidence. In this article he illustrates how this is ‘patently untrue’ (p. 463). Secondly, ADHD is sometimes claimed to be an example of biological determinism, a claim which expresses a fear of determinism and its associated denial of human agency. Here he has sympathy with this fear but shows how this is not well founded as regards developmental opportunities, given the interaction between biological inheritance and environmental factors in the development of behavioural difficulties. Paul Cooper argued that not only were there several biological pathways implicated in the development of ADHD, but that ADHD is not biologically determined in the simplistic sense suggested by some; see the Slee quote above. He turns the argument by ADHD critics about ADHD diverting attention from school factors against their position. He suggests that portraying ADHD as an example of biological determinism, itself diverts attention from converting a biopsychosocial account of ADHD into pedagogical and other interventions. By knowing more about the biological, psychological and social factors in ADHD enables us, he argued, to avoid aggravating experienced difficulties and promoting educational engagement. The third challenge he addressed was that an ADHD ‘diagnosis’ rests on value-laden, culturally-specific judgements about behavioural or cognitive norms. Here Paul Cooper adopts a perspective, not often found in debates about behaviour difficulties and school education norms. He recognised that children who are biologically predisposed to develop ADHD can be at a disadvantage by culturally based assumptions about appropriate school and classroom behaviour. But, this, he argues, does not reflect on the clinicians who identify ADHD, but reflects on the weaknesses of, what he called, ‘Western mass education’. This issue is about whether to change the educational environment to accommodate the student or to change the student to enable him or her to engage with an unchanging environment. As Paul Cooper recognised the attempt is often made to combine environmental and individual changes. He suggested that using medication can be seen as the failure of the school to make changes that enable the student with ADHD to engage effectively. The implications for those wanting to make schools more inclusive is to learn the lesson that ADHD teaches about shaping the educational environment to improve learning opportunities. In discussing how he approached this challenge, it is also notable that some psychologists have adopted more recently a BPS model of ADHD and supplemented the social aspects with a focus on the cultural aspects that relate to the mental health needs of culturally and linguistically diverse children and young people (Pham, 2015). The fourth challenge Paul Cooper responded to was that accepting an ADHD diagnosis ‘legitimise[s] the practice of drugging defiant children into docility’ (Skidmore, 2004, p. 4). To this he points out that informed opinion does not consider medication for ADHD as an essential treatment, and that whatever is decided is to be in the context of a multi-modal treatment programme that includes psychosocial and educational interventions. In his paper he refers to the UK guidance from 2000 and this is still the current guidelines (NICE, 2018). How parents participate in intervention selection is also illustrated in Pham (2015). The linked and final challenge he dealt with was that ADHD represents the wrongful medicalisation of defiance in school children. Here Paul Cooper questioned the link between defiance and the functional issues associated with ADHD. He suggested that defiance is better considered as a cognitive distortion affecting social engagement rather than a deficit in executive functioning associated with ADHD. So, not complying with parent wishes is seen as non-volitional and not to be confused with defiance. For him what was concerning was the ‘high moral tone’ (p. 470) which concealed limited understanding about ADHD that he believed could be dangerous. A crucial difference between the social and BPS models In defending the BPS model from critical arguments, Paul Cooper did not examine the ideological or value basis for the knowledge claims in these debates. From a critical perspective, it has been suggested by Slee & Weiner (2001) that it is possible to identify two groups of researchers, which they characterise in these terms, namely those who work within, what they call the ‘positivist paradigm’, accept the way things are, attempt to make marginal reforms and who criticise ‘full inclusion’ as ideological; and those who see inclusive education as cultural politics and call for educational reconstruction. This distinction between a positivist / technical versus cultural political position can be aligned with one between an investigatory versus an emancipatory perspective to research about disability (Oliver, 1999). Oliver frames the research-as-investigation as the dominant form of social research which is unacceptable to oppressed groups, such as those with disabilities, who aim to collectively empower themselves. In this perspective the social model of disability expresses the emancipatory stance which is pursued through cultural politics. This contrasts with a technical – interventionist perspective that derives from what Slee and Weiner (2001) call a ‘positivist paradigm’ and is associated with what is called a medical or a bio-medical model. It can be seen that this dichotomy between research stances embraces the splitting which Paul Cooper argued against. Figure 4.2 below represents these distinct research stances as adopting emancipatory or investigatory values, while showing their main focus and linked assumptions. With emancipatory values the main focus is on reducing the oppression of the vulnerable with this being done through collective socio-political action and in doing so entailing a causal assumption that it is the dominant social system that oppresses. With investigatory values, the main focus is on identifying complex causal models of a phenomenon and in doing so assumes that this knowledge can be used for subsequent improvement interventions. Figure 4.2 Value bases underlying different research stances One of the main arguments in this chapter is that there are links and common elements to these two basic value positions, so raising questions about the split and opposition between them. Both connect knowledge with action for social change, on one hand, and both assume some causal processes, on the other. The difference is in the assumptions of their main focus. Identifying complex causal processes (e.g. that includes social processes as part of a BPS perspective) is the primary focus of the investigatory stance, while change depends on applying this knowledge in interventions. This stance represents an outsider-spectator-intervenor perspective. By contrast, reducing the oppression of the vulnerable is the primary focus of the emancipatory stance, with this being through collective political and social action. This stance represents an insider-participator perspective. So, while distinct, there are connections to be recognised between them which can help to understand what the social stands for in these two models. The social in the social model stands for where change is to be focussed; in the socio-political arena. The social, by contrast, in the BPS model stands for the social factors that need to be understood in their interaction with bio-psychological causal factors. Making use of the distinction between insider-outsider role perspectives enables us to see how these different value stances can be connected and not seen as opposites to select between. As Paul Cooper argued in his 2008 paper, informed opinion does not consider medication for ADHD as an essential treatment / intervention; the BPS model implies multi-modal methods including psychosocial and educational interventions (NICE, 2018). Intervention / treatment acceptability is also an important consideration when considering individual children with identified ADHD from a BPS perspective, as illustrated in Pham’s (2015) case study. This implies that parents and young people will participate in action decisions, which gives them an insider role. However, the social model goes beyond insider participation at the individual level, to involve collective participation at institutional and societal levels too. This is where the BPS model could be open to insider participation beyond the individual level, to see the value of institutional and societal participation too. And, as the BPS can be open to the collective action of the social model, so the social model can be open to the outsider perspective’s recognition of multi-level causal processes (including the bio-psychological levels) and their associated interventions. Inclusion as a buzz-word In this 2008 paper Paul Cooper suggested that the use of insights from the BPS model in developing educational provision is likely to lead to a more genuinely inclusive education system. This was written after an earlier editorial he wrote in the journal Emotional and Behavioural Difficulties in 2004 (Cooper, 2004). Here he pointed to the overuse and misuse of the word inclusion, suggesting that it will lose its meaning and that the purposes for which it was coined will become neglected. One way of challenging this misuse, he mentioned, was to be vigilant about how it is used and to call for greater clarity. In this editorial he stated that social inclusion is about active participation and engagement with other people. With inclusive education, he continued, it is not just about social inclusion, but an individual’s active engagement in formal learning processes. Here Paul Cooper goes beyond common ideas about inclusion which are defined in terms of social and academic participation (as in the Inclusion Index; Booth and Ainscow, 2011), by clarifying that it is also about academic and social engagement. From this it was clear that inclusion was more than both location / placement and social interaction with other people; it was also about personal engagement with others and with formal learning. Paul Cooper was not alone in linking engagement with inclusion, he shared this with Mary Warnock, the chair of the Warnock Committee which in 1978 set out new policies about the education of children and young people with disabilities and difficulties (Warnock, 2005). In her 2005 policy paper she rejected the idea of educational inclusion as about ‘all children under the same roof’. She preferred a learning concept of inclusion, which was about: ‘including all children in the common educational enterprise of learning, wherever they learn best’ (Warnock, 2005). Though she does not use the term ‘engagement’ as such, her notion of learning where done best connects with ‘engagement’ and prioritises this over placement, a view which was also adopted later by Paul for the area of education of children and young people with social, emotional and behaviour difficulties (Cooper and Jacobs, 2011). Paul Cooper drew on the psychological ideas of Marjorie Boxall in the Boxall Profile (Bennathan and Boxall, 2003) to connect Inclusion with engagement, as he mentioned in his 2004 editorial. For him engagement was at the heart of educational inclusion from a cognitive perspective. He adopted the five subskills of what the Boxall Profile termed ‘the organization of experience’: whether the child gives purposeful attention, participates constructively, connects up experiences, shows insightful involvement and engages cognitively with peers. Within this framework he recognised that children with social, emotional and behavioural difficulties (SEBD) can have problems with some or all of these skills. So, it can be argued that the child who experiences SEBD is socially, emotionally and cognitively excluded from what is going in class lessons; with SEBD being framed as a barrier to inclusion. This concept of a barrier is very different to that proposed from a social model perspective as in the Inclusion Index (Booth and Ainscow, 2011), in which barriers are only external to the person. But, Paul Cooper does not draw the conclusion that children with SEBD can never be ‘included’. Here he makes the distinction between inclusion-as-location and inclusion-as-engagement, with the implication that in some cases when there is not mainstream class inclusion this does not mean there cannot be some engagement inclusion. He also reminded us that inclusion is such that nobody is ever fully included in any situation all the time. In this sense his ideas resemble Qvortrup and Qvortrup’s (2018) argument that inclusion and exclusion are connected through peoples’ simultaneous involvement in different social arenas. With social interactions involving negotiations in all situations, Paul Cooper argued that any episode can result in tensions and the rejection of the people involved . This is a feature of our lives and in this respect the child experiencing SEBD is no different from others. However, he pointed out that the child or young person with a SEBD is at greater risk of rejection or exclusion, which may be attributed to individual characteristics in interaction with social circumstances (in line with a BPS model). Using this notion of engagement, he also approached the questions of teaching children and young people with SEBD in terms of the BPS model. In avoiding a focus just on problems located in the student, he adopted an interactionist perspective that combined specialist teaching knowledge about individual differences with teachers’ practical thinking about decision-making that led to adapted teaching (Cooper, 2004). He reviewed in this 2004 chapter and in his later 2008 paper discussed above, the various teaching strategies that research had shown to promote further engagement for children with ADHD. It is useful here to compare his engagement perspective to a well-known ‘Inclusive Pedagogy (IP) framework for participation in classrooms’ developed by Florian and Black-Hawkins (2011). This framework in covering access, collaboration, achievement and diversity aimed to extend what was typically available in the classroom community to all. It avoided having learning activities for most being alongside different activities for some who experience difficulties. It also proposed differentiation by pupil choice for everyone while rejecting ability grouping. This is an approach that required flexibility to be driven by need and not curriculum coverage, while seeing difficulties in learning as professional challenges rather than learner deficits. Though Paul Cooper’s perspective agreed with some elements of this inclusive pedagogy framework (e.g. flexibility and responding to learning difficulties as a challenge), his does not accept the either-or polarity at the core of the framework with the adoption of only one option: differentiation by choice v. by grouping and only opting for the former, or seeing learning difficulties as a professional challenge v. learner deficits and opting only for the challenge option). This IP framework reflects the medical v social model polarity that he argued against while favouring a BPS model. Based on his approach of seeing social and academic engagement as being at the heart of educational and social inclusion, he believed that it followed that: ‘students are best placed in educational settings where they have access to and support for maximum social and academic engagement’. (Cooper, 2004, p. 222). In his view, this meant that there was no simple way to decide about the provision setting. For some pupils this meant access to various forms of provision, but always a detailed analysis of individual capabilities and needs as well as what provision affords should determine the decisions. Conclusion This chapter has focussed on two of Paul Cooper’s papers in which he explained and justified his ideas about the biopsychosocial model and how he developed and used this perspective in unique ways to expand our thinking about inclusion and inclusive education. Through relating and contrasting these with other contemporary and current ideas I hope to have shown his distinctive and insightful contribution. I have also tried to extend his adoption of a both-and rather than an either-or approach by discussing the epistemological and value bases of different models, on one hand, and how difference and distinction does not imply irreconcilable opposition between the key models in the field. References: Bennathan, M. & Boxall, M. (2003) The Boxall Profile. East Sutton: SEBDA. Booth, T. and Ainscow, M. (2011) Index for Inclusion: developing learning and participation in schools. 3rd ed. Bristol: CSIE. Bronfenbrenner, U., and Morris, P. (2006) The bioecological model of human development. In W. Damon & R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology: Vol. 1. Theoretical models of human development (6th ed., pp. 793–828). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Cooper, P. (2004) Is ‘inclusion’ just a buzz-word?, Emotional and Behavioural Difficulties, 9:4, 219-222, DOI: 10.1177/1363275204051391 Cooper, P. (2004) ‘AD/HD’, in A. Lewis & B. Norwich (eds) Special Teaching for Special Children? Pedagogies for Inclusion. Buckingham: Open University Press. Cooper, P. (2008) Like Alligators Bobbing for Poodles? A Critical Discussion of Education, ADHD and the Biopsychosocial Perspective. Journal of Philosophy of Education, 42, 3-4, 457-474. Cooper, P. and Jacobs, B. (2011) From Inclusion to Engagement: Helping Students Engage with Schooling Through Policy and Practice. London: Wiley. Florian, L. and Black-Hawkins, K. (2011) Exploring inclusive pedagogy, British Educational Research Journal, 37, 5, pp. 813-828. Hollenweger, J. (2012) Using the International Classification of Functioning, Disability and health Children and Youth version in education systems. American Journal of Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation, 91, 13, pp. 97-102. NICE (2018) Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder: diagnosis and management NICE guidelines. Published: 14 March 2018. Access on 23.5.23 www.nice.org.uk/guidance/ng87 Oliver, M. (1999) Final accounts and the parasite people. in Corker, M. and French, S. (eds.) Disability discourse. (eds.) Maidenhead: Open University Press. Pham, A.V. (2015) Understanding ADHD from a Biopsychosocial-Cultural Framework: A Case Study. Contemporary School Psychology, 19:54–62. Qvortrup, A. and Qvortrup, L. (2018). Inclusion: Dimensions of inclusion in education. International Journal of Inclusive Education, 22(7), 803-817. Shakespeare, T. (2018) Disability: the basics. London: Routledge. Skidmore, D. (2004) Inclusion. Buckingham,: Open University Press. Slee, R. (1995) Changing Theories and Practices of Discipline. London, Falmer. Slee, R. and Weiner, G. (2001). Education Reform and Reconstruction as a Challenge to Research Genres: Reconsidering School Effectiveness Research and Inclusive Schooling. School Effectiveness and School Improvement, 12:1, 83-98, DOI: 10.1076/sesi.12.1.83.3463 Slee, R. (2018) Inclusive Education isn’t Dead, it Just Smells Funny. London: Routledge. Tudge, J.R.H., Mokrova, I., Hatfield, B.E. and Karnik, R.B. (2009) Uses and Misuses of Bronfenbrenner’s Bioecological Theory of Human Development. Journal of Family Theory & Review, 1, 198–210. Warnock, M. (2005) Special Educational Needs: A New Look. London: Philosophy of Education Society of Great Britain, Impact Series No. 11." International Journal of Emotional Education 15, no. 2 (2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.56300/esja4186.

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The present study aimed to determine the emotional characteristics of the Trait-Meta-Mood-Scale (TMMS-24) in music-oriented secondary school students in Italy. A 24-item self-assessment protocol was applied to measure the level of perceived emotional intelligence according to 3 dimensions: attention, clarity and repair. This tool represents one of the most widely used self-assessment measures of perceived emotional intelligence. The objective of the study was to conduct construct validation to examine reliability of the Italian version of the TMMS-24 in order to identify its feasibility for the assessment of emotional intelligence. Exploratory and confirmatory factorial analyses were conducted on a sample of music-oriented secondary school students in Italy (n=402). Exploratory factor analysis outcomes revealed that the three dimensions of the original scale (attention, clarity and emotional repair) are supported in the examined context, showing adequate internal consistency and describing 52.6% of overall variance. Outcomes were confirmed via confirmatory analysis, obtaining good fit indices (CFI=0.986; TLI=0.985; RMSEA=0.038). The TMMS-24 scale is a valid and reliable instrument for measuring the emotional intelligence of secondary school students in Italy. Keywords: TMMS-24, emotional intelligence, secondary school education, exploratory factor analysis, confirmatory factor analysis.

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