Academic literature on the topic 'Boomerang-spiral model'
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Journal articles on the topic "Boomerang-spiral model"
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Allendoerfer, Michelle Giacobbe, Amanda Murdie, and Ryan M. Welch. "The Path of the Boomerang: Human Rights Campaigns, Third-Party Pressure, and Human Rights." International Studies Quarterly 64, no. 1 (2019): 111–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqz082.
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Abstract How can information campaigns of nongovernmental human rights organizations (HROs) to “name and shame” human rights violators improve human rights conditions? Is the effect direct—does HRO targeting induce violating states to change their behavior? Or is the effect indirect—does pressure by third parties mediate the relationship between HRO actions and changes in human rights practices? The boomerang and spiral models suggest HRO activity provokes third parties, such as other states and international organizations, to pressure violating states. This pressure, in turn, drives violating states to improve human rights conditions. On the other hand, recent empirical work finds third-party pressure can further degrade human rights conditions. In this paper we provide a comprehensive analysis of how these individual factors—HRO activities and pressure from third parties—work together in the larger chain of causal events influencing human rights conditions. Using a causal mediation model, we examine whether HRO campaigning improves human rights directly or if the effect is mediated by costs imposed by powerful actors through sanctions and military interventions. We find that, although HRO activities have an overall positive effect on human rights conditions, the negative effects of third-party pressure somewhat diminish the positive effects.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Boomerang-spiral model"
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Shahbari, Ilham. "Internationalisation of the National Aspirations of the Palestinian Arab Citizens of Israel." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17456.
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This study is concerned with the concept of internationalisation as a tool for disadvantaged minorities to affect change in their situation. This phenomenon has been studied widely with respect to authoritarian regimes and later on with liberal Western democracies. The current study has focussed on the state of Israel and the situation of its Palestinian Arab minority to investigate the origins and purposes of internationalisation, the extent to which these efforts have achieved the objectives that were set, and whether this process is in any sense capable of achieving them. The analysis shows that the internationalisation process whereby the Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel sought to reclaim their rights by invoking the support of the international community has emerged in the 1950s. It came to be perceived as necessary because internal legal and political processes were understood to be insufficient to achieve any redress for their grievances.
The Arab leadership in Israel articulates internationalisation as a strategy designed to invoke the norms of democracy to question the conduct of successive Israeli governments, and counter the narrative offered by them on the world stage. The internationalisation strategy is seen to undergo a profound transformation from public memoranda, to civil and legal advocacy by invoking international conventions and treaties and finally to personal diplomacy. The results show that it is not a zero sum game; it is an especially effective method in different ways and with varying degrees of success. It created an extension of the critique of Israel’s treatment of Palestinians in the Occupied Territories to its Palestinian minority. Using the international law in the modality of legal advocacy to compel the Israeli state to adhere to the commitments it had made by acceding to an international convention, proved more effective than mere political pressure. Another factors such as the nature of the claims, geopolitical circumstances, global momentum, and domestic politics are crucial as well for the success of the internationalisation. Yet, Israel’s response varied in particular cases to minimise external critics, and its respect for the international law was uttered by utilitarian justification to protect its reputation.
The application of the social constructivist boomerang-spiral model to the process of internationalisation is deemed to be a particularly effective instrument to explore both the potential and the limits of the process of compelling the Israeli state to conform to internationally supported norms. The results of this study demonstrate that the construction of the state’s identity as a Jewish and concerns over national security are potentially in conflict with the egalitarian democratic norms that it claims to be governed by. The implications of these two elements for the operation of the Israeli state has resulted in a failure to fully integrate its Arab citizens. The Nation-State Law of 2018 reinforces the legal and systematic discrimination against the Palestinians in Israel and explains why internationalisation has not been successful.
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It is the first comprehensive investigation into a selected series of case studies that document international appeals made by Israel’s Arab elite due to three chronological periods: 1948-1979, 1992- 2013 and 2015 onwards. On a theoretical level, it is the first time that the spiral model has been tested in the context of Israel and its Arab minority. This can serve as a strategic information source for Arab MKs, NGOs and Israeli decision makers.
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Gilbert, Paul Carson. "NGOs and Human Rights Promotion: Socialisation, Framing, and the Case of West Papua." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1694.
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Recent developments in international relations have seen dramatic increases in the number and activities of human rights non-governmental organisations (NGOs). This has inspired research that seeks to explain processes of human rights socialisation, particularly in crisis zones. In this context, NGO advocacy is often welcomed as being inherently beneficial for adherence to human rights principles. Such a position, however, fails to account for the
critiques offered by theorists who suggest that the wielding of any power to affect change can have negative as well as positive outcomes, and the critiques of realist international relations theorists who assert the dangers of unqualified promotion of normative concerns in the face of power interests. In this context, this thesis offers a critical evaluation of the contributions of NGO advocacy in human rights socialisation.
Two models of human rights socialisation – the spiral and boomerang models – are utilised in
examining human rights advocacy in West Papua, a province of Indonesia. The West Papuan case study indicates that detrimental outcomes can result from the failure of human rights
advocates to account for political interests and state sovereignty in their strategies of human rights promotion. Human rights campaigns framed in terms of people’s rights to physical security and subsistence, instead of more political rights, such as the right to selfdetermination,
are likely to be more positive for human rights adherence. This points to the desirability of a hierarchy of rights principles in human rights advocacy and suggests, for the socialisation models used, a need for clearer distinctions between the human rights principles prescribed for advocacy.
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Armijo, Fortin Alexandra. "La transmission des normes internationales en droits de la personne et le développement démocratique au Mexique." Thèse, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/10817.
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Quel est le pouvoir des normes internationales de droits humains ? Ces normes ont-elles un pouvoir politique? En s’appuyant sur le cas mexicain (entre 1988 et 2006), la thèse tente de répondre à trois questionnements. Le premier est lié à la trajectoire des normes: les défenseurs mexicains des droits humains cherchent-ils l’appui d’acteurs internationaux pour promouvoir les droits humains vis-à-vis leur gouvernement, tel que le suggère le modèle du boomerang ? Deuxièmement, il s’agit de comprendre l’impact du processus de diffusion des normes sur le respect des droits humains : les acteurs internationaux et nationaux qui défendent les droits humains parviennent-ils à influencer les décisions politiques gouvernementales, en matière de protection des droits humains ? Et finalement: ces groupes contribuent-ils à changer le cours du processus de démocratisation d’un État ?
Les résultats de la recherche permettent de tirer quelques conclusions. La thèse confirme dans un premier temps la théorie du boomerang de Keck et Sikkink (1998), puisque les pressions domestiques en matière de droits humains deviennent efficaces au moment où les acteurs domestiques gagnent l’appui des acteurs internationaux. En ce qui concerne l’impact de la diffusion des normes internationales des droits humains sur leur protection gouvernementale, il semble que le gouvernement mexicain entre 1988 et 2006 réagisse aux pressions des acteurs qui diffusent les normes de droits humains par la mise en place d’institutions et de lois et non par une protection effective de ces droits. Un deuxième type d’impact, lié à la diffusion des normes en droits humains, est observé sur le processus de démocratisation. La thèse montre que les acteurs qui diffusent les normes en droits humains jouent un rôle dans la mise en place de réformes électorales, tout en contribuant à une redéfinition plus démocratique des rapports de pouvoir entre la société civile et l’État.<br>What is the power of international human rights norms ? Do those norms have the capacity to change the political course of a State ? More precisely, can they contribute to a better human rights protection and the democratization of a State ? This thesis tackles these questions and tries to figure out how the international human rights norms are participating to the political evolution of a country. Examining the case of Mexico, this thesis seeks to provide answers to three main questions. The first one is related to the path followed by norms : are the domestic human rights groups bypassing their State to search out international allies to bring pressure on the government, as suggested by the boomerang model, or are they able to display effective pressure for human rights changes? This thesis also tries to understand the impact of human rights groups on human rights domestic changes : are the international and national human rights groups able to bring out domestic human rights changes ? Finally, the impact of human rights groups on democratization is examined : do international and national human rights groups play a role within the democratization of the mexican State ?
The analysis of data helps to draw the appropriate conclusions. First, the thesis argues that domestic human rights groups are using the boomerang effect, seeking international allies in Mexico to put effective pressure on their gouvernment. Indeed, the human rights domestic pressure became effective only when the international community started to get involved in the protection of human rights in Mexico. Secondly, it shows that international and national human rights groups have been efficient in encouraging the Mexican government to adopt human rights policies between 1988 and 2006. As the human rights sector expanded in Mexico, the government has put into place many reforms and institutions to promote human rights.
Book chapters on the topic "Boomerang-spiral model"
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Jurkovich, Michelle. "How to Think about Advocacy." In Feeding the Hungry. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501751165.003.0003.
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This chapter focuses on contemporary international anti-hunger advocacy, which describes the nature of contemporary campaigns across top international anti-hunger organizations. It introduces dominant human rights models, namely Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink's “boomerang model” and Thomas Risse, Stephen C. Ropp, and Kathryn Sikkink's “spiral model.” It also provides an alternative model of advocacy, the “buckshot model,” which describes and explains advocacy around hunger and the right to food. The chapter identifies the hidden assumptions behind dominant human rights models and explores their limitations by using the hunger case to set up a contrast with more-often-studied civil and political rights campaigns. It reviews interviews with international anti-hunger activists that were completed by 2015, which reflected contemporary campaigns and efforts until 2014.