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Fegly, Jean-Marie. "Théâtre chinois : survivance, développement et activité du Kunju au XXe siècle." Paris 7, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA070142.
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Etude des avatars et de l'évolution du style théâtral kunju au 20eme siècle, avec un panorama des activités des diverses troupes de théâtre (le kunju est un des styles les plus anciens du théâtre chinois). Apres une longue introduction, où est retracée l'histoire du kunju à l'époque Ming et à l'époque Qing, avec une explication des caractéristiques musicales et de l'art de la scène, l'auteur aborde l'étude des "avatars et activités du kunju au 20eme siècle". 1 Evolution du kunju avant 1950 (les activités avant 1921, la fondation de l'institut pour l'étude du kunju et la vie des troupes jusqu'en 1950). 2 Développement et activités de ce style de 1950 à nos jours (le succès de la pièce : "les quinze ligatures de sapèques", les réunions et les discussions de 1956 et de 1957, puis la description des activités des cinq troupes existant encore aujourd'hui en Chine). 3 Aperçu de la vie d'une actrice, d'une troupe théâtrale et le déroulement des activités des amateursStudy on the evolution and problems of kunju style in the twentieth century, with a large view on the activities of several theatre troops (kunju is the oldest style of chinese theater). After a long introduction in which kunju history is related from Ming to the late Qing periods, with an explanation of musical characteristics and acting, the author studies "the problems and activities of kunju in the twentieth century". 1. Evolution of kunju before 1950 (activities before 1921, the foundation of the institute for the research on kunju and the life of theatrical troops until 1950)
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Lafond, Jean-Philippe. "La bureaucratie impériale chinoise sous le regard jésuite aux 16e et 18e siècles." Thesis, Université Laval, 2010. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2010/27227/27227.pdf.
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Zhang, Xuehui. "Peinture et philosophie dans la Chine du XVIIe siècle des Qing : Shi Tao et Zhu Da." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014BOR30080.
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Shi Tao et Zhu Da sont les deux plus importants des quatre bonzes qui vécurent à la fin de la dynastie Ming et au début de la dynastie Qing. En tant que membre de la famille impériale de la dynastie Ming, ou partisan de la dynastie précédente, ils ne voulurent pas suivre le gouvernement des Qing. Pour manifester cela, ils créèrent un nouveau style anti-orthodoxe exprimant leur personnalité. Ils connurent la chute de la dynastie Ming, et les bouleversements sociaux qui suivirent la prise du pouvoir par les Mandchous. Alors que certains peintres ont continué à prêter allégeance à la dynastie déchue des Ming, ils exprimèrent leur opposition à la domination des Mandchous en refusant de collaborer avec l'occupant. L'art de Shi Tao eut un impact important et profond sur l’évolution de la peinture chinoise, de la dynastie des Qing jusqu’à nos jours. Cet artiste aux talents très variés, écrit des poésies et des essais et pratique peinture et calligraphie. Il rompt avec les règles traditionnelles de la peinture quand il décrit des éléments de la nature comme les oiseaux et les fleurs, les chlorophytums et les bambous. Sa peinture émane du fond de son cœur. Sa manière de faire couler les encres et d’utiliser le pinceau varie selon son intérêt ou ses besoins. C’est là son originalité. De son côté, Zhu Da est maître dans l’art d’exprimer ses états d’âme par des images. Ses tableaux vigoureux, pleins d'exubérance, font preuve d'une adresse artistique élevée. Il atteint la perfection dans ses petits formats (fleurs, insectes, oiseaux, rochers, poissons) dont l'insolite simplicité repose sur une extraordinaire science de la composition, remarquable surtout par son usage dynamique des videsShi Tao and Zhu Da are two of the four monks lived in the late Ming Dynasty and early Qing Dynasty. As either a member of the imperial family of the Ming Dynasty, is a supporter of the previous dynasty, they would not follow the ruler of the Qing Dynasty, so they created a new anti-orthodox style emphasizing the expression personality. They experienced the fall of the Ming dynasty, in the social upheavals that followed the seizure of power by the Manchus, a number of painters continued to swear allegiance to the fallen Ming dynasty. Their poems and paintings, expressing their opposition to the domination of the Manchus and their attitude of non-cooperation with the occupier. Shi Tao is a significant and profound impact on the development of chinese painting, Qing Dynasty to this day. Shi Tao, artiste to strong in poetry and essays very versatile, also focuses on painting and calligraphy. It does not follow the traditional rules of painting when he describes the elements of nature, such as birds and flowers, and bamboo chlorophytums. His painting comes from the bottom of his heart. His way of spilling ink and use the brush varies according to their interests or needs. That is its originality. Zhu Da was a master in the art of expressing his feelings through pictures. His vigorous paintings, full of exuberance, demonstrate high artistic skills. Zhu Da reached perfection in its small format (flowers, insects, birds, rocks, fish) whose unusual simplicity based on an extraordinary knowledge of composition, remarkable mainly for its dynamic use empty space
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Paul, Carmen. "Das Kommunikationsamt (T'ung-cheng shih ssu) der Ming-dynastie (1368-1644) /." Wiesbaden : Harrassowitz Verlag, 1996. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40112242t.
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Hiu, Yunyan. "La pensée de Hanshan Deqing (1546-1623) : une lecture bouddhiste des textes confucéens et taoïstes." Thesis, Paris, INALCO, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014INAL0014/document.
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Hanshan Deqing 憨山德清 (1546-1623), est l’un des « Quatre moines bouddhistes éminents » de la fin de dynastie Ming, en Chine qui avaient pris conscience de l’importance et de la nécessité d’une conciliation entre les trois enseignements chinois que sont le bouddhisme, le confucianisme et le taoïsme. Ses annotations du Zhuangzi, du Daode jing, de l’Invariable Milieu et de La Grande Étude demeurent très importantes pour l’étude des tentatives de syncrétisme des trois enseignements. Il fut en effet le premier moine à avoir rédigé autant de commentaires des classiques taoïstes et confucéens afin de montrer que de nombreuses idées de ces deux enseignements d’origine chinoise sont similaires à celles de la pensée bouddhiste. Il est aussi l’auteur d’une dissertation qui démontre la possibilité du rapprochement entre les trois enseignements, tout en maintenant la précellence du bouddhisme. En étudiant de près tous ses commentaires non-bouddhistes et sa dissertation à propos des trois enseignements, nous avons constaté que le moine avait transformé la pensée taoïste et la pensée confucéenne en des doctrines quasi bouddhistes, proches tantôt du Grand Véhicule, tantôt du Petit Véhicule, en fonction des passages examinés. Certains concepts bouddhistes sont très récurrents dans ses commentaires non-bouddhistes. Hanshan Deqing montre que les auteurs des classiques taoïstes et confucéens qu’il annote avaient déjà pressenti l’importance des concepts qui sont au cœur de la pensée bouddhiste et permettent d’atteindre l’illumination ou de conduire des pratiques sotériologiques. À travers ces commentaires, on décèle l’intention de Hanshan Deqing : porter à la connaissance des lettrés, des taoïstes, voire des adeptes bouddhistes eux-mêmes, les procédures permettant d’accéder à l’Éveil, pour ensuite aider d’autres êtres à sortir de leur égarement et de leur attachement au mondeHanshan Deqing 憨山德清 (1546-1623) is one of the “Four Eminent Buddhist monks” of the late Ming dynasty in China who realized the importance and the necessity of the reconciliation between the three Chinese philosophies: Buddhism, Confucianism and Taoism. His annotations of the Zhuangzi, of the Daode jing, of the Doctrine of the Mean, of the Great Learning are of seminal importance in the attempt to fusion the three philosophies. He was indeed the first monk to have written so many commentaries of the Taoist and the Confucian classics in order to show that numerous thoughts of these two philosophies originating from China are similar to the ones of Buddhism. He is also the writer of a dissertation that demonstrates the possibility of establishing bridges between the three philosophies, even if he considers Buddhism as superior. Studying closely all his non-Buddhist commentaries and his dissertation about the three philosophies, we noticed that the monk had transformed the Taoist thought and the Confucian thought nearly into Buddhist doctrines, sometimes close to the Mahāyāna, sometimes close to the Hīnayāna, depending on the examined passages. Some Buddhist concepts are very recurrent in his non-Buddhist commentaries. Hanshan Deaing points out that the writers of the Taoist and Confucian classics that he annotates had already sensed the importance of the concepts which are at the heart of the Buddhist mind and enable to reach the enlightenment or the realization of the soteriological practices.Through these commentaries, we can discover Hanshan Deqing’s intention: to make the lettered persons, the Taoists or even the Buddhist disciples themselves aware of the procedures allowing them to reach the Awakening and then to help others beings to be released from their blindness and their attachment to the world
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Durand-Dastès, Vincent. "Le roman du maître de dhyāna : Bodhidharma et Ji-le-Fou dans le roman chinois en langue vulgaire du XVIIe siècle." Paris, INALCO, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000INAL0006.
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La thèse analyse les transformations subies par les légendes de deux célèbres figures de l'école chinoise du Chan lorsqu'elles furent adaptées au XVIIe siècle au format du roman long en langue vulgaire. La première partie étudie un roman intitulé L'éviction des démons et la restauration des bonnes relations sociales, ou la conversion de l'Orient (Saomei dunlun Dongdu ji), paru à Suzhou en 1635. Sous couvert de raconter la venue d'Inde en Chine du patriarche du Chan Bodhidharma, ce livre développe en cent chapitres une allégorie sur le thème du progrès moral par le respect des cinq relations sociales cardinales (wulun). On y voit le maître de dhyâna employer les diverses techniques d'éveil qui sont son apanage pour mettre les égarés sur la voie de ce progrès. La seconde partie montre le processus à l'oeuvre dans les réécritures contemporaines de la légende du bonze Daoji, dit "Jile Fou" (Jidian), à travers les innovations apportées par un roman de 1668, La biographie du dhûta fermenté (Qu toutuo zhuan). Ce texte, qui se présente ouvertement comme un commentaire critique des premières versions de la légende du moine excentrique, signe la mise au service de l'apologie des "bonnes vies et mœurs" chinoises du thème de la transgression et de la sainte folie. L'emploi des personnages de maîtres de dhyâna, avec le didactisme pittoresque qu'ils incarnent, comme hérauts de l'éthique confucéenne, témoigne d'un moment particulier de l'acclimatation chinoise du bouddhisme. En étudiant le discours explicite comme l'histoire éditoriale de ces œuvres situées au carrefour du roman de lettré et des livres d'exhortation morale (sanshu), on tente de comprendre la signification qu'elles pouvaient revêtir pour leurs auteurs, comme la nature de la réception qui put être la leurThe dissertation studies the transformations of the legends of two popular Chan masters undergone when turned into full-length vernacular novels during the 17th century. The first part deals with a novel entitled "Expelling the devils and restoring proper social relationships, or the Salvation of the East" (Saomei dunlun dongdu ji), published in Suzhou in 1635. While taking the Chan patriarch Bodhidharma's travels from India to China as its narrative framework, the novel develops in 100 chapters an allegory of moral progress through the strict observance of the five cardinal relationships. The Dhyâna master uses his unique awakening techniques in order to lead stray humans towards moral salvation. The second part focuses on the rewriting process affecting the legend of monk Daoji (Crazy Ji), as apparent in the 1668 novel "The Story of Fermented Dhûta" (Qu toutuo zhuan). This text introduces itself as a critical commentary of earlier versions of the saint's legend, and further turns their themes of Dhyâna masters, with their picturesque ways of teachings, are here portrayed as heralds of Confucian ethics. This characterises the above novels as a peculiar moment in the history of Chinese transformation of Buddhism. The dissertation studies not only the discourse of the novels, but also their publishing story, the identity and purpose of their authors as well as their reception. Both works are shown to have emerged at the meeting point between the two genres of literati novel and moral tract
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Li, Shenwen. "Stratégies missionnaires des jésuites français en Nouvelle-France et en Chine au XVIIe siècle." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0013/NQ36297.pdf.
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Laurent, Cédric. "La peinture narrative à sujet littéraire en prose sous les Ming (1368-1644)." Paris, INALCO, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004INAL0012.
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Une réflexion sur la définition de la peinture narrative chinoise en rouleau horizontal, comme représentation séquentielle continue d'une histoire a permis de former un corpus cohérent : les oeuvres furent peintes entre 1526 (date de réalisation de la première) et la fin de la dynastie , par des peintres de l'Ecole de Wu (Suzhou) quasi-exclusivement. Les peintures sont inscrites dans la continuité d'une tradition picturale ancienne, ce qui nous a conduit à étudier leur système de citation stylistique (notamment l'utilisation du "bleu-vert" ) et dde référence aux grands noms de la peinture ancienne. Les peintures narratives sont des illustrations de textes en prose. Ces textes, bien antérieurs aux peintures de notre corpus, sont constitutifs d'une tradition appelée guwen. L'aspect littéraire des peintures est un axe prédominant de l'étude. Les textes de référence ont été traduits et mis en rapport étroit avec les peintures afin d'en mieux comprendre le mode de représentation. Les peintures narratives sont conçues comme des commentaires aux textes de référence dans lesquels les peintures emploient nombre de poncifs pour alimenter un imaginaire et apporter des références littéraires, autant de motifs qui enrichissent la lecture des textes illustrés. L'étude du contexte culturel, principalement autour de la figure de Wen Zhengming (1470-1559) a mis en évidence l'intérêt que les intellectuels de Suzhou portaient au guwen. La référenciation littéraire étant l'enjeu principal, l'idée de "peinture littéraire" semble être une notion essentielle à une époque où la "peinture lettrée" ne se définissait pas encore par un style déterminéChinese narrative painting in hand scroll format is defined as a sequential representation of a story in a continuous landscape. The paintings that constitute the corpus had been realized between 1526 and the end of the dynasty, essentially by people of the region of quotation (use of 'blue-and-green' landscape, for example), and their references to the great masters. But the Chinese pictorial narration in early modern China is primarily an illustration of classical prose texts, and those texts are also devoted to a literary tradition, that comes from earlier period than the Ming dynasty. The literary aspect of the painting has been considered as the central direction for this study. The textual references has been translated and presented in order to be compared to the iconography of the paintings. This narrative paintings were made as commentary for their literary reference, in which pictorial clichés are used to enrich imaginary and to bring new literary references. The study of the cultural cortex, around Wen Zhengming (1470-1559) character has brought to light the importance of the guwen (old-style-prose) for Suzhou's intelligentsia. Much more than a 'literati style in ink and brush', what was understood until now as a 'literati painting' in the Wu school can therefore be observed with a new point of view, introducing the importance of the literary reference, as a 'literary painting'
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Bianchi, Alice. "Mendiants et personnages de rue dans la peinture chinoise des Ming (1368-1644) et des Qing (1644-1911)." Thesis, Paris, INALCO, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014INAL0017.
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Cette étude porte sur une tradition picturale méconnue, celle des Liumin tu (portraits d’errants, de mendiants, etc.), et se propose d’analyser et de définir ce genre avant qu’il ne sombre dans l’oubli général. Cette tradition se rattache à l’œuvre de Zheng Xia (1041-1119) qui, en 1074, soumit au trône un mémoire accompagné d’une peinture représentant les victimes d’une famine, pour demander des secours et dénoncer l’origine politique de la crise. La première partie de ce travail est consacrée au prototype du genre et à sa postérité directe : les mémoires illustrés, produits à partir de l’époque Ming par des fonctionnaires. Nous nous sommes interrogée sur les procédés employés pour décrire et mettre en image la catastrophe et ses victimes, mais aussi sur les fonctions de ces ouvrages et leurs modalités de transmission. Au XVIe siècle, apparaissent également des peintures qui présentent, à côté des réfugiés, des mendiants et d’autres déclassés. Au moins deux grands types émergent : les œuvres qui s’attachent à souligner les souffrances de ces gens, et celles les dépeignant dans des situations comiques ou grotesques. Dans la deuxième puis la troisième partie, nous suivons parallèlement le développement de ces deux traditions aux époques Ming et Qing. Il est apparu que si certaines œuvres décrivent les misères de ces chemineaux pour indigner et émouvoir le spectateur, comme les mémoires illustrés, d’autres présentent les maux de la société à travers ces personnages. Les peintres pouvaient combiner ces deux niveaux de commentaire dans une même œuvre et tenir plusieurs discours, suivant les situations auxquelles ils étaient confrontés et le public auquel ils s’adressaientThis dissertation focuses on a neglected tradition in Chinese painting known as Liumin tu (images of refugees, beggars, etc.), and proposes to define and analyze this genre, lifting it from general oblivion. This tradition is associated with Zheng Xia, who, in 1074, submitted a memorial to the throne along with a painting of disaster refugees in order to request assistance and denounce the misguided politics of the time. The first part of this study is devoted to the genre’s prototype and to a selected group of illustrated memorials produced by officials during the Ming and Qing period. The examples analyzed prompt an inquiry into the methods used to describe and paint disasters and their victims, the functions of these works, and their modes of transmission. In the 16th century, paintings appear that also present, alongside refugees, beggars and other street characters. At least two types emerge during this era: paintings endeavoring to highlight the plight of these people, and those depicting them in comic or grotesque situations. The second and third parts of this dissertation follow the developments of these two latter genres. It emerges that, while some works deploy the misery of these vagrants to move the viewer and fill him with indignation, as the illustrated memorials do, others instead aim to portray the ills of society through these same characters: beggars symbolizing those who beg for favors; blind people serving as a metaphor for people blinded by power and glory, and so on. Painters could combine these two levels of commentary in the same work and take different stances, depending on the situations they faced and the public they addressed
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Chevaleyre, Claude. "Recherches sur l'institution servile dans la Chine des Ming et des Qing." Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0123.
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Ce travail se propose de revenir sur un sujet qui a longuement occupé les historiens chinois et japonais entre les années 1920 et 1980, mais fort peu l'historiographie occidentale : celui de l'institution servile dans la Chine impériale des Ming et, dans une moindre mesure, des Qing. Le premier chapitre retrace d'une part le processus et les conditions dans lesquels le pouvoir sino-mandchou abolit l'institution servile en 1910. Il interroge d'autre part la perception qu'avalent les Chinois des pratiques serviles et la place de l'antiesclavagisme dans la société de la fin de l'ère impériale. Le second chapitre revient sur les révoltes d'esclaves du milieu du 17e s. Il en propose la synthèse et en réévalue la signification et la portée historique dans le contexte de la crise de la fin des Ming. Le troisième chapitre offre une relecture détaillée des sources juridiques et des textes institutionnels du début des Ming, afin de mettre en lumière les normes de l'institution servile et la place qu'elle occupait dans le projet de société du fondateur des Ming. Le dernier chapitre s'attarde plus longuement sur la condition et les fonctions de la servitude, puis examine la conception et l'usage que faisaient les clans de la servitude à travers les sources du droit domestique. Il s'attache surtout à identifier les critères distinctifs et la nature de la servitude en examinant le concept de souillure et la nature de la relation maître-dépendant. Ce faisant, cette étude entend contribuer à une meilleure connaissance des pratiques et de l'institution servile et à réintégrer l'expérience chinoise dans l'historiographie mondiale des esclavages dont elle est restée trop longtemps à l'écartThis dissertation focuses on human bondage in Ming and Qing China. This topic has been explored at length by Chinese and Japanese historians in the course of the 20th century. Yet it is still neglected by Western historiography. The first chapter explores the conditions and the process that led the Qing authorities to abolish the practice of "buying and selling" human beings and the status of socalled "bondservants. " It also explores the place of antislavery in late Qing society and the perception the Chinese had of their own bondage practices. The second chapter turns to the well-known topic of late Ming slave revolts and offers a re-evaluation of their significance and historical meaning. The third chapter focuses on the legal and institutional aspects of bondage in Ming China. Based on an in-depth study of Ming legal and institutional sources, it sheds new light on the norms and place of human bondage in the society envisioned by Zhu Yuanzhang, the founder of the Ming. The last chapter explores the condition and functions of "bondservants" before turning to the analysis of the conception and uses of bondage as seen through domestic law sources. It mainly attempts to seize the nature of "bond servitude" by exploring Chinese conceptions of debasement and the nature of the master-bondservant relationship. This study contributes to a better understanding of the Chinese experience in the master of human bondage and to the integration of China in the world histories of slavery, bondage and labour
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郭嘉輝. "明洪武時期「朝貢制度」之研究 (1368-1398)= The Chinese tributary system during the Hongwu era of the Ming dynasty, 1368-1398." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2015. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/170.
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孟森（1868-1938）先生曾言「中國自三代以後，得國最正者，惟漢與明。 匹夫起事，無憑藉威柄之嫌。為民除暴，無預窺神器之意。而明之驅元，又 多一光復華夏之功」點出了明太祖（朱元璋，1328-1398，在位1368-1398） 於國史上的地位在於「得國最正」及「光復華夏」，接著又提到「明祖有國， 當胡元盡紊法度之後，一切準古酌今，掃除更始，所定制度，遂奠二百數十 年之國基」、「清無制作，盡守明之制作，而國祚亦與明相等。故於明一代， 當措意其制作。措意明之制作，即當究心於明祖之開國」，歸納出「明祖開國」 於明清兩代五百餘年政治制度的意義。洪武時期於國史上的雙重意義，非常 值得我們探究，特別是太祖在「重造華夏」的過程底下傳統中國對外體制－ 「朝貢制度」是怎樣被重新構築。這一新體制不論在思想、禮儀、政制或是 貿易層面都呈現與別不同的面貌，並深深地影響明清五百餘年的軌跡。此即 討論太祖朝貢制度之因由。 因此，本文以思想、禮儀、政制、貿易四項課題為重心，分為七章：第 一章為導論，從研究回顧、論文架構、史料、定義交代本文的佈局；第二章 從洪武時期的對外詔令、敕撰書考察明太祖的天下觀、對外思想與「朝貢」 理念；第三章，先梳理歷代賓禮的流變以突顯明代之特色，繼而從朝會、冊 封兩方面，分析太祖對外思想所呈現「華夷定分」的秩序；第四章，從洪武 賓禮的發展與實踐說明「重造華夏」的過程及其於東亞各國的文化意義；第 五章，從中央、地方機構兩層面說明「朝貢制度」的對外事務是如何被太祖 被重塑，並分析遣外使節的特色；第六章，利用計量分析，從「給賜」與「貢 物」兩方面說明「朝貢貿易」對明初社會經濟的影響，並從通貨、海禁、廢 除市舶司等背景評析。第七章為結論，對洪武時期「朝貢制度」作全面的評 價。 Meng Sen ( 孟森,1868-1938), one of the pioneers of Ming studies, highlighted the significance of Zhu Yuanzhang (Ming Taizu, r.1368-1398) as a leader who “recovered China (from “barbarian Yuan rule) and founded Ming institutions which would subsequently be adapted by the Qing state. Zhu Yuanzhang’s achievements in re-shaping the pattern and context of traditional Chinese foreign relations by establishing the tributary system exemplify his reputation for “recreating Hua-xia (the historical Chinese polity). This dissertation takes the “tributary system (chaogong zhidu) of the Ming dynasty’s Hongwu reign as a case study, exploring its characteristics through the lenses of statecraft philosophy, rituals, institutions and trade. It comprises seven chapters. Chapter one illustrate the scope, the methodology, and the sources of this research. Chapter two analyzes Ming Taizu’s views of Tianxia, diplomatic thought, and the definition of “tributary expressed in imperial edicts. Chapter three examines the Ming tributary system’s features by comparing the developments of “guest rituals. Chapter four analyzes the process and influence of “recreating Hua-xia by evaluating Hongwu’s guest rituals as an example. Chapter five shows the formation and restructuring of institutions dealing with foreign relations. Chapter six discusses the effectiveness of tributary trade by reviewing its fiscal background and the exchange of tribute items and gifts. The final chapter is the conclusion. By adopting such approaches, this dissertation strives to present a comprehensive picture about the Hongwu emperor’s contributions to traditional Chinese foreign relations.
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Fong, Kam Ping. "The withering sprout : prefectural judiciary and legal professionalism in the early Qing dynasty." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2015. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/105.
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This study highlights the influence of the Ming-Qing transition on legal justice in China. According to mainstream sinicisation (Hanhua ..) theory, Manchu was assimilated into the Han majority and ruled China using the old Ming government system. This study proves otherwise via an extensive examination of the transition’s effect on legal justice, particularly the abolition of the prefectural judge (tuiguan..) position during the early Qing Dynasty. In the Yuan and Ming eras, judges emerged as unique officials specialising in juridical responsibilities and demonstrating the sophistication of legal justice. However, institutional reform during the Qing Dynasty pushed local administrators (prefects; zhifus..) into taking over prefectural judiciary responsibilities, gradually blurring the functional line between justice and civil executives until prefectural judges were ultimately banished from service. This study investigates the reasons behind the elimination of the prefectural judge position and the decline of legal professionalism in sixteenth and seventeenth century China. The findings demonstrate the great differences between the Ming and Qing legal systems and an alternative perspective for assessing the significance of the Ming-Qing transition is proposed.
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Espesset, Grégoire. "Cosmologie et trifonctionalité dans l'idéologie du "Livre de la Grande paix" (Taiping jing)." Paris 7, 2002. https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00670888.
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En dépit d'une histoire textuelle problématique, le "Livre de la Grande paix (Taiping jing)" transmis par le "Canon taoi͏̈ste" de la dynastie des Ming (1368-1644) reflète incontestablement des idées enracinées dans la vision du monde de l'époque des Han (206 av. J-C - 220 ap. J-C). La cohérence de son contenu en apparence hétérogène réside dans l'idéologie tripartite qui sous-tend son substrat cosmologique et dépeint l'univers tout entier en une structure arborescente dérivant du modèle de base "Ciel-Terre-Homme". Dans cette idéologie, deux logiques triadiques s'opposent : (1) un processus ternaire de déclin dans lequel l'Homme est déchu de la perfection originelle et (2) un processus synthétique de retour à l'Unité dans lequel l'Homme incarne la ré-union harmonieuse des pôles de la binarité. La trifonctionnalité vitaliste du dispositif varie en conséquence [Troisième partie]. Cette étude comporte également une synthèse de l'histoire textuelle du "corpus de la Grande paix (Taiping)" et l'analyse philologique du matériau subsistant [Première partie] ainsi qu'un résumé analytique intégral de la version fragmentaire du "Livre de la Grande paix" qui apparaît dans le "Canon taoi͏̈ste", complétée d'un manuscrit de Dunhuang du British Museum de Londres (MS Stein 4226), qui date du second quart du VIIe siècle, et d'un recueil d'extraits du texte maître compilé au cours du Xe siècle [Deuxième partie]Despite its problematic textual history, the "Book of Great Peace (Taiping jing)" transmitted in the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) "Taoist Canon" clearly reflects ideas deeply rooted in the world-view of Han times (206 BC-220 AD). The cohesiveness of its outwardly heterogeneous content resides in the triadic ideology which underlies its cosmological substratum and depicts the whole universe as an arborescent structure derived from the basic "Heaven-Earth-Man" pattern. There is a conflict in this ideology between two forms of triadic logic : (1) a ternary process of decline in which Man has fallen from primordial perfection and (2) a synthetic process of reversion to Unity in which Man embodies the harmonious reuniting of the poles of binarity. The vitalist trifunctionality of the scheme fluctuates accordingly (Part III). .
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Schmitt, Camille. "Conservation traditionnelle des calligraphies et des peintures chinoises montées en rouleaux, à partir des textes de la dynastie Ming (1367-1644)." Paris 4, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA040175.
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La conservation des peintures et des calligraphies montées en rouleaux est étudiée au travers des sources de la dynastie Ming qui révèlent leur préoccupation pour les matériaux et la préservation des œuvres. L'étude technique du papier, de la soie, des adhésifs, de l'encre, des couleurs et celle de l'art du montage montre grâce aux textes la pérennité d'un vocabulaire spécialisé, mais surtout le classicisme de l'esthétique Ming qui devient la référence. Lorsque les œuvres sont abîmées, le restaurateur les traite selon des procédés relevant de la conservation " curative ". Cependant, la tradition chinoise valorise davantage les méthodes de conservation préventive, préconisant l'utilisation de produits insectifuges et fongicides, elle insiste sur les précautions de manipulation, d'exposition et de rangement qui relèvent de la responsabilité du collectionneurThe conservation of Chinese scrolls starts with the full comprehension of the picture and its mounting material : paper, silk, adhesives, ink, colours with studied through the Ming dynasty texts. It points out the conservative preoccupation of the mounters. The study of the of the Ming mounting through the Ming texts shows that the vocabulary and aesthetics in mounting take their roots in the dynasty. Damaged scrolls only are to be remounted, and the restorer uses a treatment similar as a medicine. But the Chinese notion of conservation still enhance the uses of preventive methods, such as the precaution taken when opening and closing a scroll, exhibiting, and storing them, which are of the collector's responsibility
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李顯偉. "明清之際的捕役與基層社會治安= A study of local constable and the maintaining of order in local society during the Ming-Qing transition." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2018. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/490.
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中國歷代政府均視地方治安為重要的政治議題，治安議題也就成為治史者瞭解古代中國政治運作的一門路徑。過去有關「明清基層社會與治安」的研究，向為中外學者頗感興趣的課題。本文的重點是討論明清之際基層社會的治安管理情況，為此提出了四個既是獨立但又環環相扣的問題。有別於過往研究，本文將以捕役這類普遍存在於明清基層社會，而又備受現今學者忽略的基層公務員為切入點，首先重新梳理他們在明清之際出現的原因以及演變過程，解釋他們在明中後期才成為專門的治安人員，並釐清包括捕役在內的應捕人專責維持社會秩序。其次, 闡述捕役在基層社會中的職能，指出他們擁有頗大的治安和司法權力。接著討論捕役機制存在待遇差劣以及人手編排不足等制度性問題，因而促使捕役濫用職權，從而達到經濟和治安目的。至於捕役犯罪情節的內容和影響，本文摒棄傳統以小說內容入手的做法，改以多部判牘內有關捕役犯罪的真實個案着手，得出「誣良為盜」和「屈打成招」是他們最常見的犯罪行為的結論，這些罪行對基層社會的治安和司法運作造成重大問題。最後把焦點從治安人員轉移到管理這些群體的地方官員上，透過地方官員對待捕役的態度，反映官員在治安管理上的困難和理解。他們一方面面對統治者的治安要求，另一方面又受制度上及資源上的限制，所以只能以加重懲罰的高壓方法來提高捕役完成治安任務的可能和減低他們犯罪的機會。這種態度表層意義反映他們只視捕役為「治安工具」，更深層意義是揭示地方官員對治安管理的終極理解──完成治安任務。要言之，本文透過捕役以及管理這些治安人員的地方官員，帶出地方治安管理的政策和問題，以另一個角度，瞭解明清之際基層社會的治安情況和特色。study focuses on the social public order and management of the local society during the Ming-Qing transition. Four independent but related questionsare raised for discussions to achieve such aims. First of all, this thesis focuses onthe buyi (捕役, literally local constables). They were a type of grass-root civilservant which permeates the local society of the Ming-Qing period, but long beenignored by the modern historians. In order to understand how they becameindispensable public security staffs and to clarify their responsiblities, their rolesand deeds in the transition period between Ming and Qing, as well as theirtransformation process in the due course are discussed. Secondly, the functions ofbuyi in the local society are explored to point out the great power on security andjudicial aspect they had seized. After that the institutional issues including a lackof manpower and low remuneration level are discussed, as such issues had pushedthe buyi to misuse their power to seek for their own benefits. The third questionrelated to the criminal committed by the buyi. In this chapter the crimes of thebuyi are reconstructed from judicial casebooks rather than the late Ming novels.From such cases the most common crimes of those buyi are fallen into thecatergories of Accused on innocent person and Tortured for confessions . Suchcrimes were serious problem to the local judiciary as well as the social order. Atlast our focus is shifted from those local security staff to those local officials. Inorder to reveal the difficulties and understanding on maintaining local social orderfrom the viewpoint of officials, how they treated those buyi is thoroughlydiscussed. On one hand the officials had to obey the nationwide policies imposedto them by the imperial authority, on the other hand they were restricted by thelocal institutions and resources, therefore the officials could only raise the level ofpenalties so as to lower the possibility of those buyi to commit crimes, and also toimprove their willingness to fulfil their duty. Such difficulties of the officialsmade them to treat the buyi as tools for social order maintenance . Incidentally, itrevealed that the ultimate understanding of Ming-Qing local officials on socialorder maintenance was to accomplish on surface their missions of social orderissued from their seniors, other than establish solutions to uproot sources ofcrimes or to build an effective and uncorrupted force of local constables.To conclude, this thesis asks us to pay attention to the policies and issues onlocal social order of late imperial China by exploring the buyi and the localofficials whom managing them.
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劉燕萍 and Yin-ping Grace Lau. "Grotesque satire in the Ming and Qing novels." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2000. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31240495.
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Perront, Nadine. ""Récits de voyages aux quatre orients" : étude et traduction d'un recueil de quatre ouvrages de la dynastie des Ming." Paris, INALCO, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990INALA001.
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Al, Yat Law. "Merchants, seafarers and pirates: maritime societies of Southeast Fujian in the eyes of local officials from the late Ming period." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2018. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/473.
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Merchants, seafarers, pirates: the maritime societies of Southeast Fujian played a crucial role in maritime activities during the Ming Dynasty. Regarding the traditional discourse, scholars have discussed the elimination of wokou and local petty pirates during the late Ming period. This study proves otherwise via an extensive examination of the governance and management of the maritime societies implemented by the Ming regime and its local officials. This study considers how the local officials formed their judgements on the cases of seafaring population by examining court opinions and other historical materials. This study also reveals the identities and the cultural habits of the maritime societies. The findings show that the identities of the societies mentioned above were not formed in an arbitrary manner. In addition, wokou and local petty pirates still posed a great threat to the Southeast coast of Fujian during the closing decades of the Ming Dynasty and that the severity of pirate issues was mainly related to cultural habits of the maritime societies and the regime's governance.
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陳器文 and Chi-wen Chen. "A study of the ordeal stories in Chinese popularfictions." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1998. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31236637.
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Luper, Edward Isaac. "Muddy waters : political tensions and indentity in the writings of Xu Wei (1521-1593)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:55ced870-5835-4b7a-b4b7-ac61def1a116.
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The late Ming artist and poet Xu Wei (1521-1593) is most well known for his self-representation as a cultured "mountain hermit" and "eccentric", pursuing the literary ideals of originality, simple language and direct emotional expression. His wild ink-brush paintings, mental instability, numerous suicide attempts and the murder of his third wife all helped to consolidate Xu's image as China's Van Gogh. However, later hagiographies of Xu as the "patron saint of eccentrics" have led to a one dimensional view of Xu. This thesis presents Xu as someone who explored and wrestled with different and sometimes contradictory self-representations against a thorny political and social backdrop. It moves away from Xu's "eccentric" persona, instead examining his writings within the political context of the 16th century. Against the backdrop of Mongol and pirate invasions, Xu's close friend Shen Lian was executed by the Chief Grand Secretary Yan Song and his clique. Yet only a month after his friend's execution, Xu switched sides and worked as a ghost-writer for Hu Zongxian, a protégé of Yan Song. Yet with the fall of Yan Song in 1562 and the arrest of Hu Zongxian, this became an embarrassment for Xu. Fearing that he would be implicated with the Yan Song clique, Xu distanced himself from his flattering ghost-written poems. Overwhelmed by feelings of guilt, he explored the complexities of loyalty and identity in his poetry. Xu's career is representative of many Ming scholars who were frustrated by examination failure and the inability to find an official post. His literary ideals contradicted with lived reality. Xu is unique among Ming literati in voicing these contradictions.
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Ni, Ping. "Mise en œuvre de la pensée bouddhique Vijñānavāda (Rien-que-conscience) dans les écrits littéraires et philosophiques de Yuan Hongdao (1558-1610) [i. E. 1568-1610]." Paris, INALCO, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012INAL0005.
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Cette thèse est l’aboutissement de recherches sur le parcours biographique et l’ensemble de l’œuvre philosophique et littéraire de Yuan Hongdao (1568-1610), un auteur dont la pensée a dominé la théorie littéraire de la fin de la dynastie des Ming et dont l’œuvre, censurée pendant trois siècles, est revenue sur le devant de la scène grâce au mouvement de la « Nouvelle Littérature Chinoise » des années trente du XXe siècle. Ce travail montre que la réhabilitation de Yuan Hongdao qui s’est opérée alors a détourné sa pensée en le rattachant au syncrétisme de son époque qui prône l’unité des trois pensées, le confucianisme, le taoïsme et le bouddhisme. La thèse tend à démontrer que la théorie littéraire et philosophique de Yuan Hongdao s’inscrit au contraire dans le renouveau de l’école bouddhique Rien-que-Conscience qui resurgit à son époque en contre-courant du syncrétisme. En passant en revue les concepts du confucianisme et du taoïsme convoqués dans ses essais philosophiques, l’« examen des choses », la « bonté innée de la nature humaine » et la « spontanéité », elle rend compte de la mise en œuvre par Yuan Hongdao de la théorie de l’école Rien-que-Conscience dans la déconstruction des pensées traditionnelles de sa sphère culturelle. Yuan Hongdao montre que ce qui relie les concepts de ces pensées et justifie leur syncrétisme est un attachement métaphysique qu’il y décèle. Par ailleurs, l’exploration des concepts de sa théorie littéraire, l’« inspiration propre » (xingling) et l’« état d’esprit détaché » (qu) ainsi que l’analyse de sa pratique poétique montrent que l’esthétique littéraire de cet écrivain emprunte également l’approche de l’école Rien-que-ConscienceThis thesis is the result of research into the life and complete philosophical and literary works of Yuan Hongdao (1568-1610), an author whose thought dominated the literary theory of the late Ming Dynasty and whose works, censored for three centuries, returned to centre stage thanks to the “New Chinese Literature” movement of the 1930s. This work shows that the resulting rehabilitation of Yuan Hongdao has led to the misrepresentation of his thought by associating it with the syncretism of his period which advocates the unity of three thoughts: Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism. The thesis aims to show that, on the contrary, the literary and philosophical theory of Yuan Hongdao is part of the revival of the Consciousness-Only Buddhist school which reappeared during his time and went against syncretism. By analysing the concepts of Confucianism and Taoism conveyed in his philosophical essays ― the “investigation of things”, the “innate goodness of human nature” and “spontaneity” ―, the thesis demonstrates Yuan Hongdao’s application of the Consciousness-Only school theory in the deconstruction of traditional thoughts within his cultural sphere. Yuan Hongdao aims to show that what links the concepts of these thoughts and justifies their syncretism is a metaphysical attachment that he has detected in them. In addition, exploration of the concepts of Yuan Hongdao’s literary theory, the “own inspiration” (xingling) and “state of detached spirit” (qu), together with analysis of his poetic practice show that his literary aesthetic also draws on the Consciousness-Only school approach
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Berg, Dorothea Daria. "The Xingshi yinyuan zhuan : a study of utopia and the perception of the world in seventeenth-century Chinese discourse." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a4525902-e40f-4ae9-85d9-7dd256568d69.
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The present project sets out to discover what the Xingshi yinyuan zhuan ('A Tale of Marriage Destinies that will Bring Society to its Senses'), an anonymous novel of manners from seventeenth-century China, can tell us about life in the world out of which it emerged. Seventeenth-century records depict China on the verge of modernity as a world torn between the traditional agricultural society and the new challenges of urban life, commerce and a money economy. The shifts from conventional norms and values gave rise to concepts of Utopia and anti-utopia: to nostalgia for the lost paradise of the past and to apocalyptic satire on present conditions. Scholars have noted the prominence of utopianism in seventeenthcentury fiction but no detailed study has been undertaken so far. Utopianism is here explored in terms of the indigenous Chinese traditions. The text of the Xingshi yinyuan zhuan is analysed to see how it perceives and reflects the seventeenth century Chinese world. Utopia serves as an analytical construct to recreate a glimpse of society and the moral evaluation of the world through the eyes of a contemporary observer. The body of the thesis analyses three major motifs in the Xingshi yinyuan zhuan: the healers, the elite and the mother. Critical comparison with other contemporary literary and historical sources attempts to place the novel into its context. The visions of Utopia and anti-utopia provide insight into the dreams and nightmares as seventeenth-century Chinese minds may have perceived them, shedding light on the vernacular culture as opposed to the officially recognised and imperially ordained culture of China.
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Lanselle, Rainier. "Jin Shengtan (1608-1661) et le commentaire du Pavillon de l'ouest : lecture et interprétation dans une poétique de l'indirect." Paris 7, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA070091.
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La thèse examine la poétique élaborée par le critique Jin Shengtan (1608 - 1661) sur le Pavillon de l'ouest (Xixiangji) de Wang Shifu (vers 1300). Dans une première partie, elle étudie l'établissement de l’édition de l'œuvre par le poéticien, sa conception d'un art " théâtral" exclusivement destiné à la lecture, et la manière, très élaborée, dont il installe son commentaire au cœur même du texte, établissant ainsi un appareil critique sophistiqué capable d' << ausculter >> en profondeur les moindres détails du texte. Une deuxième partie se consacre à l'étude d'une poétique de l'indirect conçue comme reposant sur le mode de la naturalité. Le pavillon de l'ouest fait figure, aux yeux du poéticien, d'un <
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Wang, Chelsea Zi. "Dilemmas of Empire: Movement, Communication, and Information Management in Ming China, 1368-1644." Thesis, 2017. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8N87P2H.
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This dissertation analyzes the dilemmas of governance that confronted the Chinese state under the Ming dynasty. These dilemmas, I argue, arose from the Ming's dual existence as an empire (a state that ruled over a large territory) and a bureaucracy (a state that ruled through written documents and hierarchically-structured offices). As a bureaucratic empire, the Ming pursued several distinct objectives simultaneously, the resulting complications of which form the focus of my investigations. Chapter 1 describes the Ming state's methods for authenticating and synchronizing information, and shows how the needs of bureaucratic communication necessitated a seemingly redundant style of administrative writing. Chapter 2 explains why the postal system, despite its creators' best intentions, turned out to be much slower than non-postal methods of communication. Chapter 3 discusses how territorial officials made regular trips to the capital to participate in state rituals and to undergo personnel evaluations, even though the trips generated great costs and undermined local security. Chapter 4 examines the long time it took for officials to transfer from one province to another and the bureaucratic needs that slowed down their movement. Ultimately, the Ming state maintained a delicate equilibrium between four conflicting objectives: speed, cost-saving, administrative certainty, and propriety. Given the constrains of premodern communication, it was logistically impossible to meet all four objectives simultaneously. Any attempt to advance one objective necessarily undermined one or more of the other objectives, and no amount of investment in transportation or communication infrastructure could have resolved this basic tension.
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TAM, KAT TAI. "THE SOCIAL STATUS AND THOUGHT OF MERCHANTS IN MING CHINA, 1368-1644: A FORAY IN CLARIFYING THE SOCIAL EFFECTS OF THE COMMERCIALIZATION OF MING CHINA." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/5149.
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Recent proponents of non-Eurocentric approaches to the study of development in non-Western areas in the early modern period have seized on late imperial China (1368-1911) as an example of an indigenous trajectory of development that disputes the primacy of early modern Europe in some theories. The commercialization of Ming China (1368-1644) is sometimes appropriated in their arguments. But at times the term “commercialization” is not particularly well-defined in the case of sixteenth and seventeenth century China. In order to strengthen the arguments against Eurocentric assessments of non-Western development, this thesis covers some aspects of Ming commerce and society that are sometimes not captured by the term commercialization. In particular, it focuses on more ‘personal’ dimensions often neglected by references to the commercialization of China’s economy and society in the latter half of the Ming period. Aspects that will be discussed include: social change and social mobility, higher-ranking officials’ views of commerce and merchants, and the identity of merchants as seen in merchant manuals. The application of some recent research by other scholars of Ming China and my readings of some sources dating from the period, I hope, will add nuances to our understanding of Ming commerce and society and furthermore contribute to a detailed approach to the non-Eurocentric writing of a comparative history of development in the early modern world.Thesis (Master, History) -- Queen's University, 2009-08-29 11:46:59.242
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"明代儒家女性的情慾問題--論淫書《癡婆子傳》." 2001. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5895903.
Full textAbstract:
張雅茵."2001年9月"
論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2001.
參考文獻 (leaves 141-150)
附中英文摘要.
"2001 nian 9 yue"
Zhang Yayin.
Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2001.
Can kao wen xian (leaves 141-150)
Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.
導論 --- p.1
Chapter 第一章 --- （不）自然的中國性事 --- p.12
Chapter (一) --- 高羅佩：「中國」人的性習慣是健康的 --- p.13
Chapter (二) --- 何謂「健康」的性習慣？一一對高羅佩的批判… --- p.16
Chapter (三) --- 高羅佩對中國古代性事論述的影響 --- p.26
Chapter (四) --- 小結：看不見女性的中國性事 --- p.33
Chapter 第二章 --- （不)柔順的儒家女性肉體 --- p.40
Chapter (一) --- 宗法父權及儒家女性 --- p.41
Chapter (二) --- 壓抑的女性情慾 --- p.43
Chapter (三) --- （非)柔順的肉體 --- p.45
Chapter (四) --- 宗法父權/父權體制對(儒家)女性情慾 及身體的監控 --- p.46
Chapter (五) --- 小結 --- p.62
Chapter 第三章 --- 明代(不曾）禁錮的性事文化 --- p.71
Chapter (一) --- 從滅(人)慾到反禁欲 --- p.74
Chapter (二) --- 儒家女性的閱讀與書寫 --- p.80
Chapter 第四章 --- 《癡婆子傳》一一儒家女性的情慾「越軌」 --- p.93
Chapter (一) --- 小說內容 --- p.94
Chapter (二) --- 重新閱讀(re-reading)《癡婆子傳》 》 --- p.95
Chapter (三) --- 宗法父權規管下的儒家女性 --- p.98
Chapter (四) --- 道德規條下的空間 --- p.104
Chapter (五) --- 情慾的踰越 --- p.107
Chapter (六) --- 儒家女性的「懺悔 」 --- p.126
Chapter (七) --- 小結 --- p.128
結論 --- p.135
參考書目 --- p.141
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Mack, Dustin J. "Cooperation and confederacy : a comparison of indigenous confederacies in relation to imperial polities." 2010. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1607098.
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This study demonstrates the flexible nature of relations between “peripheral” polities imperial “core” polities. The decentralized nature of the Mongol and Iroquois confederacies enabled them to dictate terms during negotiations with the Ming dynasty or British, respectively, giving them a higher degree of agency in their relations. Comparing the experiences of the Mongols and Iroquois provides a better understanding of how indigenous confederacies acted and reacted under similar circumstances. Likewise, this study aims to demonstrate the capacity for “peripheral” confederacies to resist, selectively adapt, and negotiate with “core” empires.Confederacy in action -- Iroquois historiography -- Mongol historiography -- Social structures and foundation myths -- "Relative" relations.
Department of History
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"清初明文批評研究." 2012. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5884256.
Full textAbstract:
黎必信."2012年3月".
"2012 nian 3 yue".
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 355-368).
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstract in Chinese and English.
Li Bixin.
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"晚明浙江天台宗研究: On the development of T'ien-t'ai school around Zhejiang Area in late Ming dynasty." 2015. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6116116.
Full textAbstract:
本文以晚明天台宗的發展為主題，并試圖通過浙江這一個案的研究來探究晚明時期中國佛教發展的特點。晚明佛教的復興運動是一個各種佛教發展"模式"競爭的場所。在這裡，不同的人物或派別基於他們所理解的時代需要而有意識的"修剪菩提樹"，由此而產生各種風格迥異的佛教發展模式。晚明天台宗的復興運動也正是當時各種佛教發展模式中重要的一環。
本文首先通過考證得出正統譜系中晚明以來的這些天台宗祖師是由幾系以不同寺院為基礎的僧團編輯而成，并在四份傳承譜系的比較中，得出晚明天台宗在幽溪傳燈之後，由高明寺發展至浙江一帶不同地域的數系傳承，而智旭的靈峰寺僧團在明末清初一直秉承"不自立宗"的宗旨，兩者並非是"念珠式"一襲相承。要理解明清以來天台宗發展的走向，須要首先理解高明寺一系百松真覺、幽溪傳燈所領導的晚明天台宗的"中興"。
從百松真覺的續弘台宗，到幽溪傳燈時期的鼎盛，天台宗已成為東南浙江一帶頗具影響的派別。晚明天台在發展的模式的探索上，以幽溪傳燈的思想最為代表，他認為天台宗所傳的教法是最契合如來本心的，故而在其理論構建中，處處發明天台教旨，將其置於理論建構中的最高地位。
由於智旭思想中多有涉及天台教學，故而他和天台宗之間的關係歷來多有爭訟。本文則通過智旭與天台一系僧團的交流，特別是在他思想探索時期與幽溪傳燈的弟子的"共締千古盟"，來說明他爲什麽會如此注重天台教學。至於爲什麽他會被塑造為天台祖師，本文則通過明清天台譜系的研究來考證智旭的靈峰寺僧團在清中前期與幽溪傳燈一系傳承的交往以及逐漸演化為天台法脈的過程，并試圖通過明清佛教的組織形式來探討這種轉變的原因。
智旭與幽溪傳燈在模式上諸宗融合與宗派爭鳴兩種意見的分歧也促使我們對晚明佛教的融合論作進一步的反思。由於"佛教"這一術語的模糊性，每種發展模式的僧人都將自己所認同的教學模式認為是佛教的正統代表，因而，在他們判別各宗派佛法高低以及融合他宗時，不可避免的將自身所認同的佛法置於最高或最核心的地位，於是所謂的融合也就不可避免的變為伸張一家教旨的論斷，各種模式之間，甚至各種主張融合的模式之間的矛盾和爭訟也因此不可避免。
In this thesis, I aim to discuss the development of T’ien-t’ai school in Late Ming and try to explore, through this case study, the characteristics of Chinese Buddhism in this period.
The Late Ming Buddhist revival is like a site of contestation by different Buddhist development "models", each kind of which intentionally "prunes the bodhi tree" according to its own understanding of Buddhism and the needs of their time.
From the time of Baisong Zhenjue (百松真覺) to Youxi Chuandeng (幽溪傳燈), the T’ien-t’ai School has become an influential faction of Buddhism in southeast China. The characteristic of their model is to highlight their sectarian identity, they put their teaching of T’ien-t’ai as the hightest in their scheme of classification of doctiones and as most conforming to the heart of the teachings of Buddha.
In the study of late Ming Buddhism, there has been much dispute on the relationship between Ouyi Zhixu (蕅益智旭) and the T’ien-t’ai School. In this thesis, I try to reveal Ouyi Zhixu’s communication with the disciples of Youxi Chuandeng to illustrate why he paid so much attention to the T’ien-t’ai teaching. As for why Ouyi Zhixu is presented as the patriarch of T’ien-t’ai School, I will show, through the textual research of T’ien-t’ai lineage recrods during the Ming and Qing Dynasties, how the lineage of the Lingfeng Temple (靈峰寺) sangha in early and mid Qing was transformed to become one of the T’ien-t’ai lineages.
The different understanding of Ouyi Zhixu and Youxi Chuandeng on syncretism or sectarian identity prompts us to rethink the syncretism of Late Ming Buddhism. Because of the ambiguity of the term "Buddhism", all different development models claims that they are the orthodox representation of Buddhism. In different scheme of doctrinal classification (判教), all factions will inevitably put their own theory as the highest or the core teaching of Buddhism.
The ambiguity of the term "Buddhism" also applies to the understanding of Buddhism by the gentry from Confucianism. What they are dealing with is different models of Buddhism, but not Buddhism as a whole. Therefore, the so-called syncretism of Confucianism and Buddhism or the unity of the three teachings (三教合一), actually refers to the relationship between the gentry and the kind of Buddhism that they identitied with. Moreover, the syncretism of Confucianism and Buddhism were with complicated social and historical background.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
馬炳濤.
Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 137-147).
Abstracts also in English.
Ma Bingtao.
30
"黃牧甫生平及篆刻藝術之研究." 2012. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5549370.
Full textAbstract:
本論文以「黃牧甫生平及篆刻藝術之研究」為題目，旨在對其生平及篆刻藝術作系統整理和討論。黃牧甫（1849-1908/1909），安徽黟縣人，為晚清最重要的篆刻家之一。由於家庭濡染，自幼便對篆學產生興趣，八、九歲始習刻印。後因太平軍與清軍戰，家園被毀，困苦失學，雙親亦相繼離世，為補生計，被迫離鄉到江西南昌謀生，曾於照相館工作，後遷廣州，改以鬻書治印自給。黃牧甫為晚清集大成的印人，尤對廣東印壇產生源遠的影響，故被譽為「嶺南派」之初袓。黃牧甫初宗「鄧派」鄧石如（1743-1805）、吳讓之（1799-1870），後服膺於趙之謙（1829-1884）的印學主張，取徑「印外求印」，故面貌多樣，印文體勢獨特。又取法漢印模式，講究完整光潔，運以衝刀，不作斷續刻劃，點劃乾淨俐落。尤精於章法，平正而不落呆板，自創一格，繼「鄧派」後於晚清印壇上別樹一幟。
在黃印的整理方面，本研究主要以「摹擬期」、「蛻變期」、「成熟期」作為分期，以便探討其不同時期的篆刻特質。據本研究所搜集，黃氏存世印蛻約有二千四百方。它們被整合分析，編成年譜，建構一個系統、完備的資料庫。其中印款資料更提供了珍貴的第一手資料，增補了歷史文獻上的不足。
黃牧甫一生治印不斷，作品極豐，然卻失散各地，難以匯集。幸而，其印譜的流傳卻相對豐富，最重要的要數黃氏生前自輯《般若波羅蜜心經印譜》、《黃牧甫自存印譜》及《黃穆甫印存續補》，故印貌得以保存，為後世留下重要的研究資料。當中《黃穆甫印存續補》所錄印拓，更對研究黃氏「成熟期」印風非常重要。由於此譜為海外孤本，且尚未見世，所以目前有關黃牧甫的著述，均未能涵蓋這部重要資料。然在此論文發表前，因得機緣而認識收藏家林章松先生，得其不吝嗇借出此譜作研究之用，確為本研究提供有力依據和借鑒。
黃牧甫為晚清重要的篆刻家，具相當高的研究價值，更是探究流派篆刻由傳統走向當代的關鍵人物，惜至今其系統研究卻極之匱乏。本論文將綜合歷史、文化、社會及藝術等不同角度，並借鑒相關學術領域的研究方法和成果，透過文獻及視覺分析，對黃牧甫的生平和篆刻藝術作全面考述，從而建立一份可靠的研究資料，令篆刻藝術史有更大的發展空間。
Entitled “A Study of Huang Mufu’s Life and Seal Engraving Art, this paper aims to investigate his life and art of seal engraving. Huang Mufu (1849-1908/1909), born in Anhui Province, was one of the most important seal engravers in the late Qing dynasty.
Huang Mufu first learned from Deng Shiru (1743-1805) and Wu Rangzhi (1799-1870) of the Deng school, and later followed the thinking of “seeking artistic links for seal making of Zhao Zhiqian (1829-1884). Therefore, his seals took on various forms and his seal inscriptions were unique. He also drew on the pattern of seals of the Han dynasty, which pursued tidiness and smoothness and applied Swift knife to create clean and neat strokes. He created his own style that was peculiar in the late Qing dynasty and had far-reaching influence on the seal engraving community of Guangdong Province, so he was renowned as the originator of the Lingnan school.
Huang made seals throughout his life and left over rich works. According to the information collected from this research, Huang has about 2,400 seals, which have been analyzed, integrated and chronicled into a systematic and complete database. Many of his seal impressions and colophons provide rare firsthand information for this paper, and hoped to serve as important materials for later studies. Based on the collected sources, this study divided Huang’s career into the imitation, transmutation and maturation stages, in order to discuss his seals’ characteristics in different periods.
There has been an extreme scarcity of studies on this topic. Therefore, this paper made a comprehensive study which involved a survey of the primary and secondary literature on Huang Mufu’s life and career. An analysis of the relevant sources enables his career to be reconstructed on a sound chronological basis, and allows his work to be seen in its proper context.
This study also made an important contribution to a relatively little-studied area of the history of Chinese art. It corrected a number of misconceptions in previous studies and make up literature deficiencies. The aim is to provide a set of reliable data that allows further development of the history of seal engraving art.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
劉浩敏.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 175-191)
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstracts in Chinese and English.
Liu Haomin.
Chapter 第一章 --- 導言 --- p.1
Chapter 第二章 --- 晚清文化和黃牧甫的早年生活
Chapter 第一節 --- 清代美學觀念的轉化 --- p.11
Chapter 第二節 --- 晚清以前印壇概況 --- p.20
Chapter 第三節 --- 黃牧甫早年生活考證 --- p.34
Chapter 第三章 --- 黃牧甫篆刻特質和他僑寓廣州的生活
Chapter 第一節 --- 黃牧甫篆刻的師承淵源 --- p.51
Chapter 第二節 --- 名流關係對黃牧甫印風形成的影響 --- p.60
Chapter 第三節 --- 黃牧甫成熟期印風的主要特色 --- p.90
Chapter 第四章 --- 黃牧甫晚年生活及其印跡流佈和遺存
Chapter 第一節 --- 晚年生活和卒年考證 --- p.110
Chapter 第二節 --- 黃牧甫印壇角色 --- p.118
Chapter 第三節 --- 存世印跡資料彙整 --- p.130
Chapter 第五章 --- 黃牧甫存世印譜匯考 --- p.146
Chapter 第六章 --- 結語 --- p.171
參考書目 --- p.175
Chapter 附錄一 --- 參考圖錄 --- p.192
Chapter 附錄二 --- 黃牧甫篆刻作品全集 --- p.293
31
"Clothes make the wo/man: cross-dressing and gender on the English renaissance stage and in the late Imperial Chinese theatre." 2004. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6073650.
Full textAbstract:
Liao Weichun."August 2004."
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 249-268).
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
32
"元末明初吳中書法硏究." 2000. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6073801.
Full textAbstract:
唐錦騰.論文(博士)--香港中文大學, 2000.
附參考文獻.
中英文摘要.
Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong.
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
Tang Jinteng.
Lun wen (bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2000.
Fu can kao wen xian.
Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.
33
"王世貞(1526-1590)藝術贊助的研究." Thesis, 2006. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6074331.
Full textAbstract:
Chapter 1 reviews the background to the rise of art patronage studies and their development and its influence on studies of Chinese art history. It also provides alternative approaches to studying activities related to patronage and their influence and role in Chinese art history by criticising traditional analysis of Chinese art based on social and economic theories.Chapter 2 examines the life of Wang and explores the intentions and meaning to his patronage activities through studying his political involvement, literary activities and his social background and connections.
Chapter 3 discusses how Wang, given his knowledge in history and passion for art and its collection, reinterprets art history with reference to his private collection of art, and thereby consolidating his status as a leading figure of literary and cultural circle of his time.
Chapter 4 explains and reflects on the formation of the "artist-patron" relationship through examining the relationship and interaction between Wang and the literary circle and by appraising the financial background and standing of artists and calligraphers at the time.
Chapter 5 examines the direct impact that Wang, as a literary leader and patron of the art, has on the styles and subject matter of art work by examining and decoding several pieces of art commissioned by himself, thus revealing a distinct mechanism in which art was produced at the time.
Chapter 6 discusses the "artist-patron" relationship and the "trading of cultural resources" by examining diverse pieces of art work given to Wang as gifts by different individual artists and calligraphers.
Chapter 7 analyses the significance of the patronage activities of Wang and provides a new approach to understanding the issue of traditional Chinese art patronage in Chinese art history.
Through a case study of the life of Wang Shizhen, this research attempts to analyse the influence of literary leader and patron of the arts on the development of painting and calligraphy during the mid-Ming period. By analysing the "artist-patron" relationship, this paper attempts to explain alternative mechanism through which traditional Chinese art was produced. The thesis also examines art patronage activities in Suzhou during the sixteenth century and thereby attempts to examine these activities from the broader cultural and historical context at the time. This paper is divided into seven chapters:
鄧民亮.
論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2006.
參考文獻(p. 298-320).
Advisers: Tsung-i Jao; Kar Leung Mok.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-02, Section: A, page: 0378.
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstracts in Chinese and English.
School code: 1307.
Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2006.
Can kao wen xian (p. 298-320).
Deng Minliang.
34
"蔣寶齡與《墨林今話》: 關於嘉道時期江南畫壇商業化的考察." 2004. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6073874.
Full textAbstract:
李志綱.論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2004.
參考文獻 (p. 95-102).
中英文摘要.
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
Li Zhigang.
Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.
Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2004.
Can kao wen xian (p. 95-102).
35
"松江畫派與及周邊地區藝術活動關係之研究." Thesis, 2007. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6074167.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis looks into the development of Songjiang School in the context of mutual interaction and networking among painters. It focuses on two phenomena. Firstly, it studies the interaction between Songjiang School painters and artists from various Jiangnan art centres. Secondly, it explores the artistic genealogy within the Songjiang School. It investigates the activities of individual Songjian School painters in particular, and the rise and decline of the entire Songjiang School in general.Under the famous master literati Dong Qichang, Songjiang School painters broke new path in landscape painting, valuing moist ink tones at the expense of brush and ink. But even before Dong, Gu Zhenyi and Mo Shilong were already well known for their efforts in exploring new styles. Supported by brilliant art talent such as Chen Jiru, Zhao Zuo and Shen Shicong, Dong Qichang brought the Songjiang School to its zenith. However, it was also Dong Qichang who dug the grave for the School. As Dong's followers were mostly professional painters, they could not stand as equals to Literati connoisseurs. Some became Dong Qichang's ghost-painters at the expense of their artistic individuality, whereas others were trapped in the lower end of the art market. Consequently, the Songjiang School lost its vigor and prestige in the Qing dynasty. Only Dong Qichang, the leading master of the School, could dominate the literati painting scene.
With its economy revived after the suppression of the wako invasion in late Jiajing period (1522-1566), Songjiang quickly reassumed its dominant position in the art scene. Songjiang School painters became very self-conscious and proud of their own hometown. They succeeded in networking with connoisseurs in Zhejiang and Huizhou, and learning valuable lessons from the works of their Suzhou counterparts. Consequently, although both the Wu (Suzhou) and Songjiang Schools were descendents of the same literati painting tradition, the Songjiang School loomed large throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The social prestige of some Songjiang literati certainly enhanced the success of the School.
徐麗莎.
呈交日期: 2005年8月.
論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2005.
參考文獻(p. i-x (2nd group)).
Cheng jiao ri qi: 2005 nian 8 yue.
Advisers: Jao Tsung-i; Harold Mok Kar-leung.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-07, Section: A, page: 2355.
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Abstracts in Chinese and English.
School code: 1307.
Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2005.
Can kao wen xian (p. i-x (2nd group)).
Xu Lisha.