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1
Belli, John P. III. "Dissent." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2015. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2057.
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Jensen, Rhonda Karen. "Manufacturing dissent." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2006. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/16224/1/Rhonda_Jensen_Thesis.pdf.
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There are two distinct but related parts to this exegesis. Firstly there is the production of a fifty-five minute documentary Return of the Trojan Horse, and secondly a written exegesis. The latter advances an academic argument centred around the research question - how to motivate the role of the expository documentary at a time when the documentary field is dominated by the debate between philosophical scepticism and empirical realism, while in aesthetic terms, the documentary mode itself is led by perfomative/interactive documentaries such as Michael Moore's Bowling for Columbine. My response to this question is informed in theoretical terms by the Critical Realist paradigm. The use of Critical Realism enables the exegesis to supply an integrated approach which seeks to transcend both the sceptical and the empirical realist positions. In doing so, the exegesis makes a contribution both to documentary theory and the Critical Realist paradigm itself by applying it to the field of documentary film theory. As such the exegesis addresses an absence of aesthetic theorising within the Critical Realist paradigm.
As part of the process I review, analyse and synthesise the key theoretical arguments of authors Bill Nichols, Michael Renov, Brian Winston, John Corner and Noel Carroll. The documentary sub-genres are then located within the context of these theoretical debates while the emphasis is placed on the expository sub-genre as utilised in my own documentary film, Return of the Trojan Horse. The exegesis then critically discusses Return of the Trojan Horse from a Critical Realist perspective and reflects on the strategies involved in the production of the film. As the topic of the film deals with the negative impacts of economic liberalisation, the mass media is briefly discussed within the context of a deregulated market and right-wing politics, while reviewing Herman and Chomsky's 'A Propaganda Model' in Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media, 2002.
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Jensen, Rhonda Karen. "Manufacturing dissent." Queensland University of Technology, 2006. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16224/.
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There are two distinct but related parts to this exegesis. Firstly there is the production of a fifty-five minute documentary Return of the Trojan Horse, and secondly a written exegesis. The latter advances an academic argument centred around the research question - how to motivate the role of the expository documentary at a time when the documentary field is dominated by the debate between philosophical scepticism and empirical realism, while in aesthetic terms, the documentary mode itself is led by perfomative/interactive documentaries such as Michael Moore's Bowling for Columbine. My response to this question is informed in theoretical terms by the Critical Realist paradigm. The use of Critical Realism enables the exegesis to supply an integrated approach which seeks to transcend both the sceptical and the empirical realist positions. In doing so, the exegesis makes a contribution both to documentary theory and the Critical Realist paradigm itself by applying it to the field of documentary film theory. As such the exegesis addresses an absence of aesthetic theorising within the Critical Realist paradigm. As part of the process I review, analyse and synthesise the key theoretical arguments of authors Bill Nichols, Michael Renov, Brian Winston, John Corner and Noel Carroll. The documentary sub-genres are then located within the context of these theoretical debates while the emphasis is placed on the expository sub-genre as utilised in my own documentary film, Return of the Trojan Horse. The exegesis then critically discusses Return of the Trojan Horse from a Critical Realist perspective and reflects on the strategies involved in the production of the film. As the topic of the film deals with the negative impacts of economic liberalisation, the mass media is briefly discussed within the context of a deregulated market and right-wing politics, while reviewing Herman and Chomsky's 'A Propaganda Model' in Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media, 2002.
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Fielder, James Douglas. "Dissent in digital: the Internet and dissent in authoritarian states." Diss., University of Iowa, 2012. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2870.
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Does the Internet facilitate anti-regime dissent within authoritarian states? I argue that the Internet fosters dissent mobilization through three factors: distance, decentralization and interaction. First, the Internet fosters dissent mobilization by allowing protesters to communicate relatively cheaply and instantaneously over great distances. While other communication mediums also reduce distance costs, the second factor, decentralization, allows dissenters to use the Internet to evade state controls and reduces the state's ability to restrict information flows. Third, the Internet's Interactive nature allows users to both become consumers and producers of information. Interactivity also fosters trust between users that can evolve into offline action. However, the empirical record consists almost entirely of open sourcenews reporting and qualitative studies, and there are few clear theoretical links between the traditional dissent and repression literatures and recent Internet mobilization theories. My goal in this project is to place a generalizable theory of Internet-mediated dissent within traditional mobilization context and more recent communication, computer science and legal literatures. I frame my theory of Internet mediated dissent through three components. The first component is Internet access as a mobilizing structure, in which I posit that Internet access creates conditions for social mobilization that are difficult for regimes to counter. The second component is the effect of Internetcensorship on Internet-facilitated dissent. For the third theoretical component, I assess that despite the type of censorship, increased Internet use eventually overwhelms the regime's capacity to censor information. I test my theoretical components through a series of large N cross national time series negative binomial regressions spanning 1999-2010.
In the first test, I find that increased Internet access increased the likelihood of protest in non-democratic states. Results of the second tests are mixed: technical censorship has no effect on protest, soft controls decreased incidence of protest, and combined technical and soft programs increase the likelihood of protest, albeit the substantive effect is slight. In the third test, I hypothesize that Internet use eventually crosses a user threshold after which censorship is no longer effective. The results of the third test suggest that censorship is not effective regardless of Internet access levels. However, the influence of Internet use on protest tapers off once a specific threshold is reached. The dissertation proceeds as follows: in Chapter 2, I present literature review that frames my research question within previous empirical work. Next, in Chapter 3 I propose and illustrate my theory of Internet-mediated dissent. In Chapter 4, I test whether or not incidents of anti-regime protest increase as Internet use increases inside non-democratic states. I build on these results in Chapter 5, in which I test whether technical filters, soft controls or a combination of methods decrease the likelihood of protest inside non-democratic states, followed by a test for whether increasing Internet use overwhelms censorship programs. Finally, in chapter 6 I summarize my findings, discuss data complications, offer ideas for future research, and discuss the implications of this project.
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Bond, Greg Leo. "Coproducing spaces of dissent." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/c969cd63-6424-4a16-8482-71c95de82cd2.
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This thesis sets about coproducing an approach to filmmaking that will enable an encounter between the viewer and the film in which habitual ways of thinking and being can be challenged and disrupted. This approach to filmmaking was coproduced with Coexist, a social enterprise based in Bristol. Conducting this project ‘on the ground’ with a social enterprise led to the adoption of an iterative approach, in which the research is continuously informed by and developed in response to the needs and ideas of the community partner. This iterative process is further inflected by the decision to conduct a practice-as-research project, in keeping with a new direction in the social sciences, where arts practice is not understood only as a knowledge-communicating but also a knowledge-generating practice. We therefore harnessed the unique capacities of arts practice to enable new understandings of the everyday social tensions and political issues confronting the community partner. The film-based practice that forms the impetus of this thesis reaches toward non-representational aspects of life as a means of enabling change. To foreground the less tangible textures of everyday life we engaged with the concept of haptic visuality in film theory to harness an embodied approach to filmmaking. The intention is to implement film as an affecting and affected space and to enable greater critical engagement within a social enterprise that is experiencing symptoms of institutionalisation in its quest for economic sustainability. The films were therefore coproduced as direct interventions within Coexist’s regulatory processes.
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Harbisher, Benjamin. "The bureaucratisation of dissent." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2016. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/46376/.
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This thesis aims to examine the question of dissent, in relation to the tenuous position offered to campaigners in modern British society. Using figures such as George Hegel, Max Weber, and Michel Foucault, the work builds on a number of ideas that have remained central to the theory of political organisation, to illustrate how the British state has historically sought to control protests and manipulate public opinion. Themes to be examined within the thesis will include the articulation of common and individual rights (as they set the context for political disputes, and are often used to deny campaigner's the opportunity to participate in the policymaking process); the bureaucratic regulation and surveillance of demonstrators (through which, unsolicited public actions are now considered illegal); and the situation of activists within governmental discourses on terrorism (in which protestors are depicted as posing a threat to National Security). The main hypothesis is that in the UK, dissent has become the focus for an increasing number of agencies and administrative practices, through which it is intended that public demonstrations will eventually be constrained to follow a legitimate, staged, and thus an entirely manageable course of actions. This thesis also serves to address a gap in the developing field of surveillance studies, in which a number of key authors have failed to engage with the critical role that surveillance now plays in the suppression of dissent- with a particular emphasis being placed on how numerous causes and campaign groups are now monitored by the state and by private sector interests alike. Undeniably, the field of authority exerted over campaigners today is vast, and the strict management of public order affairs imposed by the police, enables an abundance of disciplinary techniques to take place, both prior to and during all protest events. Indeed, according to Foucault's theories on power, governmentality, and biopolitics, these legitimising mechanisms and procedures of coercion include visible forms of surveillance (the presence of the authorities during demonstrations); the overt surveillance and covert infiltration of campaign groups by the state and from private industry; and bureaucratic forms of surveillance enacted through a requirement to submit evidence of Health and Safety compliance, and Public Liability Insurance. Original empirical evidence supporting this thesis includes; Acts of Parliament covering seven-hundred years of legislation; Freedom of Information requests from three large-scale environmental campaigns; public order and counter-terrorism initiatives issued by HM Government; tactical policing manifestos; public inquiries into the misuse of police powers; and the newfound discourses that have been disseminated into the public domain concerning extremism. Putting it simply, the modern campaigner's lot is an unhappy one, in which activists must navigate an unconscionable array of legislative acts and have become the continual focus for corporate and state surveillance. Seemingly then, today's model of dissent offers two explicit choices, either conform to a wholly sanitised and regulated course of actions, or suffer the consequences.
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Sun, Yushuang. "Sanction Success and Domestic Dissent Groups." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/628.
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Despite the low success rate indicated by scholarly assessments, economic sanctions remain a commonly used foreign policy tool. Why do policymakers often turn to economic sanctions with great hope and enterprise in spite of their unimpressive success record? What determines a sanction outcome? Does the internal political dynamic of target matter in this case? How does it relate to different regime type? Hence this thesis examines the conditional relationship between the presence of domestic political opposition in the target state and sanction success conditional on the regime type by using data covering 763 US-imposed sanctions from 1945 to 2006. The findings suggest authoritarian regimes are more vulnerable to sanctions than their democratic counterparts in the presence of internal dissent groups in most cases. General Strikes are the best strategy to aid sanctions and coerce policy changes in authoritarian regimes. The presence of Guerrilla Warfare has the greatest substantive and statistical impact on sanction success. Consistent and organized internal dissent groups pose treats to the authority by weakening domestic stability or partnering with sender countries to push for policy changes.
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Edwards, Erica Elizabeth Marks Gary. "Intra-party dissent over European integration." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1977.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.Title from electronic title page (viewed Dec. 11, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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van, den Berg Ryan James. "Canadian civic education, deliberative democracy, and dissent." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/59094.
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This thesis develops two normative standards for the evaluation of secondary-level Canadian civic education curricula, and evaluates British Columbia (B.C.)’s Civic Studies 11 and Ontario’s Civics (Politics) curricula accordingly. Both standards are concerned with the models of democracy that inform each curriculum and, more specifically, how these models open or close curricular spaces to prepare students to dissent in civic and political life. These standards are also sensitive to policymakers’ desire to increase Canadian youths’ civic engagement. Chapter One outlines the author’s agonist and semi-archic theoretical framework, positionality, research questions, and literature review. Chapter Two employs qualitative thematic analysis and determines that deliberative models of democracy inform both curricula. Chapters Three and Four use philosophical inquiry to develop normative evaluative standards based on critiques of deliberative democracy. Chapter Three makes the case that civics curricula should teach dissent as a positive right. Chapter Four argues that curricula should give critical attention to the passionate demands of civic life, especially as civic and political passions prepare students to exercise dissent. Chapter Five applies these standards to B.C.’s and Ontario’s civics curricula, and offers concluding thoughts.Education, Faculty of
Educational Studies (EDST), Department of
Graduate
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Brod, Manfred. "Dissent and dissenters in early modern Berkshire." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.248848.
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Coleman, Lara. "Governing resistance : security, exception and docile dissent." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.558087.
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Abandonment, dispossession and the production of entire populations of surplus human life are inscribed within the multiform and situated practices through which neoliberal ordering is achieved on a global scale. Where this abandonment and dispossession is contested, governmental practices have been extended to incorporate a multileveled and increasingly insidious assemblage of tactics, apparatuses and rationalities geared toward containing and managing contestation. This thesis is about the relations between these situated practices of ordering and contestation. In it, I trace the trajectories of two concrete struggles in Colombia - peasant contestation of the dispossession visited upon them in the context of BP's investment in oilfields and workers' mobilisations against labour casualisation at Coca-Cola's bottling plants - from their origins in a heavily-militarised and heavily-marketised biopolitics to their emergence as international campaigns. Borrowing from Michel Foucault's comments on liberalism and Jacques Ranciere's discussion of politics, I conceptualise these struggles as the domain of politically surplus subjects, those who refuse to conduct themselves as parts of the population, who challenge distinctions between which life counts and which life does not count that are inscribed within market-based governmental rationalities. My interest is in how political surplus is routinely nullified, not only through violent repression, but also through technologies of civil society aimed at the incorporation of dissenting subjects as manageable parts of the population. I address the interplay between these techniques by extending Foucault's discussion of a dispositif of security as the "essential technical mechanism" of a liberal governmentality that limits itself by reference to the "necessities" of the market. Security, for Foucault, is about letting things happen but nullifying them, allowing them to cancel themselves out, not prohibiting social and political excess in advance but keeping what is risky or inconvenient within optimal limits. I suggest that optimal forms of global civil society are founded upon the exclusion of those forms of dissent that cannot be so readily contained within the terms of neoliberal order.
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Yeater, Andrew Eli M. "Isaac Watts and the Culture of Dissent." TopSCHOLAR®, 2014. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/1411.
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Although Isaac Watts wrote hymns in the early eighteenth century, some of his hymns, such as “Joy to the World,” “Alas! And Did My Savior Bleed?,” and “When I Survey the Wondrous Cross,” survive today as well-known hymns. However, little has been written about the rhetorical effects of his hymns. This thesis demonstrates that, like any other literary work, Watts’ hymns can be analyzed rhetorically. This thesis analyzes Watts’ hymns with the aid of Louis Montrose’s New Historicism, showing how Watts’ hymns were impacted by the English culture in which he lived and how they impacted the religious culture to which he belonged and preached: the Dissenters. Watts’ hymns were not the only texts that had an impact on the Dissenters. The psalters were considered by many (Calvin, in particular) to be the only acceptable songs for use in worship. Watts responded to this belief with his hymns, showing that God could be praised in other reverent ways. Watts hymns were successful for many reasons, including their easy-to-understand language, their vivid images, and their ability to focus on the heart of man. Watts used his hymns to help Dissenters keep away from error, particularly the new religion of Deism and the sin of pride. Looking through the lens of New Historicism, Watts’ hymns are rhetorical texts, impacting the culture of Dissenters and responding to the larger English culture. Watts possessed great skill as a writer, poet, and preacher, and this thesis shows how his hymns had a thorough impact on the Dissenters’ culture.
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Alqahtani, Khaled. "Islamic dissent in Saudi Arabia, 1902-2000." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.429254.
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Thomas, Dakota. "REPRESSION AND WOMEN’S DISSENT: GENDER AND PROTESTS." UKnowledge, 2019. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/polysci_etds/27.
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Why do women protest? Why do women protest “as women”? Why do some women participate in protests but not others? In the wake of the Women’s March of 2017, perhaps the largest single day protest event in history, these questions are particularly timely and deserve scholarly attention. One important but understudied and undertheorized motivation for women’s protests is state sanctioned violence, particularly repression. This dissertation explicitly theorizes about how state perpetration of violence, particularly state use of repression, both motivates and shapes women’s protests on a global scale.
In this dissertation, I argue that one key motivation for women’s protest is repression by the state, and I theorize that women will protest more frequently when the state uses repression. Repression negatively impacts members of the population, particularly relatives, friends, and communities of those targeted by the state, and this motivates those people to protest.
However, I argue that the type of repression, and more specifically how gendered the state practices repression, matters. The more that gender plays a role in determining who states target with repression, the more gender matters in the societal response to repression.
In particular, I examine the use of forced disappearances. Based on historical and contemporary accounts, I show that forced disappearance largely targets males, and thus motivates women’s protests but has no effect on protests by other groups. When the state makes use of forced disappearances, some women are motivated to protest due to their connections to victims of repression. Furthermore, opportunities to protest in these circumstances are more available to women than to men, due to their relatively lower likelihood of being targeted, as well as women’s distinctive positions in society and their ability to organize themselves as women.
Not only do women have additional space relative to men to protest when the state is repressive, but individual women recognize that their gender can serve as a resource in such contexts. Thus, individual women are more likely to participate in protests themselves when the state uses repression, closing the gender gap in protest participation between men and women.
I test my theory of women’s protest using two unique approaches. First, utilizing unique new data on women’s protests that is globally comprehensive for all countries from 1990-2009, I show that women’s protests are more frequent when the state is repressive, and that forced disappearances in particular motivate women’s protests, specifically, but do not have an observable effect on general protests. Second, I utilize regionally comprehensive data on citizens in Latin America from 2006 and 2008 to show that women are more likely to participate in protests when the state uses forced disappearances, but that men are not more likely to participate in protests in repressive contexts.
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Pangindian, Dennis Albert. "Fidelity, Conscience, and Dissent: Engaging the LCWR and Charles Curran on the Issue of Dissent in a Roman Catholic Context." Digital Commons at Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School, 2013. https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/etd/39.
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This thesis critically examines the cases of Vatican intervention with the Leadership Conference for Women Religious (LCWR) and Charles Curran to explore the question of whether legitimate dissent is possible as an act of conscience. The Doctrinal Assessment of the Leadership Conference for Women Religious released by the Congregation for the Doctrine of Faith, as well as the exchange between Sr. Pat Farrell, then-president of the LCWR, and Bishop Blair, the one who conducted the investigation on the LCWR, on “Fresh Air,” a radio show on National Public Radio raise questions about how the Church is to understand truth, obedience, and conscience. This event also raises questions about why this controversy occurs at this point in history.
To critically examine the differing perspectives of dissent and conscience, I analyze the case of Charles Curran, a Catholic priest and former professor at Catholic University of America, to exlore how dissent might be understood to be an act of a holistic conscience – one that takes seriously the subjective/ affective elements of human experience as well as the objective pole of morality. By applying the insights of the Curran case analogously to the LCWR case, with the help of Robert K. Vischer’s articulation of the relational dimension of conscience, this thesis articulates how the Church might understand its role in being a venue for consciences to thrive while preserving its claim of authentic teaching authority.
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Al-Busaidi, Adil S. "Toward a Model of Organizational Muted Dissent: Construct Definition, Dimensions, Measurement, and Validation." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1407242598.
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Erving, George S. "Coleridge, Priestley, and the culture of Unitarian dissent /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9353.
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Penvose, Kevan D. "Faithful dissent vocation within the always-reforming church /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN) Access this title online, 2005. http://www.tren.com.
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Hornsby, Robert. "Political protest and dissent in the Khrushchev Era." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2009. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/405/.
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This thesis addresses the subject of political dissent during the Khrushchev era. It examines the kinds of protest behaviours that individuals and groups engaged in and the way that the Soviet authorities responded to them. The findings show that dissenting activity was more frequent and more diverse during the Khrushchev period than has previously been supposed and that there were a number of significant continuities in the forms of dissent, and the authorities’ responses to these acts, across the eras of Stalin, Khrushchev and Brezhnev. In the early Khrushchev years a large proportion of the political protest and criticism that took place remained essentially loyal to the regime and Marxist-Leninist in outlook, though this declined in later years as communist utopianism and respect for the ruling authorities seem to have significantly diminished. In place of mass terror, the authorities increasingly moved toward more rationalised and targeted practices of social control, seeking to ‘manage’ dissent rather than to eradicate it either by persuasion or by force. All of this was reflective of the fact that the relationship between state and society was undergoing a vital transitional stage during the Khrushchev years, as both parties began to establish for themselves what had and had not changed since Stalin’s death.
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Brown, Stacy Suzanne. "Curanderismo: Teresa Urrea and the Legacy of Dissent." Thesis, Boston College, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/527.
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Thesis advisor: Dwayne E. CarpenterThe thesis offers an introduction to curanderismo and a critical analysis of the legacy of nineteenth century curandera and folk saint Teresita Urrea. The daughter of an indigenous servant in rural Mexico, Teresita ultimately became an icon of powerful social influence, a political threat to the Mexican dictatorship, a harsh critic of formalized medicine, and an enemy of the Catholic Church. Her legacy, however, is nuanced by her complex and, at times, contradictory life
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Romance Languages and Literature
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Carrington, Charlotte Victoria. "Dissent and identity in seventeenth-century New England." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609724.
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Scott, David Alexander. "Politics, dissent and Quakerism in York, 1640-1700." Thesis, University of York, 1990. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10799/.
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Kilpadi, Pamela. "Defending dissent in a time of symbolic power." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/68e452b3-b7ef-4e00-96d7-901d80811280.
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This study investigates how the ways in which modern digital age, austerity-driven societies are structured can fuel discontent, rising popular support for authoritarian regimes and less tolerance of dissent in a wide range of country contexts. It applies recent theoretical work on social power in international relations and the work of Bourdieu and Wacquant on symbolic violence, poverty and social exclusion to the realm of elite geopolitics and (dis)information war. Several case studies are discussed from an ethnographic perspective. Semi-structured interviews are conducted with defenders of dissent and other human rights working in diverse national contexts to better illuminate how political ‘leaders’ create marginal categories of people to silence dissent and consolidate power.
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Gardner, Jennifer Lynn. "IMF Conditionality and Political Dissent in Developing Nations." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/42591.
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Conditionality refers to the program policies required by international institutions, such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF), in order for countries to be eligible to receive access to resources provided by such institutions. In the case of the IMF these resources are available in the form of loans. The proper role of conditionality as a component of the Fundâ s financial arrangements with developing nations has been a topic of debate in both the political science and economic fields of study. On the political science side the argument has centered on whether or not austere and structural conditionality can in effect cause political dissent in the developing nations, and whether or not the process of conditionality violates the sovereign rights of nations. In this research study three Latin American countries (Brazil, Argentina, and Costa Rica) were utilized as case studies to try and determine whether or not their was a casual link between the implementation of IMF conditionality and instances of political dissent manifested as protests, riots, and strikes. Evidence of political dissent directly related to the implementation of IMF conditionality was found in all three case studies at varying levels. The instances of political dissent were then analyzed individually and as a group to try and determine specific cause, group dynamics, and the economic context in which they took place. The study concluded that as practiced in the 1990s and early 2000s conditionality can interfere with the democratic process in developing nations.Master of Arts
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Hordinski, Madeleine Z. "Politics, Art and Dissent in Post-Fidel Cuba." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1588354318293387.
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Mirabello, Mark Linden. "Dissent and the Church of Scotland, 1660-1690." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1988. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/896/.
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Grant, Meredith Anne. "Internal Dissent: East Tennessee's Civil War, 1849-1865." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2008. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1962.
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East Tennessee, though historically regarded as a Unionist monolith, was politically and ideologically divided during the Civil War. The entrance of the East Tennessee and Virginia and East Tennessee and Georgia railroads connected the economically isolated region to Virginia and the deep South. This trade network created a southern subculture within East Tennessee. These divisions had deepened and resulted by the Civil War in guerilla warfare throughout the region. East Tennessee's response to the sectional crisis and the Civil War was varied within the region itself. Analyzing railroad records, manuscript collections, census data, and period newspapers demonstrates that three subdivisions existed within East Tennessee - Northeast Tennessee, Knox County, and Southeast Tennessee. These subregions help explain East Tennessee's varied responses to sectional and internal strife. East Tennessee, much like the nation as a whole, was internally divided throughout the Civil War era.
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Asbell, Angela Connie. "Cultivating dissent: Queer zines and the active subject." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2006. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3003.
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Performs a rhetorical analysis of several zines that deal with gender and sexual identity and outlines some shared aesthetics and ethos of zines and zinesters, then connects the rhetorical and stylistic choices of zinesters to their searches for political and personal identity.
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Meier, Lori T. "Educational Experience, Foundations, and Dissent in Teacher Education." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2017. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/5884.
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Nieto, Isabel Delfina Isabel. "Communities of Dissent. Social Network Analysis of Religious Dissident Groups in Languedoc in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/666284.
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This dissertation focuses on the application of the methods of Social Network Analysis to the study of religious dissident movements in late medieval Languedoc. The aim of the project is to analyse the community performance of late Cathars, and Beguins of Languedoc in order to identify and compare organizational patterns and to reassess the participation of women in late medieval heresy. The study is based on a relational reading of inquisitorial sources, mainly registers and books of sentences. I argue that the relational nature of inquisitorial records makes them the ideal source not only for the study of social relationships within dissident religious movements but also for the application of formal network analysis methods. This approach stresses the need to consider the dissident community as encompassing both priestlike elites traditionally identified as the leadership of heretical groups and the social basis that shaped them and made them possible. Furthermore, as will be discussed, despite the current acknowledgement of the importance of female involvement in religious dissent, the fact that women were soon excluded from sacerdotal functions within some of these non- orthodox communities has fostered the underestimation of their contribution as brokers and, therefore, as key players within spiritual networks.
The following pages will describe the different kinds of relations between actors that can be retrieved from the sources, as well as the role played by women in such relational structures. Acquaintanceship, family, and friendship ties are the most common, but the flows of information, beliefs, money, victuals, and relics have also been considered. In the case of women, the application of this methodology shows that they were central in sustaining dissident networks, but that this function was neither exclusive to them nor their sole purpose. Finally, I will propose that understanding the relational mechanisms that led new members to join the network—that is, to convert— contributes to the ongoing debate on the so-called “invention of heresy.” Thus, the social dimension of the flow of beliefs and spiritual practices leads to the conclusion that the networks that can be extracted from inquisitorial records were indeed social networks and not inquisitorial constructs, and that they provided the basis for the transmission of alternative religious cultures.Esta tesis se centra en la aplicación de los métodos de Análisis de Redes Sociales al estudio de los movimientos religiosos disidentes en el Languedoc tardomedieval. El objetivo del proyecto es analizar la performance comunitaria de los grupos cátaros tardíos y de los beguinos del Languedoc con el fin de identificar y comparar patrones organizativos y reevaluar la participación de las mujeres en la disidencia espiritual de este período. El estudio se basa en una lectura relacional de las fuentes inquisitoriales, principalmente registros y libros de sentencias. Sostengo que la naturaleza relacional de los registros inquisitoriales los convierte en la fuente ideal no sólo para el estudio de las relaciones sociales dentro de los movimientos religiosos disidentes, sino también para la aplicación de métodos formales de análisis en redes. Este enfoque enfatiza la necesidad de considerar que el concepto de comunidad disidente abarca tanto a las élites sacerdotales, tradicionalmente identificadas como líderes de grupos heréticos, como a la base social que los formaba y los hizo posibles. Además, como se discutirá más adelante, a pesar del reconocimiento actual de la importancia de la participación femenina en la disidencia religiosa, el hecho de que las mujeres fueran pronto excluidas de las funciones sacerdotales dentro de algunas de estas comunidades no ortodoxas ha fomentado la subestimación de su contribución como intermediarias y, por lo tanto, como actores clave dentro de las redes espirituales. En las páginas siguientes se describen los diferentes tipos de relaciones entre los actores que se pueden obtener de las fuentes, así como el papel desempeñado por las mujeres en dichas estructuras relacionales. Los lazos de amistad, familia y amistad son los más comunes, pero también se han considerado los flujos de información, creencias, dinero, suministros y reliquias. En el caso de las mujeres, la aplicación de esta metodología muestra que fueron centrales para el apoyo material de las redes disidentes, pero que esta función no era exclusiva de ellas ni era su único propósito. Finalmente, propondré que la comprensión de los mecanismos relacionales que llevaban a los nuevos miembros a unirse a la red -es decir, a convertirse- contribuirá al debate en curso sobre la llamada “invención de la herejía”. Así, la dimensión social del flujo de creencias y prácticas espirituales lleva a la conclusión de que las redes que se pueden extraer de los registros inquisitoriales eran en realidad redes sociales y no constructos inquisitoriales, y que proporcionaron la base para la transmisión de culturas religiosas alternativas.
Aquesta tesi se centra en l'aplicació dels mètodes d'Anàlisi de Xarxes Socials a l'estudi dels moviments religiosos dissidents al Llenguadoc tardomedieval. L'objectiu del projecte és analitzar la performance comunitària dels grups càtars tardans i dels beguins del Llenguadoc per tal d'identificar i comparar patrons organitzatius i reavaluar la participació de les dones a la dissidència espiritual d'aquest període. L'estudi es basa en una lectura relacional de les fonts inquisitorials, principalment registres i llibres de sentències. Mantinc que la naturalesa relacional dels registres inquisitorials els converteix en la font ideal no només per a l'estudi de les relacions socials dins dels moviments religiosos dissidents, sinó també per a l'aplicació de mètodes formals d'anàlisi en xarxes. Aquest enfocament emfatitza la necessitat de considerar que el concepte de comunitat dissident abasta tant a les elits sacerdotals, tradicionalment identificades com a líders de grups herètics, com a la base social que els formava i els va fer possibles. A més, com es discutirà més endavant, tot i el reconeixement actual de la importància de la participació femenina a la dissidència religiosa, el fet que les dones fossin aviat excloses de les funcions sacerdotals dins d'algunes d'aquestes comunitats no ortodoxes ha fomentat que se subestimi la seva contribució com a intermediàries i, per tant, com a actors clau dins de les xarxes espirituals.
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Salom, Margot F. "The silencing of dissent in the Australian Jewish community /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2005. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe19331.pdf.
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Hillman, Barbara E. "Grade eight students' understanding of the concept of dissent." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ29996.pdf.
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DeCoste, Damon Marcel. "Crisis and dissent, literary agency in philosophy and fiction." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ29920.pdf.
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DeCoste, Damon Marcel. "Crisis and dissent : literary agency in philosophy and fiction." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=42013.
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This dissertation analyzes post-structuralist theses concerning the literary work's potential for political critique and impact. By placing contemporary claims as to the inevitably oppressive or ineffectual character of the literary work next to the texts and reception of novels by John Dos Passos, James T. Farrell and Richard Wright, I examine whether such claims can account for the political achievements of actual literary works. Locating in Dos Passos's U.S.A., Farrell's Studs Lonigan and Wright's Native Son instances of an effective oppositional literature, I argue against the post-structuralist position and for a reconsideration of the Sartrean assertion of the "negative," and thus potentially critical and oppositional, agency of writers and readers, and thus, too, of the literary work. In using a particular case study as a corrective both for recent theory and for the excesses of Sartre's own arguments for "committed" writing, "Crisis and Dissent" contributes both to on-going critiques of post-structuralism and to recent re-evaluations of Sartre's own literary theory.
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Abbey, Ruth. "Descent and dissent : Nietzsche's reading of two French moralists." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28652.
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This dissertation reads Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900) as a reader of two French moralists--Francois de la Rocbefoucauld (1613-80) and Sebastien Roch Nicolas Chamfort (1741-94). The works of Nietzsche's middle period are studied--Human, All too Human (1879), and Daybreak (1881) and The Gay Science (1882). The study argues that reading Nietzsche as a descendant of and dissenter from the moralist tradition sheds new light on his thought and brings certain concepts into focus. The key concepts and questions explored are: morality, egoism, vanity and self-love, pity and its cognate emotions, friendship, aristocracy, honour, women, marriage and gender relations. Throughout the dissertation the impact that reading the moralists had on Nietzsche's style is also examined. It is argued that a concern with justice is the 'basso continuo' of the middle period, continuously present and working itself out in the background of these texts. Furthermore, one of the innovative ways Nietzsche expresses this concern is via spatial metaphors.
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Hurst, Mark. "British human rights organisations and Soviet dissent, 1965-1985." Thesis, University of Kent, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.591929.
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This thesis develops the literature on the role of human rights in the Cold War by highlighting the impact of British human rights organisations in the response to Soviet dissent. It argues that human rights groups played an essential role in compiling and distributing information on Soviet dissenters to all levels of British society. These groups all held empiricism at the centre of their campaigns, utilising an array of information to support their activism. This approach entailed the development of relationships between groups, which led to a network of activists, all working towards supporting Soviet dissenters. The first chapter of th is thesis assesses Amnesty International's output on Soviet dissenters, focusing on the groups publications. Amnesty's translation of the samizdat journal The Chronicle of Current Events and its own publication Prisoners of Conscience in the USSR were influential on journalists and other human rights groups. The high level of research produced by Amnesty in this period was in deep contrast to its overstretched research department, who are considered in depth. The second chapter focuses on groups formed to respond to the Soviet political abuse of psychiat ry as a way to suppress political dissidents. It explores how groups such as the Working Group on the Internment of Dissenters in Mental Hospitals and the Campaign Against Psychiatric Abuse campaigned on behalf of dissidents, and demonstrates the influence that they had on official groups such as the Royal College of Psychiatrists. The final chapter examines the response to religious persecution in the Soviet Union, focusing on the demonstrative campaigning of the Women's Campaign for Soviet Jewry (the 35's) and the more academic Keston College. This chapter demonstrates how despite the outward differences between these two organisations, they held much in common such as a reliance on an empirical method in their campaigns.
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Addington, Hall Caroline Jane. "Homosexuality as a Site of Anglican Identity and Dissent." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.507361.
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Buckner, Marjorie M. "Parents' Expressed Educational Dissent in Middle School Education Systems." UKnowledge, 2015. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/comm_etds/38.
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Hoy and Miskel (2008) and Weick (1976) conceptualize schools as organizational systems of which parents comprise part of the organization. Specifically, parent involvement includes such behaviors as assisting students with homework, participating in policy decisions, and providing feedback (Barge & Loges, 2003). Parent involvement is largely championed in K12 education and particularly in middle schools (e.g., Coalition of Essential Schools, 1993; Texas Education Agency, 1991). In fact, both parents and teachers value building positive parent-teacher relationships (Kalin & Steh, 2010) and may communicate regarding a variety of topics including student academic performance, classroom behavior, preparation, hostile peer interactions, and health (Thompson & Mazer, 2012). However, while parents and teachers report valuing positive parent-teacher interactions, Lasky (2000) found that “teachers and parents sometimes felt confused, powerless, and misunderstood as a result of their interactions” (p. 857). One specific type of parent-teacher communication that may lead to dissatisfying interactions is parent expressed educational dissent (PED). Similar to organizations and workplaces that do not value dissent as a feedback process increasing democratic discourse in the system, schools may actively attempt to avoid potentially negative or conflict-inducing communication such as dissent (Ehman, 1995). Scholars (e.g., Davies, 1987; Fine, 1993; Sarason, 1995) note the importance of dissent and parent involvement in education systems, and case studies espouse positive changes within education systems as a result of parental dissent (e.g., Ehman, 1997). In order to better understand PED, this dissertation project seeks to (a) examine why parents express dissent in educational systems, (b) identify how parents express dissent in educational systems, and (c) measure how PED affects members of the educational system. To accomplish these goals, the author conducted a series of focus groups with teachers and parents, developed a measure of PED, and disseminated a survey to both parents and teachers assessing the antecedents and possible outcomes affected by PED. The findings of this research aim to improve organizational communication within middle school education systems such that schools may develop prosocial strategies for (re)framing and addressing PED.
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Maddison, Stephen. "Queer sisters : gay male culture, women and gender dissent." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362271.
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Gay male culture is suffused with indications of the importance of women and bonds with women. Indeed the Stonewall riots, mythologised moment of the birth of modern gay politics, are often said to have been catalysed by gay male grief at the death of Judy Garland. Why should a culture apparently founded on same-sex desire be so preoccupied with relationships across gender difference? The thesis attempts to map the shape and effects of bonds with women by using a materialist analytical framework in relation to texts and their critical retinue. The first chapter looks at A Streetcar Named Desire, a play that has engendered significant cultural contest which spans key historical and political shifts in the nature of gay male identity. This chapter attempts to show how a diverse range of critical engagements with Tennessee Williams's work, including authoritative and resistant, heterosexual, homosexual and queer ones, exhibit considerable investment in the proposition that the playwright's sexuality not only structures a libidinous desire, but a gender identification. The second chapter situates gay men within the homosocial gender bonds mapped by Eve Sedgwick, and draws attention to the dissident opportunities gay male culture has exploited within this narrative system. It goes on to examine the potential political and cultural links between such strategies and the resistance of straight women who are also organised as homosocial subjects. This chapter includes a reading of Tarantino's Pulp Fiction as homosocial text and looks at a number of autobiographical and journalistic writings which identify a predominant dissident strategy which I refer to as heterosocial bonds. The latter part of the thesis comprises two complementary chapters. The first of these, chapter three, assesses the plausibility of heterosocial bonding in the representations of relationships between straight women, lesbians and gay men in the American situation comedy Roseanne. Chapter four conducts a similar inquiry in relation to Pedro Almodovar and the representational alignment he makes with women in the film Women on the Verge of a Nervous Breakdown. The analysis conducted in both of these chapters attempts to treat the texts not only as generic and formal representations,but as attempted acts of bonding. The thesis attempts to judge the political expediency and effectiveness of heterosocial bonding, and locates the difficulty and contingency of such endeavours within the fabric of homosocial structures.
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Jenkins, G. F. C. "Establishment and Dissent in the Dunfermline area 1733-1883." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384212.
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Ingram, Norman. "The politics of dissent : pacifism in France, 1919-1939." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.259182.
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Jude, Sorana-Cristina. "Israel's military : emotions, violence and the limits of dissent." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/a3917dad-d343-4a49-b7bb-b8f5ff5d4cab.
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Ryckman, Kirssa Cline. "Ratification as accommodation? Domestic dissent and human rights treaties." SAGE PUBLICATIONS LTD, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/620925.
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Repression is the expected response to anti-government protest; however, leaders can also accommodate demonstrators. Committing to human rights treaties is considered in this environment, where treaty commitments are conceptualized as a policy concession that leaders can grant dissenters. Past research has shown that top-down domestic pressures, such as new democratic regimes, can influence treaty commitments. This article extends this line of research by considering the influence of bottom-up domestic pressure, arguing that nonviolent, pro-democracy movements can pressure leaders into concessions, as these movements are risky to repress but threatening to ignore. Leaders are expected to seek ‘cheap’ accommodations, and commitments to human rights treaties provide a relatively low-cost concession that also addresses demonstrators’ pro-democracy demands. Using commitments to the nine core UN human rights treaties, results are generally supportive. Governments experiencing a nonviolent, pro-democracy movement are consistently likely to sign human rights treaties. Ratification is also likely but in more limited contexts, and is more closely related to movement success. This suggests that bottom-up pressures can influence commitment to human rights treaties, but there may be little substance behind those concessions. The status quo and cost-averse preferences of leaders lead them to grant accommodations that result in minimal change and cost.
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Langley, Brian. "Dissent and discontent in the Confederate South, 1861-1865." Thesis, Northumbria University, 2017. http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/36259/.
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The thesis examines the complex nature of dissent and discontent across three Confederate states during the Civil War —South Carolina, North Carolina and Georgia. Drawing on a range of sources, including post-war claims for compensation, women’s letters to the Confederate authorities and newspaper accounts of bread riots across the South, it broadens our understanding of the varied and often conservative nature of much Confederate dissent and discontent. Critically, the research distinguishes between southerners, who often asserted their loyalty to the Confederacy, but were profoundly unhappy with the impact of the war on their families, and other southerners implacably opposed to the Confederacy or completely indifferent to its calls on their allegiance. In the Confederate South, dissent was not the same as discontent and discontent did not always indicate disloyalty. The focus of the research is on ordinary white southerners and the meaning that dissent and discontent had for them. Through a re-reading of women’s letters and a detailed analysis of the southern bread riots, the research reappraises the meaning of women’s protest and challenges the current scholarship viewing such protests and petitioning as a political awakening of poor white women seeking new entitlements from the state. Using Southern Claims Commission records, the dissertation also reconsiders the meaning of southern unionism, suggesting that such attachments were often highly subjective and essentially cultural in nature. Many southerners, including both men and women, may have shared a self-proclaimed attachment to the Union but understood the meaning of that loyalty in very different ways. Whilst dissenting southern unionists and women bread rioters may make unfamiliar bedfellows, together they illustrate the complicated but essentially conservative nature of much Confederate dissent and discontent often seeking the restoration of older and more stable arrangements in the face of the disruption of secession and the war.
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Mistry, Hemi. "Judicial authority, dissent and the project of international justice." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2016. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/32163/.
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Dissenting opinions, separate opinions and declarations are a familiar aspect of the international jurisprudential landscape. Despite this, in comparison to domestic judicial systems, there has been comparatively little by way of attempts to rationalise the institutional and systemic implications of this practice. While there is widespread agreement that the impact of additional opinions lies in their effect upon the authority of the court or tribunal and its decisions (‘institutional judicial authority’), the nature of that impact is open to greater contestation. How should additional opinions be viewed? An unnecessary and counterproductive distraction or an important mechanism of accountability for the exercise of judicial power? By conceiving additional opinions as the expression of individual judicial authority, this thesis examines the interplay between individual judicial authority and institutional judicial authority within two paradigms of international justice. The first – comprising the ICJ and PCIJ – represents the traditional paradigm of international justice wherein the culture of expressing individual judicial authority in international law was born. The second paradigm is international criminal justice as pursued by two institutions in particular, the ICTY and the ICC. By comparing these two paradigms, and the nature and purposes of judicial authority therein, this thesis considers how individual judges through their additional opinions have contributed to the evolving international judicial culture, and how that practice affects the manner in which the institutions in question advance the project of international justice. Drawing upon Mirjan Damaška’s work demonstrating how procedural choices and practices have implications upon authority, and the relationship between procedure and the purposes for which authority is claimed, this thesis demonstrates that not only is the expression of individual judicial authority consistent with institutional authority but it is constitutive of it. The final section of the thesis turns to consider a form of judicial expression – defined as judicial dissent – that places institutional and individual authority in conflict with one another. Despite the negative implications of judicial dissent upon judicial authority (both institutional and individual) and judicial collegiality, the final section considers whether such practice can play a legitimate systemic function.
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Lancaster, Henry. "Nonconformity and Anglican dissent in Restoration Wiltshire, 1660-1689." Thesis, University of Bristol, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/a9adbb8a-398e-4675-927c-6fe2e08c57cb.
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Presley, Rachel E. "Decolonizing Dissent: Mapping Indigenous Resistance onto Settler Colonial Land." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou156346106453335.
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Israel, William Lawrence. "Ritual killings? : American journalism and the treatment of dissent /." Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
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Page, Anthony. "Enlightened patriot : John Jebb and dissent in England, 1776-1785 /." Title page, abstract and contents only, 1999. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09php132.pdf.
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Warhop, Bill. "Patriotism And Dissent: Coercive Voluntarism In Wartime Georgia, 1917–1919." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2013. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/73.
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This thesis analyzes the culture of coercive voluntarism in Georgia during the First World War using studies of legislation and vigilance, the press, and the Georgia Council of Defense. Each of the themes studied demonstrates how organizations attempted to coerce support of the US war effort in Georgia. The study focuses on Georgia as a single state rather than simply as part of the South, as most other studies have done. The purpose is to challenge studies that have emphasized resistance only, which presents an incomplete picture of Georgia’s domestic scene during the war. In fact, many elements within Georgia—at the state, local, and citizen level—actively supported the war, often with the same level of intention, if not the same results, as did other areas of the country. Georgia attempted to comply with federal imperatives while preserving its rights as a state.