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Estridge, Lydia Margaret. "Governing domestic violence : 'doing' government, police realities and feminisms in policy activities." Thesis, Open University, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.398002.
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Branney, Peter Edward. "Deconstructing domestic violence policy." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2006. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/159/.
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The primary objectives of this thesis are to, circularly, deconstruct contemporary domestic violence policy while developing and evaluating methods for deconstructing policy. Policy is theorised as a discursive practice, which allows a variety of policies to be compared and critiqued by how they position the people they affect. These are known as subject positions, or subjectivities, and throughout this thesis I attempt to critique policy by examining the (re)construction of subjectivity. In addition, because policy is not theorised as functioning through direct causal relations there is an opening for psychoanalytic subjectivities where the subject positioning occurs at the level of the unconscious. Consequently, I have chosen to draw upon Parker's critical transformative psychoanalytic discourse analysis (CTPDA) as a psycho-discursive method where discourse analysis and psychoanalysis are combined in such as way that psychoanalysisis understood to be a culturally produced theory of self. Three separate analyses of two key, contemporary domestic violence policies demonstrate the utility of CTPDA by developing it as a method alongside the topic under consideration the use of 'family' to name concern of policy is considered in Te Rito from Aotearoa/New Zealand (A/NZ), who are world leaders in the domain of domestic violence, and 'consultation' where decisions have already been made and gender through the gender-neutral term 'domestic violence' are considered in Safety and Justice (S&J) from the UK, where much of this thesis was undertaken. In the final chapter, I argue that critique needs to be able to imagine its own policies and ways of realising them and highlight that psychoanalysis has the potential to offer an effective approach.
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Taylor, Norman. "Policing domestic violence : police policy and discretion and the need for a multi-agency response." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/294.
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As gatekeeper to the criminal justice system the Police Service is placed in a unique position to respond to the problem of domestic violence. The police are a reactive agency that is available 24 hours every day, but the activities, or more appropriately the inactivity, of the police to effectively deal with domestic violence has been the subject of considerable scrutiny over the past 20 years or so. Previous research has tended to centre around the victims and perpetrators of domestic violence and pointed towards a police service that is generally unsympathetic and unhelpful. Whilst considerable advances have been made over recent years and attitudes are changing, there is still the perception, whether right or wrong, that the police stance has not changed sufficiently to make any real difference.
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Blumenstein, Lindsey. "Domestic Violence Within Law Enforcement Families: The Link Between Traditional Police Subculture and Domestic Violence Among Police." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0003106.
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Thurston, Timothy W. "The military's role in domestic terrorism." Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5FThurston.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.Thesis Advisor(s): Lawson, Letitia ; Freeman, Michael. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 24, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 61-66). Also available in print.
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Turan, Gokhan. "Ukrainian Foreign Policy And Its Domestic Sources." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12611484/index.pdf.
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The aim of this thesis is to analyze Ukrainian foreign policy and its domestic sources since 1991, with a focus on the post-Orange Revolution era. The thesis argues that contrary to neo-realist approaches to the study of Ukrainian foreign policy, in the final analysis, it is Ukraine's domestic factors which determines the direction of Ukrainian foreign policy in the post-Soviet era. This thesis demonstrates that the existing neo-realist studies of Ukrainian foreign policy exaggerates the role of external factors and neglects the crucial role of domestic factors in Ukrainian foreign policy. The thesis begins with an introduction, which is followed by the second chapter on the interaction between domestic and external factors in Ukrainian foreign policy in the pre-Orange Revolution era. The third chapter examines the characteristics of Ukrainian foreign policy in the post-Orange Revolution era. The following four chapters discuss the impact of political, economic and cultural factors on Ukrainian foreign policy as well as the Crimean question. Finally the last chapter will be the conclusion of this thesis.
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Zhong, Litao. "Domestic tax policy and international joint ventures /." Available to subscribers only, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1240702271&sid=5&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Gibson, Heather D. "The Eurocurrency markets and domestic financial policy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.292480.
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Sara, Stone. "Police Implementation of the Domestic Violence Act in South Africa." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-43369.
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The purpose of this research is to produce a deeper understanding of the role of the police authorities in their adherence to the new constitution and laws that are supposed to protect women, especially those affected by domestic violence. In order to do that, this research focuses on the implementation of the Domestic Violence Act of 1998 (DVA) by the police authorities in South Africa. I look into what factors influence their attitudes towards and reactions to victims of domestic violence. I use a triangulation of resources including case reports of domestic violence from court, online media articles, research reports on domestic violence, police performance reports and other governmental documents, as well as NGO reports of victims and police implementation including an interview with someone who worked with women in South Africa. I analyze my results using the three pillars of new institutionalism: regulative, normative, and cultural-cognitive. This theory is useful in breaking down the issue to get a deeper understanding on different levels. Each pillar explains the rules and legally sanctioned acts, norms and values, and cultural assumptions behind the attitudes and actions of the police when involved in domestic violence cases. This helps to see the problem in different perspectives and explain how the police may play a role in perpetuating domestic violence in South Africa. Through my study on media articles, case reports, and NGO reports on the actions of police, I found that the police do play a role in perpetuating domestic violence in South Africa, though there are many factors that are involved. The norms of society itself show that domestic violence is a private matter and should be kept within the home. The gender power inequalities and social problems in South Africa are also actors in keeping domestic violence such a problem. The government itself has not provided adequate resources and training to properly implement the Domestic Violence Act. So, while the police definitely plays a role in this problem and need to be better trained and more compliant with the DVA and its provisions, there are many factors to consider that also add to this epidemic.
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Thurston, Timothy W. II. "The military's role in domestic terrorism." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/3019.
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This thesis argues that civilian law enforcement is more effective than military law enforcement against domestic terrorism. It uses a case study approach to analyze government reactions to terrorism in Canada against the FLQ, and in Northern Ireland against the IRA. It concludes that the best approach to domestic terrorism is a combination of civilian and military security forces working together. Within this framework, the military should maintain a support role to the civilian police. As a result, amendment or repeal of the Posse Comitatus Act is unnecessary. As written, the law provides adequate flexibility for government leaders to deploy military troops as the need arises. Furthermore, this thesis provides lessons learned for policymakers considering the deployment of military to combat domestic terrorism.US Air Force (USAF) author.
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Pena, Anita Alves. "Illegal and legal immigration and domestic public policy /." May be available electronically:, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU1MTUmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=12498.
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Toni, David R. "Iranian foreign policy making : domestic factionalism and its implications for U.S. policy./." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA355431.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, September 1998."September 1998." Thesis advisor(s): Glenn E. Robinson, Terry D. Johnson. Includes bibliographical references (p. 69-73). Also available online.
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Indraguptha, Gihan Dhanushka. "China’s South Asia policy through a domestic sovereignty perspective." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/37137.
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China’s South Asia Policy is currently perceived mostly from realist geopolitical and to a lesser degree, commercial liberalism perspectives. These frameworks ignore China’s own vulnerabilities in its restive periphery which are significant factors in determining policy towards its neighbours. This is especially true in South Asia since Xinjiang and Tibet, the two most volatile minority areas, border this region. The ‘core-periphery structure’ offers a useful tool to fathom China’s contradictory dichotomy where it exists as a strong state at its ‘core’ while being insecure and weak in the ‘periphery’. This dichotomy is seen in dealings with its neighbours as well. As a result, the realist geopolitical analysis offers a sufficient framework to understand China’s interactions with nations bordering its ‘core’, for example in Southeast and Northeast Asia, where it projects itself as a strong, unified state. Yet such an analysis will fall short when explaining the PRC’s interactions with states neighbouring its periphery, in this case in South Asia, due to a perceived ‘insecurity dilemma’. An economics-driven commercial liberalism perspective would also fail to capture the internal complexities and perceived vulnerabilities faced by the PRC in its interaction with South Asia. Therefore it is useful to explore an alternative framework taking account of domestic sovereignty factors. The perceived ‘insecurity dilemma’ in the periphery have been addressed by the PRC since 1949 through policies that sought to assimilate these regions with the ‘core’ of the country. Initially these policies attempted assimilation through coercion but since the late 1970s, a softer approach has been applied through economic empowerment and reduction of disparities. An extension of these domestic policies in Xinxiang and Tibet are reflected in the PRC’s dealings with nations that border these regions. With regard to South Asia, a closer scrutiny reveals such interconnections in the PRC’s policies towards Afghanistan and Pakistan with relation to Xinjiang and similarly towards India, Nepal and Bhutan with relation to Tibet. Such an assessment that takes note of domestic sovereignty considerations offers a more comprehensive analysis of China’s South Asia policy and would contribute to alleviate tensions resulting from misinterpretation of these policies.
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Kwan, Woon-yin Patrick. "Policy review on domestic waste management in selected places." access abstract and table of contents access full-text, 2007. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/ezdb/dissert.pl?ma-sa-b22107149a.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A.)--City University of Hong Kong, 2007."A capstone project submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in Public Policy and Management at City University of Hong Kong." Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Oct. 12, 2007) Includes bibliographical references.
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Styles, William. "British domestic security policy and communist subversion, 1945-1964." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/263349.
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This thesis is concerned with an analysis of British governmental attitudes and responses to communism in the United Kingdom during the early years of the Cold War, from the election of the Attlee government in July 1945 up until the election of the Wilson government in October 1964. Until recently the topic has been difficult to assess accurately, due to the scarcity of available original source material. However, as a result of multiple declassifications of both Cabinet Office and Security Service files over the past five years it is now possible to analyse the subject in greater depth and detail than had been previously feasible. The work is predominantly concerned with four key areas: firstly, why domestic communism continued to be viewed as a significant threat by successive governments – even despite both the ideology’s relatively limited popular support amongst the general public and Whitehall’s realisation that the Communist Party of Great Britain presented little by way of a direct challenge to British political stability. Secondly, how Whitehall’s understanding of the nature and severity of the threat posed by British communism developed between the late 1940s and early ‘60s, from a problem considered mainly of importance only to civil service security practices to one which directly impacted upon the conduct of educational policy and labour relations. Thirdly, how official counter-subversion methods were formulated and enacted over the period – from remarkably limited beginnings as small-scale vetting reform to a wide-ranging program of surveillance and counter-propaganda by the early 1960s. And finally, whether such responses can be judged as proportional with the benefit of historical hindsight, or if the British government’s conduct should be regarded as an egregious example of reactionary censorship and infringement of civil liberties in the modern era.
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McKenna, Joanne. "The domestic influences on British European policy, 1964-67." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.403744.
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Onyebuchi, Edward Ifeanyi. "Policy options for the developing world's domestic energy supply : patterns and preferences in the Nigerian domestic sector." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/27177.
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The main purpose of this study is to identify factors governing Nigerian households' fuel choices and preferences, and to explore the degree to which commonly proposed new energy technologies satisfy these needs and preferences. The primary research problem is that new energy technologies proposed for domestic use in Nigeria and other developing countries have proved to be unacceptable to households, despite the often cited virtues of alternatives such as biogas, solar cookers, and improved wood stoves.
The need for this study is first demonstrated through a review of literature concerning energy in the developing world in general, and Nigeria in particular. The literature reveals that Nigeria's energy problems mirror those of other developing countries, including potential reliance on nontraditional, nonrenewable energy sources which are petroleum based, accompanied by rapid depletion of traditional sources of energy such as firewood, and the problem of identifying and assessing new energy supply technologies which will gain wide spread public acceptance.
The research methods are case studies in both rural and urban settings within Nigeria. The instruments used for data collection are interview questionnaires, accompanied by direct observations. Samples of eighty households have been surveyed from each of an urban centre, a rural town, and a village setting in both northern and southeastern Nigeria, with a total of 480 households being surveyed. The data obtained is presented in three steps. First, factors governing current choices of fuel types used on a frequent basis by households for domestic purposes are analyzed, and a comparative assessment is made of the degree to which these factors are incorporated into the designs of commonly proposed new energy supply technologies. Evidence shows that although a household's choice of a particular fuel is naturally influenced by economic factors, the price per unit of energy is not the sole basis of choice. A wide range of intrinsic qualities determine a fuel's desirability. The study shows that safety, reliability of supply, convenience, versatility and cleanliness are variables which are weighed when selecting a fuel type from among the wide array of available sources of energy. The failure to adequately incorporate these qualities into commonly proposed new energy technologies such as solar cookers and biogas, has resulted in promotion of alternate energy supply systems which do not match the needs and preferences of intended users. Although the commonly proposed new energy technologies are based on renewable sources of energy which have the potential to provide sustainable, environmentally safe, and decentralized supply systems involving cheap and versatile fuels, these are not the qualities on which households in Nigeria base their fuel use choices and preferences.
The second step involves identification of fuel types most preferred by households for use in domestic chores, and the reasons for such choices. Almost all households surveyed prefer nontraditional fuels such as electricity and kerosene, despite the availability of cheap traditional sources of fuel. Of particular interest is the finding that although village households rely on unsophisticated traditional energy technologies, their attitudes toward nontraditional fuels such as kerosene and electricity are not different from those of households in urban centres and rural towns. Practical considerations such as the availability of a given fuel type govern their current fuel use practices more than do tradition, culture and preference.
The third step is analysis of the relationships of household size, residential locations, and income levels to consumption of traditional and nontraditional fuel types. A multiple regression model is employed, and the implications of the findings discussed. Urban growth, accompanied by rising income levels leads to increasing dependence on nontraditional fuels by households for domestic purposes. One cause is the expansion of domestic energy demands such as refrigeration, entertainment and air conditioning, which cannot be satisfied by traditional fuels in their present form. A second cause is that urbanization is accompanied by the provision of nontraditional energy supply systems and the sale of appliances which require the use of such systems.
Urbanization is an important aspect of regional development policies in Nigeria, but while regional planners seek to transform villages into thriving urban centres with energy supply systems based on finite hydrocarbon resources, energy planners propose new energy alternatives involving simple technologies for use in rural settings. This finding suggests that new energy supply policies should be made an integral part of national development policies.
These research findings suggest that a need-driven approach to the problem of finding acceptable energy supply alternatives is needed to replace the currently employed technology-driven approach.Applied Science, Faculty of
Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of
Graduate
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Poerio, Loretta. "An evaluation of police training in handling domestic violence situations." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1991. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PM/09pmp745.pdf.
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Ngo, Tu Anh. "A four-year retrospective study of domestic violence and police response in Asians using the Rhode Island domestic violence/sexual assault police reporting forms /." View online ; access limited to URI, 2005. http://0-wwwlib.umi.com.helin.uri.edu/dissertations/dlnow/3188844.
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Stewart, Fraser Andrew. "Scotland's rubbish : domestic recycling, policy and practice in everyday life." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5930.
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This thesis examines the relationships people have with rubbish in everyday life. Focusing on domestic recycling policy and practice, environmental concern and action is explored as a sociological problem in a way that moves beyond the individualising paradigms that dominate environmental discourse for behavioural change. In its place, this thesis argues that better explanation may reside in the social context of embedded practices, and how they get enacted in daily life. Beginning with a historical overview and evaluation of current policy, this thesis re-imagines domestic recycling as a complex socio-technical system involving the engagement of different actors. Conducted at the boundaries of sociology, this thesis draws on empirical and theoretical ideas that extend across disciplines. Methodologically the research has been grounded on a principle of mixed methods pragmatism, exploiting the Sequential Explanatory mixed methods research design. Conducted across two phases, Phase One involved the secondary analysis of the Scottish Household Survey and Phase Two the collection and analysis of qualitative data using the Diary- Interview method. The first phase was a macro- analysis of recycling practices in Scotland. The main results of this analysis are presented in Chapter 4, which built a Binary Logistic Regression model, using the Scottish Household Survey, to predict the characteristics of Scottish households likely to engage in recycling behaviour. In addition to identifying the social and structural dimensions of recycling in Scotland, this analysis also enabled a research site to be selected for Phase Two of the study. Chapters 5 and 6 respond to the macro- analysis by accounting for the micro- aspects of recycling practices by looking at the problem inductively. Using qualitative data analysed in Phase Two, these two chapters are based on the idea that how people value the environment is relevant for understanding contemporary recycling practices. Chapter 5 considers the explanatory usefulness of environmental ethics, values and citizenship for explaining why some households engage in environmental behaviour, but others do not. In Chapter 6 these arguments are developed further with a more detailed discussion about how household recycling practices get enacted in everyday life. Using evidence from the data, this chapter considers why commitment to ‘doing’ recycling varies between people and examines recycling as formed, cultivated and maintained habitual behaviour. Taken together the three data chapters try to show that, rather than be an inconsequential feature of normal domestic life, recycling is a practice deeply-rooted in wider social patterns and structural forces. In the final chapter, all of the micro- and macro- findings are integrated together and concluded, along with some reflections on the multidimensionality of contemporary recycling practices in the home, and what this might mean for policy and future research.
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REIS, CRISTINA VINCIPROVA DOS. "INTERVENTIONS: THE INFLUENCE OF DOMESTIC POLITICS ON FOREIGN POLICY DECISIONS." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2009. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=15733@1.
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CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICOEsta dissertação trata dos processos decisórios de política externa que levaram os EUA a intervirem na República Dominicana no ano de 1965 e a URSS a intervir na Tchecoslováquia em 1968. Procuro analisar como a política doméstica das superpotências influenciou suas políticas externas, estudando as motivações dos diversos grupos dentro destes Estados e, principalmente, a forma pela qual se produziu consenso em torno das intervenções militares. Explico que as decisões foram tomadas a partir de considerações sobre a tática mais apropriada para ampliação ou, no mínimo, manutenção do poder relativo destes Estados. Procuro demonstrar, portanto, que as divergências entre os grupos domésticos no que se refere às decisões táticas podem dificultar e até inviabilizar esforços de política externa dos Estados, mas que estes grupos têm um interesse comum, que é definido em termos de poder relativo do Estado em que se inserem. Com os resultados desta análise, podemos avaliar a vantagem, em termos de capacidade explicativa, do realismo neoclássico em relação ao paradigma liberal quando se trata de teorizar sobre política externa na área de segurança.
This dissertation concerns the decisionmaking processes of foreign policy which led to the interventions of the United States in the Dominican Republic in 1965 and the USSR in Czhecoslovakia in 1968. I analyze how the superpowers` domestic politics influenced their foreign policies, studying the motivations of numerous internal groups and, mainly, how consensus around the military interventions was produced. I explain that those decisions were a result of considerations about the most appropriate tactics for enhancing or, at least, maintaining the relative power of those States. I try to demonstrate, therefore, that divergences between domestic groups over tactic decisions may hinder a State`s efforts on foreign policy, but those domestic groups have a common interest, which is defined in terms of their State`s relative power. With the results of this analysis, we can evaluate the advantage of neoclassical realism, as opposed to the liberal paradigm, in terms of explaining power when it comes to matters of national security policies.
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Sahin, Mustafa G. "Turkey and Neo-Ottomanism: Domestic Sources, Dynamics and Foreign Policy." FIU Digital Commons, 2010. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/160.
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This study examined the relationship between the Turkish Islamic movements and the present government of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AK Party). Since the AK Party came to power in 2002 it implemented unparalleled political reforms and pursued to improve Turkey’s relations with the EU. Opponents argued that because of the dominance of the secular military in Turkish politics, the AK Party is forced to secretly advance its Islamic agenda using the language and symbolism of democracy and human rights. This study argued that the ideas of the AK Party show similarities with the “Ottomanist” thought of the late Ottoman era. With special reference to the preservation of the Ottoman State, Ottomanism in an eclectic way was able to incorporate Islamic principles like freedom, justice and consultation into the political arena which was increasingly dominated by the secular European concepts. Literature on Islam and politics in Turkey, however, disregards the Ottoman roots of freedom and pluralism and tends to reduce the relationship between religion and state into exclusively confrontational struggles. This conceptualization of the political process relies on particular non-Turkish Muslim experiences which do not necessarily represent Islam’s venture in Turkey. Contrary to the prevailing scholarship, Islamic movements in Turkey, namely, Naqshbandi, National View and Nur, which are discussed in detail in this study, are not monolithic. They all uphold the same creedal tenets of Islam but they have sharp differences in terms of how they conceptualize the role of religious agency in politics. I argue that this diversity is a result of three distinct methodologies of Islamic religious life which are the Tariqah (Tarikat), Shariah (Şeriat), and Haqiqah (Hakikat). The differences between these three approaches represent a typological hierarchy in the formation of the Muslim/believer as an agent of Islamic identity. Through these different if not conflicting modes, the AK Party reconnected itself with Turkey’s Ottoman heritage in a post-Ottoman, secular setting and was able to develop an eclectic political identity of Neo-Ottomanism that is evident in the flexibility if not inconsistency of its domestic and foreign policy preferences.
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Al-Barari, Hassan Abdulmuhdi. "Domestic politics in Israeli peace-making, 1988-1994." Thesis, Durham University, 2001. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1229/.
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This thesis provides an explanation of why Israel in the years between 1988 and 1994 decided on what might be termed a path to peace with both the Palestinians and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. It argues that, in Israel, peacemaking that entails any form of territorial concession is largely an issue that can be best understood in terms of domestic politics. Accordingly, at the heart of this thesis lies the assumption that the key to explaining Israel's road to peace lies in an appreciation of the dynamics of Israel's domestic politics. Part at least of this story is an understanding of certain key moments in the formation of Israeli thinking about movement towards a peace with the Palestinians. The thesis therefore examines the impact of the Intifada on Israeli thinking as well as detailing crucial turning points in domestic politics, not least Labour's electoral victory in 1992 and the subsequent formation of the most dovish government in Israel's history. The thesis also pays attention to the politics of personality and the role of key figures, such as Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres, in the politics that permitted Israel's move to peace. To facilitate such an understanding, the study employs some analytical concepts from what might be described as the 'middle-range' theories, for example the so-called Bureaucratic Politics Model but its judgements are also fundamentally informed by both interview and primary source material. Hence, overall the thesis looks at the internal dynamics of Israeli peacemaking and demonstrates that, although external factors are certainly, as the last chapter argues an important part of the story, the decision to make peace was also rooted in the dynamic complex domestic politics of Israel.
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Keilbach, Patricia Maria. "International and domestic sources of environmental protection : a study of European Union enlargement /." view abstract or download file of text, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3018377.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2001.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 295-316). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Auld, Susan E. "The development of public housing policy and design." Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/23788.
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Kravets, Nadiya. "Domestic sources of Ukraine's foreign policy : examining key cases of policy towards Russia, 1991-2009." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:65602e5c-0a42-4ff4-95d2-14b58e763187.
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Ukraine’s foreign policy has puzzled observers since the dissolution of the Soviet Union due to its unusual inconsistency. This inconsistency exhibited itself in contradictory decisions by the Ukrainian executive carried out within a short period of time, which signalled either greater cooperation with Russia and relative cooling of relations with the West, or integration into Western institutions and worsening of the relations with Moscow. This study aims to explain the inconsistency by examining the sources of Ukraine’s foreign policy through process-tracing in four policy cases: Ukraine’s renouncement of nuclear weapons (1991-1994), the status of the Black Sea Fleet (1991-1997), the Odesa-Brody pipeline (2002-2004), and the 2006-2009 gas disputes. Contrary to dominant interpretations of Ukraine’s foreign policy vacillation that emphasise the role of external influences, especially that of Russia and the West, this study concludes that Ukraine’s inconsistent foreign policy decisions are best explained by domestic factors – intra-executive divisions and the influence of vested interests on policy-making. The work relies on the use of primary sources including archival research, elite interviews, and Ukrainian and Russian newspaper reports.
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Meyer, Michael B. "Businessmen and butchers : the domestic roots of Syria's changing foreign policy /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1994. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA294657.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1994.Thesis advisor(s): G.E. Robinson, James J. Wirtz. "December 1994." Bibliography: p. 73-78. Also available online.
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Truscott, P. "The Korean War in British foreign and domestic policy, 1950-1952." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371768.
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Parker, Kristy. "Women MPs, feminism and domestic policy in the Second World War." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241334.
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Herbert, J. W. "The shaping of U.S. Presidents' initial domestic policy agendas, 1960-1981." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.603971.
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The dissertation attempts to identify the rationales behind the policy selections made by U.S. presidents in the early phases of their presidency and to identify common themes among those rationales. Specifically, the study attempts to identify the reasons behind the initial domestic policy choices of John Kennedy, Richard Nixon, Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan during their transition periods and the first one hundred days of their administration. The four case studies are based upon materials drawn from the appropriate presidential libraries in the United States and interviews with administration participants. Each study approaches presidential choices in a similar manner, looking at presidential ideology, the political conditions of the incoming chief executive, political strategies, the structure of administration and mechanisms of programme design. The case studies also include specific policy studies over the transition and honeymoon periods to explain the motivations behind particular legislative proposals. The dissertation provides new interpretations of each president's early actions. Particularly, Nixon is shown to have had an initial domestic agenda before the announcement of welfare reform in August 1969, and Carter and his staff are revealed to have focused initially on a narrow domestic agenda in 1977. Overall, the dissertation concludes that presidents work within a framework set by institutional and policy contexts. Presidents plan how to pursue their goals within these contexts, setting a series of policy and non-policy goals which agglomerate into strategies. Presidential policy selections can only be understood when they are seen to be made within parameters set by these wider strategic decisions. The administrative process of policy planning then functions to reconcile strategy and public policy. Policy specialists and political strategists approach the policy-making process with differing needs, and together attempt to identify policy compromises suited to both of those sets of needs.
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Ng, Wai-yung Jennifer, and 吳惠容. "A study of policy on overseas domestic helpers in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1989. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B43893259.
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Markarian, Tatoul. "The dynamics of the domestic-foreign policy relationship in transition studies." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2544/.
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The thesis demonstrates that viewing transition as a political process of the complex interaction and interplay of different issue policies - economic, political, and security - within the transition state (horizontal) and among three different levels - domestic, state and international (vertical) - can further explain the dynamics and various outcomes we currently witness in the countries of post-communist transition. The thesis adopts an integrative approach by trying to combine functionalist and genetic schools of democratisation theories. The theoretical framework goes beyond existing democratisation theories and includes the core approaches of those international relations theories that tackle the issues of domestic-foreign policy interaction and explain how international norms are transferred and institutionalised in states. It also implies that it is not only the economic situation but also the political and security conditions that matter if transition is to progress. The thesis proposes a new framework to analyse the transition process which takes into account 1) the initial socio-economic, political and security conditions and the changes in those conditions that result from government policies and their interaction, 2) based on those conditions, elite choices and government policies and their interaction, and 3) the initial domestic and external demands and supports, their interplay and the change resulting from government policies. This framework allows one to follow the developments while they are in process, to trace the direction and dynamics of change within each policy area and at each level in the early stages, and their impact on the overall transition process, as well as to predict and explain the subsequent foreign and domestic policy changes. The thesis analyses the transition in the twenty-five post-communist countries, with a specific focus on Moldova and Kyrgyzstan. The analysis proves that (1) There is a strong interconnectedness among economic, political and security policies during transition, and success in one dimension often comes at the expense of success in another. It is hard to achieve progress in all dimensions, unless there is sufficient external support; (2) There is also an essential link and interplay among different levels - domestic, state and international - within the overall transition process. In order for transition to succeed, it is important that the resources and respective costs of transition have been effectively, that is reasonably distributed in a timely manner, among those levels; and (3) deriving from the first two points, there is a substantial link between the domestic and foreign policy dynamics of states in transition.
33
Brighi, Elisabetta. "Foreign policy and the international / domestic nexus : the case of Italy." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.417384.
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34
Hoyle, Carolyn. "Responding to domestic violence : the roles of police, prosecutors and victims." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cc7acb32-23c1-4286-911f-3b536d015bae.
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This thesis aimed to understand the factors which shape the police and CPS response to domestic violence in the light of recent policy changes which recommended arrest in such cases. The decisions made by victims, police and prosecutors were charted in over one thousand three hundred reported cases of domestic violence in the Thames Valley during a seven month period in 1993. A random sample of 387 of these incidents were examined in detail. The study sought to understand the needs, desires and expectations of victims and how their choices impacted on the decisions made by police and prosecutors. Having evaluated feminist theories, the thesis argues that police and prosecutors do not randomly exercise their discretion nor can their response be explained by reference to cultural or individual prejudices. Rather, their decisions are best understood in terms of a set of informal 'working rules' developed by police and prosecutors for dealing with these complex and difficult cases. It is shown that whilst evidence of an offence was highly correlated with decisions regarding arrest and prosecution, evidence did not determine police action nor did its absence preclude such action. Rather, evidence facilitated police action where the working rules pointed towards an arrest. One of the strongest working rules related to the willingness of the victim to support a prosecution or not. The majority of victims did not want their partners or ex-partners to be prosecuted even when they had requested that the police arrest the perpetrators. Police and prosecutors believe the criminal justice system to be an extremely clumsy tool in dealing with domestic disputes. They therefore did not pursue independent evidence when victims withdrew their statements and they consequently discontinued these cases or did not initiate prosecution in the first place. Previous research has started from the premise that withdrawal of complaints by victims and the discontinuance of cases represents some kind of failure on the part of the agencies involved and that this would be remedied if the police arrested and prosecuted wherever possible. Implicit in this approach is the assumption that the criminal justice system as it presently operates is capable of responding effectively to the needs of victims of domestic violence. This thesis throws some doubt on the validity of these assumptions.
35
Kelly, Holli Maria. "Police response to incidents of heterosexual, gay and lesbian domestic violence." Online version, 2000. http://www.uwstout.edu/lib/thesis/2000/2000kellyh.pdf.
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Ng, Wai-yung Jennifer. "A study of policy on overseas domestic helpers in Hong Kong." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1989. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B43893259.
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Macarchuk, Ashley. "The Effect of International NGOs on Influencing Domestic Policy and Law." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1866.
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This thesis attempts to understand the impact of international human rights and environmental NGOs on affecting domestic policy and law. In particular, it looks at how State-NGO relations, civil society, and accountability affect the success of international NGOs in enacting change in domestic policy. The focus is on four countries with some of the largest human rights and environmental abuses: Argentina, China, India, and Russia. Through these countries, this thesis shows that NGOs have the most influence when State-NGO relations are strong, civil society is active, and NGOs are accountable to both the State and citizens. A key component to the success of international NGOs is the State’s willingness to change. When a NGOs interests align with the State, NGOs are able to push for and achieve the largest results. The contrast between the success of human rights and environmental NGOs highlights this as many times States will not recognize their human rights abuses, but are willing to improve their environmental degradation. As a result, NGOs have been met with more success in advocating for change in environmental policy than human rights.
38
Carroll, Emily S. "PRIVATE ACTS, PUBLIC PROBLEMS: DOMESTIC VIOLENCE AS A POLICY CASE STUDY." OpenSIUC, 2014. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/915.
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This project discusses the relevant literature on decision-making, looks at the ways domestic violence is discussed and how the terminology has changed/progressed over time, and defines it for the purposes of this project. It then examines four states - an individualistic, resource-rich state; a moralistic, resource-average state; and two traditionalistic, resource-poor states. States were chosen based on their full compliance with the National Incident-Based Reporting System, their categorization as individualistic, moralistic, and traditionalistic as defined by Daniel J. Elazar (1972), and their categorization as resource-rich, resource-average, and resource-poor based on 2010 Census data. By using each state as a case study, this research aids in understanding the domestic violence policies in each state, the history of those policies, the factors at work in policy decisions (i.e. information, resources, and the political culture), and the role of domestic violence experts/advocates in the larger policy realm.
39
Porter, Jamie. "Media Coverage of Domestic Extremists and the Influence on Police Emotions." ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/4674.
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The media have influenced domestic extremists who are targeting the police, and this is related to negative emotions among the police. These extremists are targeting police officers based on how events are framed by the media. In this way, the media have influenced domestic extremists' target selection and caused negative emotions among police officers because they are now the targets. The purpose of this qualitative narrative study was to understand the perceptions of police officers about how the media have influenced domestic extremists to target them. The narrative of this qualitative inquiry was guided by a semistructured interview sample consisting of 15 patrol officers discussing their views and opinions of the media's effect on domestic extremism and negative emotions among the police. Coding and themes facilitated the analyses of the data. By examining the narratives of police officers, 5 themes developed which include: having a positive attitude, motivational factors, meaning of responsibility, media effects and having a support system and fourteen subthemes were extracted and valuable insights were gained on how patrol officers handled different situations like the media, extremists, and their emotions. Involving the opinions of police officers in developing more efficient response training is critical for social change. These results will promote positive social change by providing a better understanding of police perceptions and the potential to educate the public about the actual work of police officers, to create understanding between the police and the public; and by identifying strategies to update future training programs for the police.
40
Keller, Jonathan W. "Leadership style, domestic political constraints, and foreign policy crisis decision-making /." The Ohio State University, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1486457871784773.
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Law, Julie Catherine. "A national investigation of domestic violence policy in the United States /." The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488193665237375.
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Kim, Jeong-yong. "South Korea's sunshine policy, 1998-2002 : domestic imperatives and private interests." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2002. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/78614/.
Full textAbstract:
The end of the Cold War has brought both uncertainty and opportunity for states interested in designing their own security policies. Alternative methods, other than military solutions, should be exploited to prevent insecurity and instability. This study is concerned with South Korea's security approach towards North Korea in the post-Cold War era and in particular how South Korea can use non-military tools to prevent military conflict in the Korean Peninsula and to build mutual confidence between the two Koreas in the long-run. This thesis also presents an analysis of both the need and the opportunity for South Korea to adopt a comprehensive economic engagement strategy towards North Korea in the post-Cold War era in order to achieve these goals. It argues that South Korea's implementation of economic engagement with North Korea requires its policy-makers' strong policy-making will for an active and consistent engagement posture. Then, this study demonstrates the important role of President Kim Dae-jung's strong causal beliefs about the necessity of engagement measures to address the post-Cold War North Korean security problems on the Kim Dae-jung government's policy-making in favour of comprehensive engagement with North Korea. This study presents the model of 'business-track diplomacy' to test a state's utilisation of economic engagement strategy as security policy. This model provides ways to think around security issues and alternative security options which go beyond the traditional military containment approach to security in international relations (IR). Moreover, this study presents a new belief perspective that illuminates the South Korea's North Korea policy-making process, which had previously been dominated by military issues and essentially required an international structure perspective, centred on US influence. Thus, the belief approach contributes to the field of foreign policy analysis (FPA) for South Korea by proving the importance of its decision-makers' policy beliefs and by going beyond the conventional international structure approach.
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Alkan, Feyza. "The Sustainability Analysis Of Turkish Domestic Debt." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12611159/index.pdf.
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In this thesis, sustainability of the Turkish domestic debt is analyzed within the &ldquosustainability indicators&rdquo
perspective. The fiscal targets of Maastricht Treaty (1992) are imposed on the Turkish fiscal policy and it is investigated whether these targets are the indicators for sustainability in the medium term. Uctum and Wickens&rsquo
(2000) methodology is followed in assessing the sustainability of the current fiscal policy and the efficiency of the Maastricht Treaty (1992) targets. Moreover, the vector auto regression (VAR) approach of Garcia and Rigobon (2004) is utilized in deriving the econometric model for the debt dynamics of Turkey. The results suggest that domestic debt of Turkey has been unsustainable within 1994-2008. Furthermore, the Maastricht Treaty (1992) fiscal targets are binding for Turkey and gaining more significance in the recent years.
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Ohia, Emilee. "Imported Mothers and Subsidized Love: An Analysis of U.S. Labor Policy and Rights for Domestic Workers." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/20497.
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Over the last several decades, economic and cultural shifts in the United States have created an increasing demand for domestic labor, and data shows that these jobs have largely been filled by women of color, many of whom are immigrants who may or may not have documented legal status. Despite the growing importance of this industry, domestic workers have historically and intentionally been excluded from most federal and state labor rights and regulation, which has resulted in substandard working conditions, exploitation, and abuse for workers in this industry. This research traces the gendered and racialized legislative exclusion, and analyzes recent state efforts to enact policies extending labor rights to domestic workers. It concludes with recommendations for the role of advocacy in pushing for legislative change, and for bridging the gap between policy and enforcement.
45
Fontana, Marie-Christine [Verfasser]. "Europeanization and the Weakening of Domestic Policy Concertation : Comparing Policy Sectors in Belgium and Switzerland / Marie-Christine Fontana." Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1108808751/34.
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Niklasson, Tomas. "Regime stability and foreign policy change : interaction between domestic and foreign policy in Hungary 1956 - 1994 /." Lund : Dep. of Political Science, 2005. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/513049347.pdf.
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Babool, Md Ashfaqul Islam. "THE IMPACT OF DOMESTIC POLICIES ON INTERNATIONAL COMPETITIVENESS." UKnowledge, 2007. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/gradschool_diss/482.
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The impact of domestic policy regulations and standards on trade has been at the forefront of global policy during the past decade. Every country develops their own policies and standards that differ from country to country. These differences create problems for manufacturing industries, especially in major exporting countries. This study overviews the policy context driving standards in the manufacturing industries. The study consists of three different articles that attempt to examine the role of technical regulations and standards and their relationship with trade using different econometric models In the first article, the standard factor endowment approach is employed to explain the effects of environmental regulatory policy on net exports in different manufacturing industries. The study hypothesizes that a countrys comparative advantage depends on its factor abundance. The regulatory policy increases production costs and, thus, reduces the output level of an industry. The results indicate that each industry is unique in the factors determining net exports and in many instances environmental regulations are important. In the second article, we investigate the impact of competition policy on a countrys production and export competitiveness. Since the impact of competition regulation depends upon the particular circumstances of the industry to which the policy is applied, we examine how competition policy impacts production and exports of a specific sector, in particular the agri-food processing sector. The results suggest that competition policy enhances competition by reducing entry barriers, and causes firms to produce more output with lower prices. Exports for both total and food manufacturing in the post-competition policy period are higher than exports in the pre-competition period. In the third article, we estimate regressions based on an extended gravity model to determine the possible influence of food safety standards on export flows of six Asia-Pacific countries to ten importing countries. We examine the relationship between bilateral exports and importers imposition of food safety standards. The results show that the value of exports in food and food products is negatively affected by food safety standards: the greater the aflatoxin standards, the lower its restrictiveness, and higher the bilateral export flows.
48
Hinnells, M. J. "Evaluation of environmental impacts of domestic appliances and implications for public policy." Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296090.
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Saner, Fulya. "Tracing Domestic Change In Turkey'." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613996/index.pdf.
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Europeanization has been the subject of various studies in the last decades. It has been operationalized as a historical process, as a cultural diffusion of European values, as a process of institutional adaptation of institutions and lastly as the adaptation of policies. Taking the last approach, this thesis aims to examine the nature and the extent of the impact of the European Union&rsquos poverty and social exclusion strategy on Turkish poverty and social exclusion regime in the EU accession process. It takes up a bottom-up research design by employing the domestic change as the dependent and the possible impact of the EU as the independent variable and questions whether and to what extent the EU accession process has an impact on the degree, nature and direction of domestic change in the field of poverty and social exclusion in Turkey in the last decade. It concludes that there has been a change in poverty and social exclusion policies in the last decade to varying degrees with respect to objectives, principles, procedures and instruments
however, the impact of the EU has been limited to policy learning.
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Reid, Linda. "Why is leadership important in policing domestic abuse? : a case study of the leadership issues in tackling domestic abuse in a major city in the U.K." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2017. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/why-is-leadership-important-in-policing-domestic-abusea-case-study-of-the-leadership-issues-in-tackling-domestic-abuse-in-a-major-city-in-the-uk(2004ac2f-d379-4d44-97ab-5e0eeb75a552).html.
Full textAbstract:
Domestic violence and abuse is a significant problem in the UK. Eight million people in the UK have been victims and 25% of young people have witnessed at least one episode by the age of 18. The costs to society were calculated at £22.9 billion in 2001/2 (Walby, 2009). Despite the severity of the problem of domestic abuse, there is an absence of research from a leadership and management perspective. This doctoral case study research examines the police and partnership leadership response to domestic abuse in a large city in the UK. The argument is that domestic abuse is a wicked problem (Rittel and Webber, 1973), whereas the police adopt a critical or tame response (Grint, 2005). The research framework is Realistic Evaluation, and includes an examination of frontline, senior and partnership leadership approaches to tackling domestic abuse, and the implementation of the Domestic Abuse, Stalking and Harassment, and Honour-Based Violence risk assessment tool (DASH) (Richards, Letchford and Stratton, 2008). The findings are that little importance is placed on leadership in policing domestic abuse. Police and partners continue to adopt tame leadership responses, and the strategic work to identify the adaptive challenge and create public value has not been recognised. It is argued that the police are an authoritarian organisation with a coercive, response to problems (Grint, 2005), associated with a command or critical leadership approach. The introduction of the DASH has curtailed frontline officers' discretion, and there is a disconnect at the frontline delivery of domestic abuse policy (Lipsky, 2010). It is suggested that a 'one size fits all' model of leadership, where a command or tame leadership style is usually adopted, is insufficient to meet the complexity of this problem, and there is a discussion about the difficulties of finding a model to evaluate the effectiveness of new public leadership. A new model to analyse leadership and domestic abuse is proposed, and a potential model to analyse frontline leadership of domestic abuse is introduced. The study aims to make a unique contribution to knowledge about the leadership of domestic abuse.