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Yarovoy, Tikhon Sergeyevich. "OBJECTIVES AND FUNCTIONS OF LOBISTRY ACTIVITY IN UKRAINE: REALITIES TODAY AND EVOLUTIONARY FORECAST." UKRAINIAN ASSEMBLY OF DOCTORS OF SCIENCES IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION 1, no. 11 (January 24, 2018): 329–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/vadnd.v1i11.39.
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The article is devoted to the research of goals and functions of lobby- ing activity. The author has processed the ideas of domestic and foreign scientists, proposed his own approaches to the definition of goals and functions of lobbying activities through the prism of public administration. As a result, a generalized vision of the goals and functions of lobbying activities as interrelated elements of the lobbying system was proposed, and a forecast for further evolution of the goals and functions of domestic lobbying was provided.The analysis of lobbying functions allowed us to notice the tendencies in shift- ing the goals of this activity. If the objectives were fully covered by functions such as mediation between citizens and the state, the information function and the function of organizing plurality of public interests, then the role of strengthening the self-organization of civil society and the function of compromise become in- creasingly important in the process of formation in the developed countries of civil society and the development of telecommunication technologies.Ukrainian lobbyism will not be left to the side of this process. Already, politi- cians of the highest level, leaders of financial and industrial groups have to act, adjust their goals (even if they are — declared), taking into account the reaction of the public. In the future, this trend will only increase. The analysis of current research and political events provides all grounds for believing that, while proper regulatory legislation is being formed in Ukraine, the goals and functions of do- mestic lobbying will essentially shift towards a compromise with the public.It is noted that in spite of the existence of a basic direction of action, lobbying may have several ramified goals. Guided by the goals set, lobbyism can manifest itself in various spheres of the political system of society, combining the closely intertwined interests of various actors in the lobbying process, or even — contrast- ing them.
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Hartford Davis, Sebastian Howard. "The Legal Personality of the Commonwealth of Australia." Federal Law Review 47, no. 1 (February 8, 2019): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x18816236.
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The article analyses legal materials concerning the legal personality of the Commonwealth of Australia under domestic law. It argues that the Commonwealth as legal person has an existence, as a unit of the legal system, which is conceptually distinct from the Commonwealth of Australia as a nation, and the Commonwealth as federal government of that nation. Current idioms (eg ‘polity’ and ‘body politic’) have a tendency to confuse these distinctions. The article suggests, as a more appropriate way to denote the Commonwealth as legal person, the term ‘constitutional person’.
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Chufrin, Gennady. "Putin’s Domestic Policy: Its Implications for National Security." Connections: The Quarterly Journal 01, no. 2 (2002): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.01.2.02.
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Nuhung, Iskandar Andi. "Kedelai dan Politik Pangan." Forum penelitian Agro Ekonomi 31, no. 2 (October 18, 2013): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.21082/fae.v31n2.2013.123-135.
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<p><strong>English</strong><br />Soybean is one of strategic food crops contributing in the domestic economy, namely enhancing farmers’ income and promoting industry such as tofu, tempeh, and soy sauce, among others. Indonesia is a net importer of soybean to meet its domestic demand. The country only produce soybean around 25 percent of its national consumption. Increases in soybean import price took place in 2008, 2012 and 2013 and made the domestic industry and the government panic. Learning from these experiences, Indonesia has to formulate its food politics in addressing food self sufficiency as a part of food security. Policy, planning and program of food crops development including soybean is not well managed. Predicted soybean production and import volumes show significant differences with the actual ones. Soybean production tends to decrease and soybean import tends to increase since 2004 up to now. Soybean self sufficiency deals with such issues, i.e. low productivity, low technology application, land use competition, high risk, non irrigated areas, price fluctuation, low incentive for investment, and climate change influences. Indonesia should establish market intelligence and formulate a better business environment, land consolidation, sufficient budget allocation, infrastructure development (e.g. irrigation, farm roads, transportation, and economic infrastructure) and better credit access to farmers for food development. The most important issue is returning the authority of food management to the central government to ensure effectiveness of food development which requires commitment from all stakeholders including the government and the parliament. Soybean issue is a good experience useful as a shock therapy and a test case for food management in Indonesia.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Indonesian</strong><br />Kedelai merupakan salah satu komoditas pangan yang berperan penting dalam perekonomian nasional, merupakan sumber pendapatan petani dan mendorong perkembangan industri seperti industri tahu, tempe, kecap dan industri lainnya. Indonesia termasuk negara yang banyak mengimpor kedelai untuk memenuhi permintaan konsumsi dalam negeri, karena produksi dalam negeri tidak mampu memenuhi kebutuhan domestik. Produksi kedelai dalam negeri hanya menyumbang sekitar 25 persen dari total kebutuhan nasional yang mencapai sekitar 3,5 juta ton per tahun. Oleh karena itu kenaikan harga kedelai impor, seperti yang terjadi tahun 2008, 2012 dan juga 2013, telah membuat panik industri tahu-tempe dan juga pemerintah. Data dan informasi yang ada menunjukkan bahwa kebijakan dan program pembangunan komoditas pangan termasuk kedelai belum komprehensif dan terkoordinasi secara baik. Realisasi produksi dan volume impor jauh dari proyeksi yang dibuat oleh pemerintah. Swasembada kedelai, misalnya, dihadapkan pada berbagai masalah seperti produktivitas yang rendah, kurangnya aplikasi teknologi, persaingan dalam penggunaan lahan, berisiko tinggi, tergantung air hujan, harga yang fluktuatif, kurangnya insentif untuk investasi dan terjadinya anomali iklim. Indonesia harus mengembangkan intelijen pasar, konsolidasi penggunaan lahan, penyediaan pembiayaan dan kredit untuk pembangunan pangan. Politik pangan yang perlu dipertimbangkan adalah mengembalikan kewenangan urusan pengelolaan pangan kepada Pemerintah Pusat untuk menjamin efektivitas pembangunan pangan nasional. Pembangunan pangan hanya bisa berhasil jika dan hanya jika ada komitmen yang kuat dari seluruh pemangku kepentingan, pemerintah dan parlemen. Kasus dan isu kedelai yang selalu berulang merupakan terapi kejut dan menguji kehandalan pengelolaan pangan nasional.</p>
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Handayani, Rizqi. "Sastra, Perempuan, dan Istana Dalam Kronik Melayu Sulalatus Salatin." Buletin Al-Turas 26, no. 1 (February 10, 2020): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/bat.v26i1.14410.
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This article aims to examine the gender roles and functions played by palaceladies in Malay chronicles, from solely domestic functions to public functions where women can play a diplomatic role through marriage institutions. This research is a qualitative research based on literature sources. Through the Sulalatus Salatin script rewritten by A. Samad as primary data, as well as articles, books and other Malay saga as secondary data, this study found that palace ladieswere still confronted with domestic roles surrounding marriage. However, the marriage that took place in the Malay palace involved women in decision making. This shows the form of independence carried out by palace ladies in a diplomatic marriage. The passivity that is still displayed by some other female figures in the Malay narrative is the strengthening and preservation of patriarchal ideology through discourses of power that arise through political institutions and socio-cultural practices. Thus, it can be concluded that in Sulalatus Salatin there has been an author's effort to reconstruct the role of women in the domestic and public sphere although not yet in a large portion.This is shown by the marriage of the palace which became a political commodity for the interests of men.Marriage and reproductive functions in the palace tend to be political, namely to continue and strengthen the royal bloodline and throne.Artikel ini bertujuan untuk melihat peran dan fungsi gender yang dimainkan oleh para perempuan istana dalam kronik Melayu, dari semata-mata fungsi domestik menuju fungsi publik di mana perempuan dapat memainkan peran diplomatis melalui institusi perkawinan.Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif yang berbasis pada sumber-sumber kepustakaan.Melalui naskah Sulalatus Salatin yang diselenggarakan oleh A. Samad sebagai data primer, serta artikel, buku, dan hikayat-hikayat Melayu lainnya sebagai data sekunder maka penelitian ini menemukan bahwa perempuan-perempuan istana masih dihadapkan pada peran-peran domestik seputar perkawinan. Namun, perkawinan yang terjadi dalam istana Melayu melibatkan perempuan dalam pengambilan keputusan.Hal ini menunjukkan bentuk kemandirian yang dilakukan para perempuan istana dalam sebuah perkawinan diplomasi.Adapun kepasifan yang masih dipertunjukkan oleh sebagian tokoh perempuan lainnya dalam narasi Melayu merupakan pengokohan dan pelestarian ideologi patriarkis melalui wacana-wacana kekuasaan yang muncul melalui institusi politik dan praktik-praktik sosial-budaya. Dengan demikian, dapat disimpulkan bahwa dalam Sulalatus Salatin sudah ada upaya pengarang untuk merekontruksi peran perempuan dalam ranah domestik dan publik dengan memberikan citra kemandirian, meskipun belum dalam porsi yang luas..Hal ini ditunjukkan dengan perkawinanistana yang menjadi komoditas politik bagi kepentingan laki-laki.Perkawinan dan fungsi reproduksi dalam istana cenderung bersifat politis yaitu untuk meneruskan dan mengokohkan garis keturunan dan tahta kerajaan. يهدف هذا البحث إلى النظر في الأدوار الجنسانية والوظائف التي تلعبها نساء القصر في تاريخ الملايو، منالوظائف المنزلية فقط إلى الوظائف العامة حيث يمكن للمرأة أن تلعب دورًا دبلوماسيًا من خلال مؤسسات الزواج.هذا البحث هو بحث نوعي يعتمد على المصادر الأدبية" سلالاتالسالاتين" الذي نظمه أ. الصمد كبيانات أولية ، وكذلك لمقالات والكتب وغيرها من الملحمة الملاوية كبيانات ثانوية. وجدت هذه الدراسة أنالنساء في القصر مازلن يواجهن أدوارًا منزلية تحيط بالزواج. ومع ذلك ، فإن الزواج الذي حدث في قصر الملايو يجعل النساء تشتركن بأخذالقرار.وهذا يدل على شكل الاستقلال الذي تقوم به نساء القصر في زواج دبلوماسي.وأمّاالسلبية التي لا تزال تظهرها بعض الشخصيات النسائية الأخرى في سرد الملايوهيتعزيزوالحفاظعلىالأيديولوجياالأبويةمنخلالخطاباتالسلطةالتيتنشأمنخلالالمؤسساتالسياسيةوالممارساتالاجتماعية والثقافية.وهكذا ، يمكن أن نستنتج أنه في سولالاتالسالاتين كان هناك جهد المؤلف لإعادة بناء دور المرأة في المجال المحلي والمجال العام, مهما كان في جزء قليل,كما يتجلى في زواج القصر الذي أصبح سلعة سياسية لصالح الرجالتميل وظائف الزواج والإنجاب في القصر إلى أن تكون سياسية ، أي الاستمرار في تقوية السلالة الملكية والعرش.
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Effendy, Tonny Dian. "Memahami Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia Era Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono secara Komprehensif: Resensi Buku." Indonesian Perspective 2, no. 1 (August 8, 2017): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ip.v2i1.15553.
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Memotret politik luar negeri Indonesia pada era Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono bukanlah hal yang sederhana. Kompleksitas politik domestik seperti perubahan rezim dan sistem politik, serta juga situasi internasional seperti kebangkitan Asia dan pergeseran kekuatan global, menjadi materi utama yang berpengaruh dalam usaha menjelaskan tersebut. Namun, dibalik perubahan dan dinamika politik domestik dan internasional itu sendiri, terdapat pola-pola khusus yang mengiringi perjalanan politik luar negeri Indonesia, baik ada yang terus berlanjut, maupun ada yang terhenti. Meskipun diperlukan energi yang cukup besar dalam usaha tersebut, bukan satu hal yang tidak mungkin untuk menjelaskan politik luar negeri Indonesia secara komprehensif.Kata-kata kunci: politik luar negeri Indonesia, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
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Petropoulos, Nikolaos (Nick), Eleni Fotou, Sheetal Ranjan, Sevaste Chatzifotiou, and Evangelia Dimadi. "Domestic Violence Offenders in Greece." Policing 10, no. 4 (October 19, 2016): 416–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/paw034.
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Albertus, Yanuar, and I. Gede Wahyu Wicaksana. "The Relocation of the United States’ Embassy in Israel: Analysis of the Influence of Trump’s Nationalist Worldview and United States’ Domestic Politics." Jurnal Global & Strategis 14, no. 1 (June 8, 2020): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.14.1.2020.125-142.
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Penelitian ini ditujukan untuk menganalisis kebijakan luar negeri Trump terkait pemindahan Kedutaan Besar Amerika Serikat (AS) di Israel dari Tel Aviv ke Yerusalem pada 6 Desember 2017. Kebijakan itu memicu berbagai kritik karena dunia menganggap pemindahan Kedutaan Besar AS ke Yerusalem sebagai pelanggaran berbagai resolusi yang diadopsi oleh PBB. Terlepas dari kritik dunia, Trump masih bersikeras untuk memindahkan Kedutaan Besar AS ke Yerusalem. Kebijakan ini berhasil dilaksanakan seiring dengan diresmikannya kantor Kedutaan Besar AS yang baru di Yerusalem pada 14 Mei 2018. Berangkat dari fenomena ini, penelitian ini membahas mengapa Trump tetap memindahkan Kedutaan Besar AS di Israel ke Yerusalem meskipun mendapat tentangan internasional. Untuk menjawab pertanyaan tersebut, penelitian ini menggunakan dua kerangka pemikiran, yaitu analisis worldview dan analisis politik domestik dalam pembuatan kebijakan luar negeri. Dari dua kerangka pemikiran ini, penulis berargumen bahwa pemindahan Kedutaan Besar AS di Israel ke Yerusalem dipengaruhi oleh worldview Trump dan didukung oleh politik domestik AS yang melegitimasi kebijakan tersebut. Temuan dalam penelitian ini lantas mengonfirmasi argumen tersebut dengan data yang menunjukkan bahwa nationalist worldview yang dimiliki Trump menjadi faktor pendorong untuk pemindahan Kedutaan Besar AS ke Yerusalem. Lebih lanjut, penelitian ini juga menunjukkan bahwa nationalist worldview bukanlah faktor tunggal dalam kebijakan Trump tersebut. Dalam kasus ini, kondisi politik domestik AS memberikan legitimasi bagi Trump untuk memindahkan kedutaan ke Yerusalem, yang di dalamnya mencakup opini publik yang pro-Israel, keberadaan Israel Lobby, serta adanya kepentingan Trump untuk memenuhi janji politiknya mengenai Yerusalem. Kata-kata Kunci: Yerusalem, Trump, Nationalist Worldview, Opini Publik, Israel Lobby, Janji Politik This research analyzes Trump's foreign policy on the relocation of the United States (U.S.) Embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, which was carried out on 6 December 2017. The policy triggered various criticisms as the world considered the movement as a violation of various resolutions adopted by the United Nations. Despite world criticism, Trump still insisted on moving the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem. The policy was successfully implemented as the new embassy was established on 14 May 2018. Departing from this phenomenon, the author discusses why Trump continued to move the U.S. Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem despite international opposition. To answer the question, the author uses two frameworks: the analysis of worldview and the analysis of domestic politics in foreign policymaking. From these two frameworks, the author then argues that the relocation of the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem was influenced by Trump's worldview, and was supported by U.S. domestic politics, which legitimized the policy. The findings in this research strongly confirm the author's argument aforementioned as the data collected shows that Trump's nationalist worldview is a driving factor for the move of the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem. Furthermore, this study also shows that nationalist worldview is not a single factor in Trump's policy. In this case, the U.S. domestic politics also play a role by giving the legitimacy to move the embassy to Jerusalem, which included a pro-Israeli public opinion, the existence of an Israel Lobby, and Trump's interest in fulfilling his political promises regarding Jerusalem. Keywords: Jerusalem, Trump, Nationalist Worldview, Public Opinion, Israel Lobby, Political Promises
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PIMENTEL, Adelma. "Violência doméstica praticada por homens detidos na Delegacia da Mulher de Belém." PHENOMENOLOGICAL STUDIES - Revista da Abordagem Gestáltica 16, no. 2 (2010): 148–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.18065/rag.2010v16n2.3.
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Qualitative research that reflects on the subjective processes and perceptions of domestic violence by detainees held at the Police Office for Women. The questions addressed were: what defines manhood? What models guided the formation of masculinity? What you liked and did not like to learn with models? How important is penis virility? What is the value of affection for the marital relationship? And violence was asked about the design of the informants. 10 questionnaires were administered to men with elementary schooling, first and second degree, all incomplete. Procedures we performed literature search, documentation and participant observation, obtaining the signature of the directors of the institution and subject to the consent search and open interviews with detainees who were willing to participate. Data are presented by using a code that includes both letters and numbers: Q1 to Q10. To collate the data analysis to the literature on masculinity and violence to the extent possible hermeneutic. The organization of the data was thematic. Results: the mother as a unique model for six informants; emphasis on domestic violence to the physical modality, which suggests that it was part of the socialization process of the informants, psychological violence was also quite cited. Conclusion: the informants’ perception of masculinity is still guided by the patriarchal perspective, domestic violence is a common practice not diminished by the passing of Law No. 11340/06 or Lei Maria da Penha.
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А.З., Эралиева. "ИСТОРИЧЕСКИЕ ЭТАПЫ СТАНОВЛЕНИЯ ИМИДЖА КЫРГЫЗСТАНА." Vestnik Bishkek Humanities University, no. 49 (November 29, 2019): 93–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35254/bhu.2019.49.21.
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Аннотация: В данной статье приведены исследования современного международного имиджа Кыргызстана, его восприятие внутренней и внешней общественностью, определены важнейшие исторические этапы становления и формирования имиджа нашей страны. В статье использованы методы исследования - исторический, социокультурный, институциональный - позволившие рассмотреть исторические этапы и социокультурные предпосылки формирования имиджа Кыргызской Республики. Теоретическая значимость статьи заключается в проведенном анализе международного имиджа на исторических и современном этапах развитии Кыргызстана, как важнейшего фактора влияния на общественное мнение и публичное пространство. Методологической основой работы стал междисциплинарный подход, давший возможность сочетать общенаучные и специальные методы исследования политологии, имиджелогии, теории коммуникаций. На протяжении всей истории Кыргызстана имидж государства трансформировался в зависимости от его внутренней и внешней политики. В данной статье мы рассмотрим позитивные и негативные последствия для имиджа нашей страны, которые зависели от исторически важных моментов. Ключевые слова: имидж, репутация, история, государство, политика, кыргызы, история, этапы, политология, фактор, предпосылки, сообщество, интеграция. Аннотация: Ушул илимий макалада келтирилген изилдөөнүн азыркы учурдагы Кыргызстандын эл аралык кадыр-баркын, аны кабыл алуу, ички жана тышкы коомчулук менен аныкталган негизги тарыхый этаптары калыптанышы жана биздин өлкөнүн кадыр-баркын калыптандыруу. Беренеде пайдаланылган методу изилдөөнүн - тарыхый, социокультурный, институционалдык - карасын тары- хый этаптары жана өбөлгөлөр кадыр-баркын калыптандыруу. Статьянын теориялык мааниси коомдук пикирге жана эл аралык мейкиндикке таасир этүүнүн маанилүү фактору катары Кыргызстандын өнүгүшүнүн азыркы этаптарында эл аралык кадыр-баркка жүргүзүлгөн талдоодо турат. Методологиялык негизи болуп иш болду междисциплинарный ыкма берген мүмкүнчүлүгүн жана атайын изилдөөнүн методдору политология, имиджелогии, коммуникация теориясы. Тарых бою Кыргызстандын кадыр-баркы анын ички жана тышкы саясатына жараша трансформацияланды. Бул макалада биз тарыхый маанилүү учурларга көз каранды болгон биздин өлкөнүн имиджине болгон позитивдүү жана терс кесепеттерди карайбыз. Түйүндүү сөздөр: анын кадыр-баркы, тарыхы, мамлекет, саясат, кыргыздар, тарых, этаптары, саясий, фактор, өбөлгөлөр, коомчулук, интеграция Аnnotation: This article presents studies of the modern international image of Kyr- gyzstan, its perception by the internal and external public, identifies the most important historical stages of the formation and formation of the image of our country. The article uses the research method - historical, socio-cultural, institutional - which allowed us to consider the historical stages and socio-cultural prerequisites for the formation of the image of the Kyrgyz Republic. The theoretical significance of the article lies in the anal- ysis of the international image at the historical and modern stages of development of Kyrgyzstan, as the most important factor of influence on public opinion and public space. The methodological basis of the work was an interdisciplinary approach, which made it possible to combine General scientific and special research methods of political science, image studies, communication theory. Throughout the history of Kyrgyzstan, the image of the state has been transformed depending on its domestic and foreign policy. In this article we will consider the positive and negative consequences for the image of our country, which depended on historically important points. Keywords: image, reputation, history, state, politics, Kyrgyz, history, stages, politi- cal science, factor, background, community, integration.
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vom Bruck, Gabriele, and Martha Mundy. "Domestic Government: Kinship, Community and Polity in North Yemen." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 3, no. 2 (June 1997): 421. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3035071.
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Maksum, Ali. "1MDB (1 Malaysia Development Berhad), Scandal, and Its Impact on Malaysian Domestic Politics." Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 11, no. 2 (January 30, 2020): 198–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/politika.11.2.2020.198-218.
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This article examines the publicly discussed 1 Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal and its impact on Malaysian domestic politics. Following this case, Najib Razak as prime minister of Malaysia was under pressure. This is because of the strong allegation of Najib Razak’s involvement in the 1MDB scandal. This issue became public discourse after the widely report made by New York-based media Wall Street Journal concerning Najib’s abuse on the corporate asset. The scandal not only shakes Najib’s political coalition but also indirectly has provoked public distrust against him including from his political Guru, Mahathir Muhammad. Dr Mahathir openly accuses Najib’s behaviour and declare to quit from his longest loyal party, UMNO. Later on, this scenario has created a new political landscape in Malaysia. Therefore, this article attempts to examine the new Malaysian political landscape specifically the relationship of BN and the opposition vis-à-vis Mahathir political alliance. Nevertheless, history has witnessed that in the last election, Pakatan Harapan won the most dramatical election ever since the independence of Malaysia and UMNO-BN has lost the power. Yet, the political scenario surrounding 1MDB scandal and the relationship between UMNO-BN vis-à-vis other parties became one of the stories that always trigger public discourse, even until today.
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Ismawati, Rd Dewi, Rohadi Rohadi, and Soni Akhmad Nulhaqim. "PERAN POLITIK CEU POPONG DALAM MEMBANGUN BANGSA YANG HARMONI." Jurnal Kolaborasi Resolusi Konflik 1, no. 2 (August 15, 2019): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/jkrk.v1i2.23236.
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Kebudayaan dan gender tidak dapat dipisahkan. Dalam budaya Sunda, kedudukan perempuan dalam wilayah domestik maupun di luar bisa menjadi kontradiktif. Ceu Popong sebagai perempuan asli Sunda membuktikan bahwa, terlepas dari beragam persepsi bagaimana budaya Sunda dalam memandang kedudukan perempuan, ia tetap bisa mengembangkan diri sebagai politisi hingga terpilih menjadi Anggota DPR-RI selama lima periode. Dalam perspektif teori gender dan gerakan feminis, perubahan peran Ceu Popong sebagai pengurus rumah tangga menjadi politisi membuktikan pentingnya pendidikan dan keadilan sosial sebagai kunci pemberdayaan perempuan, khususnya di ranah politik praktis. Ceu Popong juga telah membuktikan identitas pribadi, seperti gender, suku, atau bahkan partai, merupakan salah satu dari banyak faktor untuk membangun harmoni bangsa dalam keberagaman. The concept of culture and gender cannot be separated. In Subdanese culture, women position in domestic and public area can be contradictive. Ceu Popong as Sundanese woman proves that, regardless the varies perception of women position in Sundanese culture, she can actualize her role as politicianand got elected as member of parliament (DPRRI) for five periods. Gender theory and feminism movement theory, explained this role changes from householf wife to politician is a proof of the importance of education and social justice as the keys to women empowerment, especially in political sphere. And also. Ceu Popong has proved that personal identity, like gender, culture, and even party, are one of many factors that can build nations’s harmony in diversity.
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Gierszewski, Janusz. "Policja w systemie zapobiegania przemocy w rodzinie." 100-lecie polskiej Policji 51, no. 51(2019) (March 15, 2019): 174–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2019.51.10.
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Bermann, Marc. "Domestic Life and Vertical Integration in the Tiwanaku Heartland." Latin American Antiquity 8, no. 2 (June 1997): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971688.
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Recent research on the Tiwanaku state has documented the evolution of regional settlement patterns and agricultural systems, but little is known of changes at the subregional level outside the capital. Analysis of a sequence of domestic occupations excavated at Lukurmata, Bolivia, provides information on how individual households within the Tiwanaku core area were consolidated into the Tiwanaku polity. Changes in residential patterns and artifact assemblages suggest that Lukurmata households were initially connected to the Tiwanaku polity through exchange and religious ties. A new level of assimilation developed in the eighth and ninth centuries A.D. These changes, including agricultural intensification, illustrate the increasing integration of individual households into the Tiwanaku political economy and social order as the landscape developed. The nature and timing of these changes are consistent with current hypotheses of a transformation in Tiwanaku political and economic organization near the end of the Tiwanaku IV period (A.D. 400-800).
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Maksum, Ali. "Poros Maritim dan Politik Luar Negeri Jokowi." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 4, no. 1 (May 1, 2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.4.1.1-26.2015.
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This article discusses the President Joko Widodo’s poros maritim dunia or global maritime axis and the Indonesian foreign policy. This policy optimistically to strengthen Indonesia’s maritime capability and also to reviving the country as maritime super power as in the early history. Once Joko Widodo seizes the mandate after his dramatic victory in the last presidential election 2014, political polarization becomes a serious challenge to his administration. Yet, at the same time he obtained a huge international attention. Thus, this article attempt to understand Joko Widodo’s maritime policy from foreign policy perspective. Basically, foreign policy is determined by two factors namely international and domestic. To be more systematic, this article divided into five sections i.e.; introduction, maritime axis and Jokowi’s foreign policy, maritime axis and domestic politics, maritime axis and neighboring countries, and conclusion
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Sardiyo, Sardiyo, and Martini Dhasman. "GLOBALIZATION AND ITS IMPACT ON ECONOMIC GROWTH: EVIDENCE FROM ASEAN COUNTRIES." Ekuilibrium : Jurnal Ilmiah Bidang Ilmu Ekonomi 14, no. 2 (September 16, 2019): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.24269/ekuilibrium.v14i2.1586.
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The economic growth in ASEAN countries increases and develops in each year. globalization has a positive effect on economic growth through the effectiveness of the allocation of domestic resources, technological diffusion, increased productivity and capital. This study investigates globalization to economic growth in ASEAN in 2012-2017. The research method used judgmental sampling with samples of 11 countries. They were Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, East Timor, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. The analysis used path analysis to examine each variable. Globalization was determined by globalization index, economic globalization, social globalization, and politic globalization. Real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita are used as proxy for economic growth. The results describe that globalization had a significant positive association with economic growth. All indicators of globalization, show the positive association between globalization index, economic globalization, social globalization, and politic globalization to real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita. This confirms that globalization is able to provide a positive response in ASEAN.
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Fatemian, Farhad, and Mohammad Hooshyarzadeh. "Role of dividend policy determinants in multinational and domestic companies, evidence from Iran." Problems and Perspectives in Management 14, no. 3 (September 15, 2016): 332–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.14(3-si).2016.05.
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In this paper, along with introducing determinants affecting decision making relevant to dividend policy, the impact of these factors on companies which merely sell their products domestically is compared with their impact on companies which, in addition to domestic sales, have exports as well. In this regard, 712 companies were tested during the years 2008 to 2013. In this study, the ratio of dividend per share to earnings per share (DPS/EPS) was used as a dividend policy index; for expressing the significant difference in dividend policy of multinational and domestic companies, t and “Mann Whitney” tests were applied. For stating the determinants in dividend policy, the variables systematic risk, profitability, free cash flow, sales growth, firm size and leverage were used. For the analysis and interpretation of data, a multivariate linear regression model was implemented as panel data. Research findings demonstrate the existence of significant difference in dividend policy of multinational and domestic companies such that the multinational companies shared more profit compared with their domestic counterparts. Whereas only leverage and profitability were among the determinants in the domestic companies, for multinational companies, in addition to these variables, the variables of free cash flows and sales growth were also among significant factors. Furthermore, the impact of Beta variables and the firm size were not found significant on dividend policy of domestic and multinational companies. Keywords: dividend policy, long term debt, multinational companies (MCs), domestic companies (DCs). JEL Classification: G32, G35, H63, F23
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Pudji, Tri Marhaeni. "CITRA PEREMPUAN DALAM POLITIK." Yinyang: Jurnal Studi Islam Gender dan Anak 3, no. 1 (June 23, 2008): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/yinyang.v3i1.183.
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Woman image in politic cant separated from woman social construct in social relation. This image in people’s mind isstereotype and gender concept about woman in all sector, include in political and government sector, that woman “incapable” to lead,because woman is irrational and rely on her emotion. Actually, there’s woman’s chance to enter political domain, but it’s very rare. Womanjustified as improper to politic because woman is kitchen/domestic “inhabitant”, irrational and nervous to take a risk. There’s several factorthat influence emergence woman’s leader, namely patriarchy culture, family relation, martyrdom, social class, lifestyle, social context, prisonexperience, and election system. Therefore, it’s necessitating more woman candidate in political domain, objective recruitment process, andinitialized with quota’s system to create critical numbers of woman politicians
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Stanko, B. "Managing Performance in the Policing of Domestic Violence." Policing 2, no. 3 (January 1, 2008): 294–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/pan044.
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Oehme, K., E. A. Donnelly, and A. Martin. "Alcohol Abuse, PTSD, and Officer-Committed Domestic Violence." Policing 6, no. 4 (July 13, 2012): 418–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/pas023.
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Muttaqien, M. "Arab Spring: Dimensi Domestik, Regional dan Global." Jurnal Global & Strategis 9, no. 2 (December 14, 2017): 262. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.9.2.2015.262-276.
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Artikel ini menganalisis keterkaitan antara globalisasi dan demokratisasi di negara-negara Arab dengan Arab Spring sebagai studi kasus. Analisis kualitatif dilakukan dengan mengamati dimensi domestik, regional dan global yang melingkupi peristiwa Arab Spring tersebut. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa demokratisasi di Arab adalah fenomena lintas batas yang tidak hanya melibatkan aktor negara namun juga aktor non negara mulai dari individu dan kelompok masyarakat sampai dengan msyarakat sipil global. Namun, konsolidasi demokrasi di Timur Tengah adalah jalan yang sulit karena aktor negara diwakili para elitnya menggunakan cara-cara tidak demokratis untuk menghalangi kekuatan oposisi meraih kekuasaan. Pada saat yang bersamaan, negara-negara Barat yang memiliki pengaruh terhadap elit di Timur Tengah tidak serius dalam mendorong penerapan demokrasi. Sedangkan kelompok oposisi yang umumnya berasal dari kekuatan politik Islam dengan menggunakan media dan teknologi informasi mencoba untuk mendemokratiskan siste politik di negara-negara Arab. Mereka meyakini bahwa demokrasi adalah jalan untuk mencegah tampilnya kekuasaan tirani di negara-negara Arab.
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Achsin, Muhaimin Zulhair, and Eveline Sisilia. "Pengaruh Politik Domestik terhadap Dinamika Bantuan Luar Negeri Chile." Nation State Journal of International Studies 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.2020v3i1.191.
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One of the most significant changes in foreign aid issues has been the emerging of several non-tradional donors as providers of foreign aid. One of these new emerging donor countries is Chile, the top five economies (GDP) in Latin America, one of the two of OECD Latin America members, and one of upper-middle income countries. Chile government started designing the foreign aid agency in 1990 through AGCI (The Chilean International Co-operation Agency), in a democracy transition era from Pinochet to Aylwin. This research attempts to analyze how Chile domestic political factors influence changes in the dynamics of Chile’s ODA (Official Development Assistance), from aid-recipient to aid-provider. By using a theory from Lancester, the results are the domestic political factors namely ideas, institutions, interests (interest groups), and organizations influence the dynamic of Chile’s foreign aid. However, the major obstacle in early phase of developing the agendas was coming from the military.
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Mair, Peter. "Political Opposition and the European Union." Government and Opposition 42, no. 1 (2007): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2007.00209.x.
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AbstractThis paper applies categories developed in the classic literature on political opposition to the developing European Union. It is clear that the EU has never developed the third great milestone identified by Dahl in his analysis of the path to democratic institutions. That is, we still lack the capacity to organize opposition within the European polity. This failure to allow for opposition within the polity is likely to lead either (a) to the elimination of opposition altogether, or (b) to the mobilization of an opposition of principle against the EU polity. This problem is also beginning to reach down into the domestic sphere, in that the growing weight of the EU, through its indirect impact on national politics, helps to encourage domestic democratic deficits, hence limiting the scope for classical opposition at the national level. Here too, then, we might expect to see either the elimination of opposition or the mobilization of a new – perhaps populist – opposition of principle.
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Bueno de Mesquita, Bruce, and Alastair Smith. "Domestic Explanations of International Relations." Annual Review of Political Science 15, no. 1 (June 15, 2012): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-070209-174835.
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Baldry, Anna Costanza, and Jacqueline Sebire. "Policing and Domestic Abuse: Challenges and Ways to Go." Policing 10, no. 4 (September 16, 2016): 323–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/paw038.
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Manurung, Hendra. "Indonesia-North Korea Diplomatic Relations: Effort to Pursue National Interest and Create Regional Peace [Hubungan Diplomatik Indonesia – Korea Utara: Upaya Mewujudkan Kepentingan Nasional dan Menciptakan Perdamaian Regional]." Jurnal Politica Dinamika Masalah Politik Dalam Negeri dan Hubungan Internasional 11, no. 2 (December 5, 2020): 223–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22212/jp.v11i2.1466.
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This article aims to analyze the implementation of Indonesia’s foreign policy towards North Korea over its approximately fifty-nine years of bilateral relations, since 17 June 1961. The arguments posited in this regard is that the implementation of Indonesia’s foreign policy towards North Korea has been counterproductive. Under the leadership of President Joko Widodo, Indonesia actually has great potential to influence North Korea’s conducts through the close diplomatic relations that the two countries have developed. The friendship between Indonesia and North Korea began since the two states conducted reciprocal official visits 1964 and 1965. Indonesia’s foreign policy towards South Korea has often been carried out to influence the offensive decisions of North Korean leaders, especially in relation to the issue of nuclear weapon development. The key question is what should and can Indonesia do next to help create peace and stability in the Korean Peninsula by adhering to the principles of a free and active foreign policy? Why is it necessary for Indonesia to do this and how can Indonesia carry out this foreign policy towards North Korea? After becoming President since 2011, Kim Jong-un had to weaken his father’s winning coalition to consolidate domestic political stability. However, North Korea’s domestic market reforms have had the effect of eroding the Kim family’s ideological appeal. This is relevant to the expansion of political influence from Pyongyang, which prioritizes the continuation of a fragile centralized authoritarian power while maintaining sustainable domestic economic growth.AbstrakArtikel ini bertujuan menjelaskan secara analitis bagaimana implementasi kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia terhadap Korea Utara selama 59 tahun sejak 17 Juni 1961. Argumen yang ingin disampaikan tentang implementasi kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia terhadap Korea Utara adalah kontraproduktif. Indonesia di bawah kepemimpinan Presiden Joko Widodo berpotensi besar untuk mampu memengaruhi perilaku Korea Utara melalui hubungan diplomatik. Persahabatan Indonesia dan Korea Utara dimulai sejak saling kunjung di 1964 dan 1965. Orientasi politik luar negeri Indonesia di masa lalu hingga saat ini, telah sering dilakukan untuk memengaruhi keputusan ofensif para pemimpin Korea Utara, khususnya terkait dengan isu pengembangan senjata nuklir. Pertanyaannya adalah apa yang harus dan sebaiknya dilakukan Indonesia selanjutnya untuk membantu menciptakan perdamaian dan stabilitas di Semenanjung Korea dengan tetap berpegang pada prinsip politik luar negeri bebas dan aktif? Mengapa hal tersebut perlu dilakukan oleh Indonesia dan bagaimana cara menjalankan kebijakan luar negeri terhadap Korea Utara tersebut? Kim Jong-un, setelah menjadi Presiden sejak 2011, harus melemahkan posisi koalisi pemenang ayahnya untuk konsolidasi stabilitas politik dalam negeri. Bagaimanapun, reformasi pasar domestik Korea Utara telah berdampak pada pengikisan daya tarik ideologis keluarga Kim. Hal ini relevan dengan perluasan pengaruh politik dari Pyongyang memprioritaskan pada keberlangsungan kekuatan otoriter terpusat yang rentan seiring bagaimana dapat mempertahankan pertumbuhan ekonomi dalam negeri berkelanjutan.
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Manurung, Hendra. "Indonesia-North Korea Diplomatic Relations: Effort to Pursue National Interest and Create Regional Peace [Hubungan Diplomatik Indonesia – Korea Utara: Upaya Mewujudkan Kepentingan Nasional dan Menciptakan Perdamaian Regional]." Jurnal Politica Dinamika Masalah Politik Dalam Negeri dan Hubungan Internasional 11, no. 2 (December 5, 2020): 223–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22212/jp.v11i2.1466.
Full textAbstract:
This article aims to analyze the implementation of Indonesia’s foreign policy towards North Korea over its approximately fifty-nine years of bilateral relations, since 17 June 1961. The arguments posited in this regard is that the implementation of Indonesia’s foreign policy towards North Korea has been counterproductive. Under the leadership of President Joko Widodo, Indonesia actually has great potential to influence North Korea’s conducts through the close diplomatic relations that the two countries have developed. The friendship between Indonesia and North Korea began since the two states conducted reciprocal official visits 1964 and 1965. Indonesia’s foreign policy towards South Korea has often been carried out to influence the offensive decisions of North Korean leaders, especially in relation to the issue of nuclear weapon development. The key question is what should and can Indonesia do next to help create peace and stability in the Korean Peninsula by adhering to the principles of a free and active foreign policy? Why is it necessary for Indonesia to do this and how can Indonesia carry out this foreign policy towards North Korea? After becoming President since 2011, Kim Jong-un had to weaken his father’s winning coalition to consolidate domestic political stability. However, North Korea’s domestic market reforms have had the effect of eroding the Kim family’s ideological appeal. This is relevant to the expansion of political influence from Pyongyang, which prioritizes the continuation of a fragile centralized authoritarian power while maintaining sustainable domestic economic growth.AbstrakArtikel ini bertujuan menjelaskan secara analitis bagaimana implementasi kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia terhadap Korea Utara selama 59 tahun sejak 17 Juni 1961. Argumen yang ingin disampaikan tentang implementasi kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia terhadap Korea Utara adalah kontraproduktif. Indonesia di bawah kepemimpinan Presiden Joko Widodo berpotensi besar untuk mampu memengaruhi perilaku Korea Utara melalui hubungan diplomatik. Persahabatan Indonesia dan Korea Utara dimulai sejak saling kunjung di 1964 dan 1965. Orientasi politik luar negeri Indonesia di masa lalu hingga saat ini, telah sering dilakukan untuk memengaruhi keputusan ofensif para pemimpin Korea Utara, khususnya terkait dengan isu pengembangan senjata nuklir. Pertanyaannya adalah apa yang harus dan sebaiknya dilakukan Indonesia selanjutnya untuk membantu menciptakan perdamaian dan stabilitas di Semenanjung Korea dengan tetap berpegang pada prinsip politik luar negeri bebas dan aktif? Mengapa hal tersebut perlu dilakukan oleh Indonesia dan bagaimana cara menjalankan kebijakan luar negeri terhadap Korea Utara tersebut? Kim Jong-un, setelah menjadi Presiden sejak 2011, harus melemahkan posisi koalisi pemenang ayahnya untuk konsolidasi stabilitas politik dalam negeri. Bagaimanapun, reformasi pasar domestik Korea Utara telah berdampak pada pengikisan daya tarik ideologis keluarga Kim. Hal ini relevan dengan perluasan pengaruh politik dari Pyongyang memprioritaskan pada keberlangsungan kekuatan otoriter terpusat yang rentan seiring bagaimana dapat mempertahankan pertumbuhan ekonomi dalam negeri berkelanjutan.
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Ratchev, Valeri, and Todor Tagarev. "Policy and Legal Frameworks of Using Armed Forces for Domestic Disaster Response and Relief." Information & Security: An International Journal 40, no. 2 (2018): 137–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/isij.4011.
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Duman, Ahmed Hayri. "Dış Politika Yapımında Liderler ve Yerel Etkenler: Nasır ve Mursi Örnekleri." Üsküdar Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi 7, no. 12 (2021): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.32739/uskudarsbd.7.12.83.
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It has been a general assumption that leaders have played a vital role in the making of Egypt's foreign policy. This article tries to detail this assumption and illustrates that individual formulation and implementation of foreign policies following the Free Officers' coup d'etat of 1952 and the Egyptian revolution of 2011 cannot be sufficiently clarified in the absence of domestic level explanations. What is found in this study is that various domestic factors paved the way for Nasser to increase his effectiveness on Egypt's foreign policy, whereas they created a compelling environment for Morsi in which he had a lesser influence on its foreign policy during his short tenure.
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Shryock, Andrew. "Domestic Government: Kinship, Community and Polity in North Yemen . Martha Mundy." American Anthropologist 98, no. 3 (September 1996): 698–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1996.98.3.02a00770.
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Setiawan, Fajar Ajie. "Memahami Investasi Minyak Cina di Sudan: Analisis Interaksi Strategis Cina pada Situasi Konflik." Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 13, no. 2 (October 22, 2017): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v13i2.2277.119-133.
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<p class="Abstrak" align="center"> </p><p class="Abstrak" align="center"> </p><p class="Abstrak"><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p class="Abstrak">Perkembangan pesat perekonomian Cina khususnya dalam dua dekade terakhir mendorong tingginya ketergantungan Cina akan impor minyak bumi melebihi kapasitas produksi domestiknya. Cina untuk pertama kalinya melewati Amerika Serikat sebagai importir minyak terbesar di dunia pada tahun 2015 dengan kawasan Afrika khususnya negara-negara ‘bermasalah’ seperti Sudan menjadi tujuannya. Investasi berbasis minyak Cina di Sudan kemudian menjadi perhatian dunia internasional karena kebijakan non-interferensi Cina dianggap tidak memedulikan permasalahan domestik Sudan. Penelitian ini berupaya untuk menjelaskan bagaimana investasi berbasis minyak Cina di Sudan dengan fokus analisis terhadap interaksi strategis antar negara yaitu Cina dengan Sudan yang dilanda konflik dengan menggunakan tiga variabel analisis yaitu kepentingan negara, spesifikasi setting strategis, dan perhatian terhadap faktor ketidakpastian. Hasil analisis memperlihatkan bahwa kebutuhan minyak sebagai penggerak pertumbuhan ekonomi Cina merupakan kepentingan krusial sehingga menjadi prioritas yang dijalankan oleh SOEs Cina sebagai instrumen strategis berdasarkan kebijakan “China First” yang permisif terhadap isu domestik.</p><p class="Abstrak"> <strong>Kata Kunci</strong>: investasi minyak; politik luar negeri cina; konflik sudan; ekonomi politik internasional</p><p class="Abstrak"><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p class="Abstrak" align="center"> </p><p class="Abstrak">The rapid economic development of PRC especially during the last two decades has prompted its dependence on oil imports exceeding its domestic production. China for the first time exceeded US as the biggest oil importer in 2015 with Africa particularly ‘troubled’ countries such as Sudan as its destination. China’s oil-based investment in Sudan later becomes international concern since China’s non-interference policy was perceived as ignoring Sudan’s domestic problems. This research attempts to explain China’s oil-based investment in Sudan with focus of analysis on China’s strategic interaction with conflict-troubled Sudan using three analytical variables: the identification of state interest, the specification of strategic setting, and the attention to the role of uncertainty. Analysis result shows that China’s need for oil to secure its economic growth is China’s vital interest as being prioritized by its SOEs as China’s strategic instrument based on ‘China First’ policy that is permissive towards Sudan’s domestic issue.</p><p class="Abstrak"><strong>Keywords</strong>: oil investment; china’s foreign policy; sudan conflict; IPE</p>
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Sri, Kurniasari, and Adil Arifin. "Dampak Dampak Kegagalan Kudeta Militer Turki Tahun 2016 Terdahap Politik di Turki." Politeia: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 12, no. 1 (January 30, 2020): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.32734/politeia.v12i1.3270.
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Pada 15 Juli 2016, terjadi sebuah peristiwa Kudeta Militer di Turki untuk menggulingkan pemerintahan Presiden Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Walaupun kudeta tersebut gagal, tentu bukan suatu keuntungan bagi Turki, yang mana pemerintah tengah berupaya meningkatkan kestabilan politik, ekonomi dan sosial di Turki. Tulisan ini mengkaji bagaimana dampak kudeta militer Turki tahun 2016 terhadap politik Turki dengan memusatkan kajian dampaknya terhadap politik domestik di Turki. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah penelitian kualitatif dengan analisis deskriptif. Hasil analisis tulisan ini mendeskripsikan bahwa kudeta tersebut memberikan dampak pada: Pertama, hubungan Pemerintah dengan partai-partai oposisi. Kedua, budaya politik demokratis Turki. Ketiga, kebijakan politik dalam negeri dan Keempat, birokrasi militer
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Fauzi, Nabil Ahmad. "Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia dan Malaysia Terhadap China di Era Perang Dingin." Insignia Journal of International Relations 1, no. 01 (October 16, 2014): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2014.1.01.426.
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Since the proclamation on the 1st October 1949, the People's Republic of China has gained an important role in international relations after World War II. The success of communism conquered China, has changed the dynamics of competition between the United States and the Soviet Union that lead the Western Bloc and the Eastern Bloc. The situation has forced the newly independent states in this era, like Indonesia and Malaysia, to determine their position. In addition to facing the same international politics pressures, the two countries also have relations in the domestic issues related to China, namely the existence of the local Communist Party and ethnic of "Chinese overseas". The external and domestic factors that ultimately affect the choice of the countries' foreign policy towards China. This article attempts to identify and explore the factors that influence the similarities and differences in Indonesia and Malaysia foreign policy towards China using the approach threat perception, leader perception and domestic legitimacy within the framework of neo-classical realism. This article is expected to provide scientific contributions to understanding the comparison of Indonesia and Malaysia foreign policy towards China.
Keywords: Indonesia and Malaysia foreign policy, the existence of China, Cold War era, threatperception, leader perception, domestic legitimacy, neo-classical realism
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Hut, Paweł. "Karta Polaka jako instrument polityki łączności z zagranicznymi rodakami w latach 2008–2020." Przegląd Europejski, no. 1-2021 (April 14, 2021): 203–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.1.21.12.
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The aim of this article is to assess of the process of creating the communication of Poland with foreign compatriots and to identify the possible changes in Polish law, which is limiting the efficiency of the Polish Card now. The author presents the analysis of premisses and circumstances of the introduction the Polish Card to the domestic legal system. In the first part of the article we will find the analysis of the factors resulted mass-resettlements after the World War II and after 1990. The discussion on assumptions of the Polish Card Act, critical arguments and statistical data will be presented in the next part of the article. In the further part the legal changes introduced after 10 years since passed the Polish Card Act will be analysed. Conclusions include assessment and forecasts of the Polish Card.
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Iakovenko, Mykola. "The Process of Liberalization of Foreign and Domestic Policy: Case of Ukraine – EU Energy Cooperation." Politikos Mokslų Almanachas 18 (2015): 79–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.7220/2335-7185.18.4.
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Niebuhr, Robert. "Nonalignment as Yugoslavia's Answer to Bloc Politics." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 1 (January 2011): 146–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00072.
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This article focuses on Tito's effort to use foreign policy actions on behalf of his domestic goals. After a bitter rift emerged with the Soviet Union in 1948, Tito moved closer to the West for several years but never proved willing to shift to democratic politics. Although he did carry out reforms of Yugoslavia's Stalinist system in the 1960s, he maintained an authoritarian Communist polity until the end of his life. The article examines how Tito sought to use Yugoslavia's nonaligned status to boost his domestic legitimacy in the eyes of key elites and even, to a degree, in the eyes of the wider population. Yugoslavia's central role in the Bandung conference in 1955 and its subsequent hosting of the summit that formally set up the Nonaligned Movement in 1961 were used by Tito to try to legitimize the polity over which he presided. Yugoslavia's strategy of nonalignment is a valuable illustration of the connection between domestic politics and foreign policy in Communist as well as non-Communist states.
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Halik, Halik. "TANGGAPAN MASYARAKAT TERHADAP KETERLIBATAN KAUM PEREMPUAN DALAM POLITIK (SUATU PENELITIAN PADA GAMPONG PANGO RAYA KEC. ULEE KARENG KATO BANDA ACEH)." Jurnal Sains Riset 9, no. 1 (March 18, 2019): 8–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.47647/jsr.v9i1.46.
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Keterlibatan kaum perempuan dalam politik sesungguhnya merupakan sebuah proses yang perjalanannya sangat panjang. Sebab itu tidak lepas dari adanya paham patriarki yang melahirkan konstruksi sosial dan kultural, dengannya menempatkan kaum laki-laki pada posisi yang superior dan kaum perempuan pada posisi yang lebih lemah. Dalam pemahaman tersebut, menjalar kesegala bidang termasuk dalam pembagian kerja, dalam hal ini kerja publik dan domestik. Pada ranah politik merupakan dunianya laki-laki sedangkan pada ranah domestik sudah merupakan dunianya perempuan. Oleh sebab itu lahirlah persepsi yang dialamatkan kepada kaum perempuan tidak mampu menduduki pada ranah politik apa lagi sampai menjadi pemimpin pada lembaga. Tentu saja pernyataan ini dipertajam dengan adanya doktrin bahwa kaum perempuan tidak pantas menjadi pemimpin walaupun ia pandai. Sebab itu latar belakang ini peneliti sangat tertarik untuk meneliti tentang tanggapan masyarakat terhadap keterlibatan kaum perempuan dalam politik. Adapun tujuan penelitian ini, mengetahui tanggapan masyarakat terhadap keterlibatan kaum perempuan dalam politik, mengetahui hambatan apa saja yang dialami kaum perempuan dalam politik, penelitian ini dilaksanakan di Gampong Pango Raya Kecamatan Ulee Kareng Kota Banda Aceh. Pendekatan metode deskriptif-kualitatif yang digunakan, instrumen pengumpulan data melalui observasi dan indeef interview. Populasi penelitian ini masyarakat Gampong Pango Raya Kecamatan Ulee Kareng Banda Aceh, menggunakan sampel sebanyak 40 orang yang terdiri dari 20 orang laki-laki dan 20 orang perempuan dengan model purpose sampling. Adapun hasil penelitian yang diperoleh menunjukan bahwa masyarakat Gampong Pango Raya Kecamatan Ulee Kareng Banda Aceh sangat mendukung keikutsertaan kaum perempuan dalam politik. Keikutsertaan kaum perempuan dalam berpolitik akan sangat membantu dalam menyuarakan aspirasi kaum perempuan lainnya, walaupun terdapat sejumlah kendala yang dialami misalnya bagi mereka yang sudah menikah tidak mendapatkan izin dari suami, selain itu tingkat pendidikan yang rendah, lemahnya dukungan dari pihak keluarga, dan persepsi negatif masyarakat terhadap keikutsertaan kaum perempuan dalam politik serta kaum perempuan itu sendiri minatnya rendah.
Kata kunci: Masyarakat, Perempuan, Politik.
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Quinsaat, Sharon Madriaga. "Transnational contention, domestic integration: assimilating into the hostland polity through homeland activism." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 45, no. 3 (April 12, 2018): 419–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.2018.1457433.
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Jayn, Wahid Noor. "Dampak Sosio-Ekonomi Piala Dunia terhadap lingkungan domestik Brasil." Jurnal Dinamika Global 1, no. 01 (June 1, 2016): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jdg.v1i01.13.
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Sepakbola dan politik memang tidak berkaitan langsung. Namun, sepakbola bisa memberikan dampak politik berskala nasional bahkan internasional. Politisasi olahraga adalah upaya yang �lazim� digunakan oleh para pemangku kepentingan. Dalam kasus tertentu, upaya politisasi olahraga khususnya sepakbola bisa dilakukan secara sistemik.
Fenomena Dilma Rousseff di Brazil yang, selama tidak kurang dari 3 tahun terakhir sejak 2013, didesak mundur karena �kecerobohan� dalam perumusan arah kebijakan nasional terakumulasi pada periode April � Mei yang lalu. Kekecewaan masyarakat terhadap Dilma disebabkan oleh lambannya perekonomian dalam negeri. Disamping itu, masalah sosial dan kesehatan seperti pengangguran, kriminalitas, kemiskinan, dan munculnya wabah penyakit serta kasus korupsi masif yang melibatkan para pejabat bahkan mantan Presiden Lula da Silva turut memperparah kondisi domestik. Ironisnya, janji-janji pembukaan lapangan kerja dan kesejahteraan masyarakat yang akan meningkat seiring dengan akan digelarnya Piala Dunia 2014 tidak lebih dari sekedar harapan palsu. Penulis berpendapat bahwa demonstrasi dan tuntutan terhadap pemerintah memiliki kaitan baik langsung maupun tidak langsung dengan penyelenggaraan Piala Dunia.
Analisa pada tulisan ini didasarkan pada fenomena yang sedang terjadi untuk kemudian diperbandingkan dengan apa yang seharusnya dilakukan.
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Shorthouse, J. D. "HOST SHIFT OF THE LEAF GALLER DIPLOLEPIS POLITA (HYMENOPTERA: CYNIPIDAE) TO THE DOMESTIC SHRUB ROSE ROSA RUGOSA." Canadian Entomologist 126, no. 6 (December 1994): 1499–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.4039/ent1261499-6.
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AbstractThe leaf galler Diplolepis polita (Ashmead), known only from Rosa acicularis Lindl. west of the Rocky Mountains, is recorded for the first time on the introduced, urban shrub rose Rosa rugosa Thunb. Inquilines and parasitoids commonly kill over 90% of the inducers in populations of galls found in natural habitats, whereas 55% of the galls from the urban roses contained an inducer. Differences in component communities associated with galls on domestic and wild roses are likely indicative of a recently established population in an atypical habitat. Occurrence of D. polita on this new host also provides insight into the host specificity and vagility of cynipid wasps.
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Kusumawardhana, Indra, and Muhammad Badaruddin. "STATE AND GLOBAL SPORT GOVERNANCE: ANALYZING THE TRIANGULAR RELATIONSHIP AMONG THE FIFA, KEMENPORA RI, AND THE PSSI." Jurnal Asia Pacific Studies 2, no. 2 (November 30, 2018): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/japs.v2i2.749.
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Discussion on the power interplay between global sport governance and state-level sport management in Indonesia enriches discourse on the relation between globalization and nation-state’s sovereignty. This Indonesia’s case is an exceptional, since it is representing triangular relationship among Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA), the Indonesian Ministry of Youth and Sport (Kemenpora RI), and the Football Association of Indonesia (PSSI) which creates protracted dispute among football stake holders in Indonesia. This paper focus on the case of the Indonesian Kemenpora’s decision to suspend the PSSI activities, which raised reaction of the FIFA by banning Indonesia’s participation in the global football agenda managed by FIFA. Departing from the abovementioned context and perspectives, the purpose of this essay is to answer the questions about the significance of a nation-state’s sovereignty to govern its domestic football issues, as well as answering the question of the global football governance’s power over the national football association. In answering these questions, this paper will draw dynamics relation among domestic political powers which contribute to the internal dispute inside the PSSI in the first part. This paper will also portray the global context by describing on how the FIFA exercises its ‘global authority’ by imposing sanction to the member which is ‘coopted’ by the domestic political power for the second part. Finally, in the third part, this paper will discover the power interplay among these three actors until the recent progress of this case which seems to prove the effective power exercised by the FIFA as a global football governor.
Abstrak
Diskusi mengenai interaksi kekuasaan antara tata kelola pemerintahan dunia di bidang olahraga dengan pranata manajemen olahraga pada level negara di Indonesia memperkaya diskursus terkait inter-relasi antara globalisasi dengan kedaulatan negara. Distingsi kasus Indonesia terletak pada interaksi triangular antara Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA), Kementerian Pemuda dan Olahraga Republik Indonesia (Kemenpora RI), dan Persatuan Sepak Bola Seluruh Indonesia (PSSI) yang mengundang sengketa berkepanjangan antara pihak-pihak terkait dalam penyelenggaraan sepak bola di Indonesia. Artikel ini fokus pada dinamika pasca keputusan Kemenpora RI untuk melarang kegiatan PSSI, dimana keputusan tersebut memantik reaksi dari FIFA dengan membekukan hak partisipasi Indonesia di seluruh agenda sepak bola global yang dikelola oleh FIFA. Bertolak dari konteks dan cara pandang ini, tujuan utama dari artikel ini adalah untuk menjawab pertanyaan terkait signifikansi eksistensi kedaulatan negara dalam mengelola permasalahan sepak bola domestik, sekaligus mengungkap kekuasaan tata kelola sepak bola global terhadap asosiasi sepak bola nasional. Dalam menjawab pertanyaan ini, pada bagian pertama, artikel ini akan menelaah dinamika interaksi antara kekuatan-kekuatan politik domestik yang berkontribusi di dalam sengkarut kasus PSSI. Selain itu, artikel ini juga akan menangkap konteks global dengan mendeskripsikan kapasitas FIFA dalam mengartikulasikan otoritas global-nya dengan menjatuhkan sanksi terhadap anggota FIFA yang terkooptasi oleh kepentingan politik domestik. Sedangkan pada bagian akhir, artikel ini akan mengungkap interaksi kekuasaan antara tiga aktor di dalam kasus ini untuk membuktikan kekuasaan FIFA sebagai representasi dari “global football governorâ€.
Kata kunci: Global Governance, Negara-Bangsa, Sepak Bola, Kemenpora RI, PSSI, FIFA.
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Matanock, Aila M. "How International Actors Help Enforce Domestic Deals." Annual Review of Political Science 23, no. 1 (May 11, 2020): 357–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-050718-033504.
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International actors at times seek to help bring peace, democracy, and human rights. Studies of how international actors help enforce political bargains between incumbent governments and their domestic opponents are proliferating. They show that opposition groups have trouble trusting incumbents to adhere to the political bargains they strike because incumbents can use their familiarity with state institutions and can use their asymmetric hold on power during bargain implementation to violate terms by retaining more of the status quo than agreed. International actors can overcome these “reversion problems,” however, by using monitoring mechanisms (often focused on electoral campaigns) and incentives conditioned on compliance. Reversion problems, and enforcement by international actors as a solution, are common across issue areas—arising when domestic actors try to end civil conflict, open elections, and reduce repression—but the literatures in these issue areas have largely remained segregated. This review proposes advancing this research agenda by unifying them and (re)examining the conditions under which this solution works best.
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Sorg, Evan T. "Classifying Import and Domestic Hot Spots of Crime by Offender Home Proximity." Policing 10, no. 3 (February 19, 2016): 264–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/paw002.
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Vojtěch, V. "Effect of the domestic sectoral policies harmonisation in CECs with the EU Common Agricultural Policy." Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 49, No. 3 (February 29, 2012): 113–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/5274-agricecon.
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This paper discusses the potential effects of the EU Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) on the various branches of the agricultural sector in the four OECD member Central European Countries (CECs), i.e. the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and the Slovak Republic. The estimation of the effect of the domestic sectoral policies harmonisation with the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and its impact on the farming sector, consumers of agricultural commodities and taxpayers, is based on the data from the OECD quantitative analysis of support to agriculture.
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Ma'ruf, Tholhah Ibnu. "STRATEGI POLITIK IKHWANUL MUSLIMIN TERHADAP KEBIJAKAN PEMERINTAH MESIR PASCA DIGULINGKANNYA MURSI." Jurnal Dinamika Global 5, no. 02 (December 10, 2020): 219–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jdg.v5i02.239.
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Penelitian ini akan membahas sebuah gerakan politik di Timur Tengah, tepatnya di negara Mesir yang bernama Ikhwanul Muslimin. Penelitian ini hanya dibatasi strategi politik Ikhwanul muslimin setelah lengsernya Presiden Mursi. Teknik pengumpulan data dalam penulisan karya ini menggunakan metode riset perpustakaan (library research), yaitu melalui pengumpulan data dari referensi buku, majalah, jurnal ilmiah dan media cetak lainnya. Strategi politik yang diusung Ikhwanul Muslimin sebagai Gerakan Islam Transnasional dalam merespon penetapan mereka sebagai gerakan Teroris oleh pemerintah mesir pasca digulingkannya Mursi adalah dengan melakukan reaksi baik tingkat domestik (Mesir) dan Internasional karena Ikhwanul Muslimin adalah sebuah Gerakan Transnasional.
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Sriyanto, Nanto. "GLOBAL MARITIME FULCRUM, INDONESIA-CHINA GROWING RELATIONS, AND INDONESIA’S MIDDLEPOWERMANSHIP IN THE EAST ASIA REGION." Jurnal Kajian Wilayah 9, no. 1 (June 28, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jkw.v9i1.784.
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The relation between Indonesia and China sparks a new era by the signing of a strategic partnership agreement in 2005. The signing of strategic partnership and similarities in infrastructure booming in both countries initiates the significant flow of capital and cooperation. Under the presidency of Joko Widodo, Indonesia’s program of domestic connectivity, which dubbed as Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF), has opened more extensive opportunity for China to invest and build complementarities of her Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI). Despite the fact that two countries could move into a strategic partnership, other factors have hampered the relations between the two. Indonesia's foreign policy doctrine will not allow herself to become fully aligned with other great power politics in the region. Indonesia has been long pursued an international activism based on free and active doctrine and dynamic equilibrium. These doctrinal factors in another sense become the primary foundation of Indonesia's middlepowermanship foreign policy. The challenge in this case is the contradiction between economic and political interests that has forced Indonesia to balance between her political interests and economic interests. While growing relations with China could help Indonesia implement her strategic infrastructure development that leads to a better economic capability, the situation could erode her aspiration as middle power country (middlepowermanship). This article would like to find how Indonesia juggles between those interest without undermining her position and credibility as an emerging middle power. This article proposes that even though domestic politics plays important role in fostering Indonesia position as middle power countries, at the same time Indonesia needs to strengthen her relations towards other countries and especially manage the centrality of ASEAN in the region to secure principle of dynamic equilibrium and the role of bridge builder. Keywords: Global Maritime Fulcrum, middlepowermanship, dynamic equilibrium, bridge builder, down to earth diplomacy AbstrakHubungan Indonesia dengan Tiongkok memulai babak baru dengan penandatanganan kemitraan strategis pada tahun 2005. Penandatanganan tersebut dan kesamaan pada kebangkitan pembangunan infrastruktur di kedua negara mendorong peningkatan arus modal dan kerjasama. Di bawah kepemimpinan Presiden Joko Widodo yang mengusung program Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) dengan tujuan membangun konektifitas domestik, telah membuka peluang kerjasama bagi Tiongkok untuk menanamkan modal dan membangun kerjasama yang saling melengkapi dengan program Belt Road Initiatives (BRI). Meskipun peluang besar terbuka bagi kedua pihak, masih terdapat ganjalan bagi terbangunnya kerjasama yang lebih mendalam. Prinsip politik luar negeri Indonesia tidak memungkinkan Indonesia untuk sepenuhnya menggantungkan atau beraliansi dengan kekuatan besar di kawasan ataupun global. Indonesia sendiri telah lama menjalankan aktifisme internasional yang berdasarkan prinsip bebas aktif dan keseimbangan dinamis. Prinsip-prinsip tersebut menjadi dasar rujukan bagi middlepowermanshipdalam politik luar negeri Indonesia. Tantangannya dalam hal ini adalah bagaimana upaya Indonesia menyeimbangkan antara kepentingan politik dan ekonominya. Perkembangan hubungan ekonomi dengan Tiongkok dapat membantu Indonesia melaksanakan pembangunan infrastruktur strategis yang akan berdampak pada peningkatan kapabilitas ekonomi. Namun begitu, kedekatan yang tidak terimbangi akan dapat mengganggu politik luar negerinya sebagai kekuatan negara menengah (middlepowermanship). Artikel ini bertujuan mengetahui bagaimana Indonesia mengimbangi beragam kepentingan tersebut tanpa mengganggu posisi dan kredibilitasnya sebagai negara kekuatan menengah. Artikel ini berpendapat bahwa tanpa mengabaikan peranan faktor domestik, pada saat yang bersamaan Indonesia perlu membangun jalinan kerjasama dengan negara lain, terutama yang sejalan dengan penguatan sentralitas ASEAN demi perlindungan prinsip keseimbangan dinamis dan peranannya sebagai penjembatan di antara kekuatan besar.Kata Kunci: Global Maritime Fulcrum, middlepowermanship, keseimbangan dinamis, penjembatan, diplomasi membumi
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Garrett, Geoffrey, and Peter Lange. "Internationalization, institutions, and political change." International Organization 49, no. 4 (1995): 627–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300028460.
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Many analysts associate internationalization of markets with wide-ranging changes in domestic politics. An “open polity” approach shows how extant domestic institutions mediate in this relationship between internationally induced changes in domestic actors' policy preferences, on the one hand, and national policy and institutional outcomes on the other. The nature of labor unions and formal political institutions often results in political outcomes that differ significantly from those that would ensue if outcomes simply mirrored preference changes. In addition, while existing institutions may sometimes constrain governments from pursuing policies that would improve long-term economic performance, governments will often fail to change these institutions because of short-term political considerations.
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Yuwono, Nurbaity Prastyananda. "Perempuan dalam Kungkungan Budaya Politik Patriarkhis." MUWAZAH 10, no. 2 (December 25, 2018): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.28918/muwazah.v10i2.1781.
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Women's political participation in Indonesia can be categorized as low, even though the government has provided special policies for women. Patriarchal political culture is a major obstacle in increasing women's political participation, because it builds perceptions that women are inappropriate, unsuitable and unfit to engage in the political domain. The notion that women are more appropriate in the domestic area; identified politics are masculine, so women are not suitable for acting in the political domain; Weak women and not having the ability to become leaders, are the result of the construction of a patriarchal political culture. Efforts must be doing to increase women's participation, i.e: women's political awareness, gender-based political education; building and strengthening relationships between women's networks and organizations; attract qualified women political party cadres; cultural reconstruction and reinterpretation of religious understanding that is gender biased; movement to change the organizational structure of political parties and; the implementation of legislation effectively.
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Scarth, Kate. "At home in that 'gay bathing place'; or, representing Brighton in the early nineteenth century." Romantik: Journal for the Study of Romanticisms 3, no. 1 (December 1, 2015): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rom.v3i1.26313.
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Historians have established late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Brighton’s role in the urban renaissance by tracking its emergence as a centre of fashion, polite sociability, and consumerism. Other versions of the town, such as domestic experiences and home life, have, however, been neglected. Yet in the early nineteenth century, contemporaries increasingly present a version of Brighton that is domestic and retired instead of public; polite instead of fashionable; rational instead of dissipated; intimate rather than crowded; more country and nature-orientated than urban focused. This article explores how Elizabeth Sandham’s didactic novel, Sketches of Young People; or, a Journey to Brighton (1822), negotiates this transition. It moreover argues for the empowering possibilities that this new Brighton offers middle-class women in terms of satisfying intellectual curiosity and facilitating physical mobility. While Brighton’s history has been explored, this article calls for future work into the cultural, including literary, representations of romantic-period Brighton.