Academic literature on the topic 'Election, 1991'

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Journal articles on the topic "Election, 1991"

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Otto, Sue. "IALL 1991 Election Results." IALLT Journal of Language Learning Technologies 24, no. 3 (October 15, 1991): 7–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.17161/iallt.v24i3.9435.

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Konecne, Sharon. "January 1991 Election Results." Rehabilitation Oncology 9, no. 1 (February 1991): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01893697-199109010-00005.

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Strasberg, Murray. "Announcement of 1991 Election." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 88, no. 5 (November 1990): 2487–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.400093.

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Goldey, David B. "The Portuguese elections of 1987 and 1991 and the presidential election of 1991." Electoral Studies 11, no. 2 (June 1992): 171–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(92)90039-9.

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Mutalib, Hussin. "Singapore´s 1991 General Election." Southeast Asian Affairs 1992 1992, no. 1 (January 1992): 299–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/seaa92q.

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Millard, Frances. "Poland: The 1991 parliamentary election." Representation 30, no. 112 (December 1991): 72–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344899138438985.

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Van Trease, Howard. "The 1991 election in Kiribati." Journal of Pacific History 27, no. 3 (December 1992): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223349208572718.

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Borre, Ole, Sushil R. Panday, and Chitra K. Tiwari. "The Nepalese election of 1991." Electoral Studies 10, no. 4 (December 1991): 357–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(91)90027-p.

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Szajkowski, Bogdan. "The Albanian election of 1991." Electoral Studies 11, no. 2 (June 1992): 157–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(92)90036-6.

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Fitzmaurice, John. "The Belgian election of 1991." Electoral Studies 11, no. 2 (June 1992): 162–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(92)90037-7.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Election, 1991"

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Cheng, Ying-fat, and 鄭英發. "A study of election survey results of 1991 Legislative Council Direct Election." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1993. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31977285.

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Lavrova, Victoria N. "The role of the oligarchs in 1996 presidental election in Russia." Virtual Press, 2003. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1265093.

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This thesis explored the role of the six wealthy Russian businessmen, the oligarchs, in 1996 reelection of President Boris Yeltsin. This research was qualitative and descriptive. The goal was to collect the information from various sources and summarize it, demonstrating how the interference of the oligarchs reflected on the process of the election, as well as on the careers of their own.The research concluded that the oligarchs' role was, first of all, in the organization and financing a highly effective election campaign team; consolidating the business elite and big capital around Yeltsin, using the media that they controlled as a tool of pro-Yeltsin propaganda; and influencing some key decision taken by Yeltsin. The result was Yeltsin's victory, and the increase of the oligarchs' wealth and political power.This ability of the oligarchs to manipulate politics completely cemented the interrelation between business and politics in Russia, which contributed to Russia's reputation as a country of corruption and lawlessness.
Department of Political Science
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Karan, Kavita. "Political communication in the 1991 general election in India with special reference to Andhra Pradesh." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2230/.

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This research on Political Communications in the general elections and its effectiveness is one of the first of its kind on India, the literature having concentrated on voting behaviour in relation to socio-economic characteristics. The importance of communication during elections has been inadequately researched because of the diversity of the country. Through a content analysis of the coverage of election information in the media and case studies of party campaigns, the study evaluates the campaign practices in the mass media and conventional interpersonal forms. It highlights the electronic and outdoor forms like posters, wall writings, symbol displays and cutouts that were important during the 1991 elections. The thesis then examines the impact of these campaigns through a panel survey on a sample of 1155 electors from the three constituencies of Hyderabad, Secunderabad and Nagarkurnool in Andhra Pradesh. The voting patterns have been evaluated in relation to access to and the impact of different forms of political' communications. Research revealed that Indian political communication campaigns were well organised and professional advertising agencies were hired to promote the parties. Campaigns have been systematically planned through the development of creative and media strategies. Apart from the mass media channels, interpersonal forms continued to be important to reach the diverse electorate. There was a high level of exposure to newspapers, radio and television which were sought as important sources for election related information. Interpersonal forms were found to be persuasive. Education, urbanization, gender, caste and religion are important factors influencing the voters' perceptions and receptivity to electoral communications. But, while increased level of information does heighten the level of political awareness, it does not determine the final outcome. An important aspect was that families largely tended to vote as single units with men generally deciding who to vote for. Women showed relatively little interest in politics (though comprising an important 45% of voters) and their under representation in the study necessitated the need for weighting. The assassination of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in the middle of the elections adds an important dimension to the research, from those who voted in a normal election and those in the 'sympathy wave'. This study, though conducted under unusual circumstances does provide a much needed insight into the political changes in the country and the increasing use of US inspired media driven campaign practices of political marketing combining comfortably with conventional practices of political marketing in India. A final yet important aspect of this research is the exploration of the problems of survey research in a country of cultural plurality such as India.
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Dufief, Elise. "The politics of election monitoring : the case of Ethiopia and the European Union." Paris, EHESS, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EHES0103.

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Ce projet de recherche s'articule autour de la problématique suivante : comment peut-on expliquer les usages multiples et contradictoires du monitoring électoral ? A travers le prisme des relations entre acteurs internationaux et locaux, nous démontrons d'une part comment un régime dit « fort » tel que l'Ethiopie utilise le monitoring électoral pour maintenir une position de pouvoir dans le pays et vis à vis des acteurs internationaux. D'autre part, les dimensions politiques du monitoring électoral soulignent le rôle ambigu joué par les promoteurs européens de la démocratie, qui utilisent également cet instrument comme un outil de politique étrangère, leur permettant ainsi, sous couvert de neutralité, d'interférer dans la politique nationale éthiopienne et justifier ainsi leur intervention. Cependant, en ratifiant un processus électoral non compétitif, ces acteurs sont affaiblis au cours du processus et leur entreprise perd considérablement de sa crédibilité. Au final, le récepteur des observateurs joue alors avec les marges de manœuvre existantes, et manipule les intérêts et intentions plus ou moins cachées des acteurs externes. Il remet ainsi en cause l'ordre diplomatique préétabli et la hiérarchie que cet ordre politique sous-tend. En conséquence, le monitoring électoral devient une zone de conflit où les stratégies politiques s'affrontent. L'instrument censé ouvrir l'espace politique en Éthiopie contribue en fait à sa fermeture
My dissertation examines the construction of power relations in the international system, through the lens of international election monitoring and its politics. Focusing on the relationship between the European Union and Ethiopia, I argue that election monitoring reflects a complex hierarchy of power and serves contradicting purposes. In the hands of the monitors, it is an instrument of discipline, intended to monitor domestic behavior and enforce a standard of performance. The recipient of monitors, while accepting the general rule, finds interstices to manoeuvre within, playing with and against interests and agendas of external actors. Ultimately, the politics of election observing functions as an arena of struggle where power strategies are at stake. Power relations are eventually reversed when international actors are weakened, giving more space for the recipient country to pursue its own electoral strategies
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Siṅgha, Balawindara. "Electoral campaigns and the media : the coverage of India's 1991 general election in the Indian and the British press." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/34618.

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This study looks into the way India's 1991 general election was portrayed in the newspapers of India and Britain. The thesis stipulates that while the elections generated a keen interest in the Indian press, it kept a low profile in the British press. However, the British press' attention was heightened when the former Indian prime minister, Rajiv Gandhi, was assassinated during the same election campaign, which failed to invoke a substantial and appreciable amount of coverage. While the Indian newspapers, after providing an extensive coverage to the themes related to the assassinated leader for one week, returned to emphasise the campaign and other contemporary issues, the British newspapers relentlessly continued to fill their pages with the same themes even over three weeks after the event had happened. The thesis also argues that the British press accentuated far more than its Indian counterpart the issue of violence in India during the 47-day long campaign. It clearly emerges from the findings that during an election, the campaign agenda is formed by the journalists rather than by the political parties/leaders. While the newspapers of both the countries carried more media-initiated stories than party- initiated, the British press outnumbers its Indian counterpart. It shows that the sacerdotal role the British journalists are known to play in the coverage of the election in their own country is dissolved when they report election in a Third World country. Discussed in this thesis is also the fact that the powerful political actors and parties are referred to more than the minor parties and their leaders. Nevertheless, the basic and development issues like inflation, poverty, unemployment, education, rural development etc. - notwithstanding their inclusion in the manifestos of virtually all the Indian political parties - get a low priority in the press.
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Natielse, Kouléga Julien. "Le Burkina Faso depuis 1991 : entre stabilite politique et illusionnisme démocratique." Phd thesis, Université Montesquieu - Bordeaux IV, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00957659.

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Le " Burkina Faso depuis 1991 : entre stabilité politique et illusionnisme démocratique " ambitionne de se projeter au cœur du régime de la IVème République. Les fondements de la domination de l'élite politique post-transition sont examinés à travers la stratégie de conquête du pouvoir politique et la légitimation électorale à travers l'organisation des premières élections pluralistes. Le président Blaise Compaoré progressivement met en place un système de domination verrouillé où les possibilités de changements démocratiques s'amenuisent pour ses adversaires politiques. Cette mainmise du régime de M. Blaise Compaoré nécessite des ressources qui se déclinent en ressources internes et en un répertoire de légitimation internationale qui fait aujourd'hui du président Blaise Compaoré un acteur majeur du jeu politique sous-régional.
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Jones, John D. (John David). "Social-structural and Election Level Determinants of the Outcome of Union Certification Elections, 1981-1990." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc332495/.

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The purpose of this research is to identify major factors that can be used to explain and predict the process of growth in union membership as represented by union victories in certification elections. The emphasis of this research is on organization and social-structural level factors. The logistic regression procedure reveals that organization level variables are most significant in explaining union victories in certification elections. Among the organization level variables, Unit Size, as defined by the NLRB, is the most significant variable in each year of the study and across all industrial classifications.
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Kang, Kyung-Tae. "Korean Electoral Behavior: The 1992 and 1997 Presidential Elections." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/53965233.html.

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Natielse, Kouléga Julien. "Le Burkina Faso de 1991 à nos jours : entre stabilité politique et illusionnisme démocratique." Phd thesis, Université Montesquieu - Bordeaux IV, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00869173.

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Le " Burkina Faso depuis 1991 : entre stabilité politique et illusionnisme démocratique " ambitionne de se projeter au coeur du régime de la IVème République. Les fondements de la domination de l'élite politique post-transition sont examinés à travers la stratégie de conquête du pouvoir politique et la légitimation électorale à travers l'organisation des premières élections pluralistes. Le président Blaise Compaoré progressivement met en place un système de domination verrouillé où les possibilités de changements démocratiques s'amenuisent pour ses adversaires politiques. Cette mainmise du régime de M. Blaise Compaoré nécessite des ressources qui se déclinent en ressources internes et en un répertoire de légitimation internationale qui fait aujourd'hui du président Blaise Compaoré un acteur majeur du jeu politique sous-régional.
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Lashley, Eric P. "Applying the inoculation message strategy to the 1990 Illinois gubernatorial race." Thesis, This resource online, 1991. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-11072008-063127/.

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Books on the topic "Election, 1991"

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Bolivia. Ley electoral 1991. La Paz, Bolivia: República de Bolivia, H. Corte Nacional Electoral, 1991.

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Melia, Thomas O. Albania: 1991 elections to the People's Assembly : a post-election report, April 30, 1991. Washington, D.C. (Suite 503, 1717 Massachusetts Ave., N.W., Washington 20036): The Institute, 1991.

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Kajal, Iftikhar. National Parliament election, 1991: Some reflections. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Raktoreen, 1991.

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California. Legislature. Senate. Committee on Elections and Reapportionment. Phase III hearings on the 1991 Senate proposal for redistricting: September 1991, Sacramento, California. Sacramento, CA (1100 J St., B-10, Sacramento 95814): Senate Publications, 1991.

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Fraga, Rosendo. Argentina en las urnas: 1931-1991. Buenos Aires: Editorial Centro de Estudios Unión para la Nueva Mayoría, 1992.

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California. Legislature. Senate. Committee on Elections and Reapportionment. Hearing of the 1991 Senate and congressional redistricting for northeast California, April, 19, 1991, Redding, California. Sacramento, CA: The Committee, 1991.

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Rallings, Colin. Local elections handbook 1991: The 1991 Metropolitan Borough and English and Welsh District Council election results. Plymouth: Local Government Chronicle Elections Centre, 1991.

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Commission, Pakistan Election. Report on election to the Senate, 1991. Islamabad: The Commission, 1991.

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California. Legislature. Senate. Committee on Elections and Reapportionment. Hearing on the 1991 Senate and congressional redistricting for Orange County, January 11, 1991, Santa Ana, California. Sacramento, CA: The Committee, 1991.

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California. Legislature. Senate. Committee on Elections and Reapportionment. Hearing on the 1991 congressional and Board of Equalization redistricting plans: September 13, 1991, State Capitol, Room 3191. Sacramento, CA (1100 J St., B-10, Sacramento 95814): Senate Publications, 1991.

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Book chapters on the topic "Election, 1991"

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Bloomfield, David. "The Shadow of the Election July 1991–April 1992." In Political Dialogue in Northern Ireland, 147–65. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230389731_8.

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Butler, David, and Dennis Kavanagh. "The Near Term Campaign: Winter 1991–92." In The British General Election of 1992, 77–99. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230372092_5.

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Birch, Sarah. "Mobilizing for Independence: The Referendums and Presidential Election of 1991." In Elections and Democratization in Ukraine, 68–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333977316_5.

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Holloway, Richard. "7. Background On The Proposed NGO Bill 1993; NGOs, Political Parties and Government–The Election of 1991 and Its Aftermath." In Supporting Citizens’ Initiatives, 143–58. Rugby, Warwickshire, United Kingdom: Practical Action Publishing, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3362/9781780446066.007.

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Mackay, Alan L. "The Development of Electron Crystallography — in memory of Boris Konstantinovich Vainshtein (1921–1996)." In Electron Crystallography, 1–14. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-8971-0_1.

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Beratan, David N., and José Nelson Onuchic. "Electron Transfer." In Advances in Chemistry, 71–90. Washington, DC: American Chemical Society, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/ba-1991-0228.ch005.

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Foeken, D., and T. Dietz. "Of Ethnicity, Manipulation and Observation: the 1992 and 1997 Elections in Kenya." In Election Observation and Democratization in Africa, 122–49. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-62328-0_7.

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Bolton, James R., and Mary D. Archer. "Basic Electron-Transfer Theory." In Advances in Chemistry, 7–23. Washington, DC: American Chemical Society, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/ba-1991-0228.ch002.

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Miller, John R. "Puzzles of Electron Transfer." In Advances in Chemistry, 265–76. Washington, DC: American Chemical Society, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/ba-1991-0228.ch017.

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Mieczkowski, Yanek. "The Election of 1992." In The Routledge Historical Atlas of Presidential Elections, 168–72. Second edition. | New York : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge atlases of american history: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003017943-49.

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Conference papers on the topic "Election, 1991"

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Gerni, Cevat, Özge Buzdağlı, Dilek Özdemir, and Ömer Selçuk Emsen. "Elections and The Real Exchange Rate Volatility In Turkey (1992-2014)." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01553.

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Sudden fluctuations that occur as results of politicians’ manipulation on the macroeconomic variables during the election period are called as Political Business Cycle. In recent years, exchange rate also has become an important subject of many studies in this framework. Before the elections, to gain the public’s votes, politicians firstly put pressure on the exchange rates to prevent currency depreciation, and then this can lead to manipulative fluctuations. In this respect, during the 1992:01-2014:12 periods in Turkey, the impact of the entire local and general elections on the real exchange rate volatility is examined using E-GARCH method. On the other hand, political variables such as independence of Central Bank, exchange rate regime, the number of representatives of the ruling party in the parliament and coalition are included to the model while the pre and after election period from the 1st to the 6th month as dummy variables. Based on the results of the analysis, it can be said that the elections and the political variables affect the real exchange rate and its volatility in Turkey. However, there is no significant evidence whether the politicians act opportunistic behavior to be reelected. Since the uncertainty during the election period cause outflow of the capital and deferral of the investment decisions of the investors until after the election, it may well be said that the politicians fail to influence the real exchange rate for their self-interests.
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Dagen, Tomislav, and Marijana Majnarić. "PARLIAMENTARY ELECTORAL LEGISLATION – LAW vis á vis JUSTNESS OF ELECTORAL LEGISLATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF CROATIA IN THE PAST 20 YEARS." In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18302.

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In the last twenty years, through the democratic development of the Republic of Croatia, the problem of modernizing parliamentary electoral legislation and the need and desire to create a better and fairer electoral system as a whole, which will bring the Republic of Croatia into European integration and the map of Western democracies comes “to the surface”. In order for the implementation of the political desire to join Western democracies and bring the Republic of Croatia closer to the European Union realize its full potential, the electoral system was changed in 1999, and since then seven elections have been held for the Croatian Parliament, and the Republic of Croatia has in the meantime become a full member of the European Union. On this democratic path and democratic-parliamentary progress of the Republic of Croatia, a constant and unchanged circumstance (parliamentary anomaly) was noticed, which the Constitutional Court warned about back in 2010, and that is the need to create a fairer electoral system, since these existing ones call into question legality and constitutionality of the election results (the warning which the Croatian Parliament still ignores). Therefore, in this paper, the authors, by analyzing the existing electoral system and comparing the 2000 and 2020 elections, identify its shortcomings, inconsistencies between the Act on Election of Representatives to the Croatian Parliament and the Act on Constituencies. Further analysis in this paper refers to the fact of imbalance in the number of voters in different constituencies in which an identical number of representatives is elected (malapportionment), and the lack of “justness” that allows issues of political engineering and forming post-election coalitions, as well as the possibility of representatives “entering” the Croatian Parliament with a minimum number of votes obtained. Also, the authors try to confirm the thesis that the existing electoral system of electing representatives to the Croatian Parliament as a legislative body of the Republic of Croatia needs to be made more just in order to completely fulfill its purpose of creating parliamentary democracy in accordance with the rule of law and the will of the people. In light of the above, the paper will compare and analyze the results of the aforementioned parliamentary elections and their shortcomings, and will provide an overview of the necessary changes and the creation of a future more just electoral system, which the Republic of Croatia certainly needs and which will reduce to a minimum the difference between law and justice in the procedures for the election of representatives to the Croatian Parliament.
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"International Electron Devices Meeting 1991. Technical Digest (Cat. No.91CH3075-9)." In International Electron Devices Meeting 1991 [Technical Digest]. IEEE, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iedm.1991.235437.

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"Proceedings of Electro/International 1995." In Proceedings of Electro/International 1995. IEEE, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/electr.1995.471025.

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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.

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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.
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"1994 IEEE Hong Kong Electron Devices Meeting." In 1994 IEEE Hong Kong Electron Devices Meeting. IEEE, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/hkedm.1994.395142.

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Perdu, P., G. Perez, M. Dupire, and B. Benteo. "Carbon Coating for Electron Beam Testing and Focus Ion Beam Reconfiguration." In ISTFA 1996. ASM International, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.31399/asm.cp.istfa1996p0333.

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Abstract To debug ASIC we likely use accurate tools such as an electron beam tester (Ebeam tester) and a Focused Ion Beam (FIB). Interactions between ions or electrons and the target device build charge up on its upper glassivation layer. This charge up could trigger several problems. With Ebeam testing, it sharply decreases voltage contrast during Image Fault Analysis and hide static voltage contrast. During ASIC reconfiguration with FIB, it could induce damages in the glassivation layer. Sample preparation is getting a key issue and we show how we can deal with it by optimizing carbon coating of the devices. Coating is done by an evaporator. For focused ion beam reconfiguration, we need a very thick coating. Otherwise the coating could be sputtered away due to imaging. This coating is use either to avoid charge-up on glassivated devices or as a sacrificial layer to avoid short circuits on unglassivated devices. For electron beam Testing, we need a very thin coating, we are now using an electrical characterization method with an insitu control system to obtain the right thin thickness. Carbon coating is a very cheap and useful method for sample preparation. It needs to be tuned according to the tool used.
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8

Nishikawa, Akira, Naoko I. Kato, Yoshiteru Kohno, Nobuhito Miura, and Masao Shimizu. "An Application of Passive Voltage Contrast (PVC) to Failure Analysis of CMOS LSIs Using Secondary Electron Collection." In ISTFA 1999. ASM International, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.31399/asm.cp.istfa1999p0239.

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Abstract:
Abstract This paper describes a method for applying passive voltage contrast (PVC) in the failure analysis of CMOS LSIs using a conventional scanning electron microscope (SEM), and demonstrates the effectiveness of this method. It was confirmed by measurement of the stage absorption current that the combined emission efficiency of secondary and backscattered electrons from aluminum is larger than 1 at acceleration voltages lower than about 2.5 kV. This means that local positive charges should be generated on a conductor in association with its irradiation with an electron beam at a relatively low acceleration voltage. However, a pn junction connected to the conductor would change the potential. The potential is still positive if the conductor is connected to a reverse-biased diode but becomes lower if such a diode is forward-biased. The PVC signal observed on the conductor should be defined according to the bias state of any diode connected to the conductor. Therefore, for failure analysis applications, if the bias state of a diode connected to a suspicious conductor is known, the PVC observation is useful for determining whether there is an open defect or a short-circuit defect. Some case studies are presented to demonstrate the effectiveness of the method. Cross-sectional TEM observations of defects localized in this way are also included.
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9

"Proceedings of 1994 IEEE International Electron Devices Meeting." In Proceedings of 1994 IEEE International Electron Devices Meeting. IEEE, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iedm.1994.383476.

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10

"Proceedings 1995 IEEE Hong Kong Electron Devices Meeting." In Proceedings 1995 IEEE Hong Kong Electron Devices Meeting. IEEE, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/hkedm.1995.520632.

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Reports on the topic "Election, 1991"

1

Crewe, A. V., and O. H. Kapp. Electron microscope studies. Progress report, 1 July 1990--1 June 1991. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), June 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/10103512.

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2

Schneider, D. Electron beam ion trap bi-annual report 1996/1997. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), January 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/7833.

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3

Mallouk, T. E. Electron transfer reactions in microporous solids. Progress report, June 1991--May 1992. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), May 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/10159106.

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4

Auerbach, A. The heavy electron state. Final report, February 1, 1991--August 31, 1994. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), February 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/79603.

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5

Fox, M. A. Vectorial electron transfer in spatially ordered arrays. Progress report, January 1991--January 1994. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), January 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/10173446.

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6

Crewe, A. V., and O. H. Kapp. Electron microscope studies. Progress report, June 1, 1992--November 1, 1993. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), November 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/10104659.

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7

Martin, N. L. S. Coherent excitation of autoionizing resonances by electron impact. Annual report, September 1991 - January 1993. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), July 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/466785.

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8

Mallouk, T. E. Electron transfer reactions in microporous solids. Progress report, September 1990--January 1993. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), January 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/10138894.

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9

Beratan, D. N. Designing macromolecular electron delivery systems for artificial biocatalysis. Final report, 1994--1997. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), October 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/631201.

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10

Onley, D. S., and L. E. Wright. Theory of photon and electron induced reactions. Progress report, July 1, 1991--June 30, 1992. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), January 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/10122758.

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