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1
Travis, Rosemary Fechner. "Differences in School Districts' Decision-Making Processes Before and After Tax Limitation Elections: A Case Study." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1990. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331870/.
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Using a case study approach, this investigation focused on the decision-making processes involved in developing budgets in two Texas school districts following a tax limitation, or rollback, election. Factors influencing the decision-making processes included the rollback election's outcome in each district, the participants, the perceptions participants held of themselves, the perceptions participants held of others in the district and community, the decisions made, and the factors influencing participants' decisions. Two Texas school districts were selected as subjects of this study which used qualitative data collection methods. In one school district, the rollback election passed. In the other, it failed. Data collection included observations of school board meetings and budget workshops. Structured interviews of school board members and administrators, pro- and antirollback proponents, and newspaper editors were conducted. Questions focused on the budgetary decision-making processes before and after the rollback elections. They also solicited information fromsubjects regarding rollback elections, the factors precipitating the rollback elections and the impact of the rollback election campaign upon each school district. Document analyses were triangulated with the observations and interviews to identify the factors influencing the budgetary decision-making process. Following the rollback elections, school officials in both districts adopted a conservative approach to budgetary decision-making. In both districts, school board members and administrators listened more carefully to citizens' concerns. Citizen finance committees were formed in both districts following the rollback elections to receive community input into the 1989-90 budgets. The decision-making processes in both districts were influenced by school board members' and administrators' personal philosophies, the presence or absence of long-range district goals, and pressures to finance unfunded and underfunded state mandates. The budget documents produced in both districts following the rollback elections reflected a commitment to funding curricular rather than extracurricular programs. School officials protected teachers' and support staffers' salaries, recognizing the importance of maintaining employee morale.
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Brennan, Brian Patrick. "Democracy without elections : understanding the cancellation phenomenon in California's Special District elections." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.522857.
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Benham, Liza Abram. "Voting minorities, electoral structure and policy responsiveness." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.
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Webster, Daniel Charles. "The taking of the Fifth : the contested 1960 election in the Indiana Fifth Congressional District." Virtual Press, 1985. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/467700.
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Elections are seldom covered in detail below the level of the national contests. Regional, district, and local elections often appear to be too provincial to be worth the time and effort to research and analyze in any detail."Taking the Fifth" is about a contested congressional race that was in dispute between various local and forces longer than any other House race on record.The Fifth District of Indiana leaned Republican, but it swung to the Democrats about once a decade. The 1960 election broke that historic pattern.Since 1960 was a pivotal election year for both political parties, and since the U. S. Congress was divided by various regional and philosophical factions, it is the contention of the dissertation that the Indiana Fifth District took on more importance than it would have under normal circumstances.Pursuit of power by local and national figures became inextricably involved with the struggle of the candidates in the Fifth District of Indiana. Intraparty grudges between district and state Democratic leaders, scars from Republican battles for congressional leadership posts, Dixiecrat versus urban Democrats maneuvering for dominance on key congressional committees, and an energetic young President and his allies -- bent on making a lasting mark on history -- all influenced the outcome of the race.As the gap widens between election day in Indiana and final settlement of the contest, the two candidates fade into secondary roles, and eventually appear to be little more than pawns for the congressional and national figures who had pre-empted the contest for their own political purposes.
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Mobley, Leigh Barrett. "An anatomy of an unsuccessful school bond election in a rural school district." Diss., Mississippi State : Mississippi State University, 2007. http://library.msstate.edu/etd/show.asp?etd=etd-11012007-163605.
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Witmer, Richard Clarence. "Partisan turnover in congressional elections, 1972-1996: A district level approach." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/284021.
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Prior research on congressional elections is decidedly candidate centered. While candidates are important to the electoral process, the individual is but one of a number of factors in congressional elections. In this research I expand the debate on congressional elections to include how political parties survive across time in congressional districts. To do this I model party turnover from 1972 to 1996 using a number of district level attributes. This includes whether an incumbent candidate is seeking reelection, competitiveness of the district in the previous election, length of time a district has supported the incumbent party, district context (and district context change) and region of the country. The probability of a quality challenger emerging in a congressional district is also estimated given the aforementioned district level attributes. Presence of a quality challenger is then added to the district level model and the probability of party turnover is estimated. To estimate the effects of district level attributes on party turnover, an event history analysis with a logit specification is used. This allows for the inclusion of duration dependence given a binomial dependent variable. The implications for this research are numerous, including the effects of party turnover on representation and redistributive benefits for a congressional district. A second implication focuses on how political context affects the survival of political parties in congressional districts given the redistricting process. Finally, the possible effects of district level attributes and party turnover on party mobilization and voter turnout are discussed.
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Drain, Nathaniel Scott. "From blue to red electoral change in West Virginia's third congressional district, 1968-1984 /." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10450/10820.
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Thesis (M.A.)--West Virginia University, 2009.Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains v, 72 p. : col. maps. Vita. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 49-52).
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Chandler, Jo Ann Arrowsmith. "A comparison of the predictability rates of the Lutz dissatisfaction and school bond election models of local school district politics in selected Oklahoma school districts, 1971-1989 /." Access abstract and link to full text, 1989. http://0-wwwlib.umi.com.library.utulsa.edu/dissertations/fullcit/9016104.
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Kwok, Ngai-kuen, and 郭毅權. "Strategies and tactics of a district board election campaign and implications for community/neighbourhood development." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1988. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31248135.
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MacColl, Megan Gwynne. "Candidates, Campaigns, and Political Tides: Electoral Success in Colorado's 4th District." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/450.
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The race between Republican Cory Gardner and Democratic incumbent Betsy Markey for Colorado's 4th Congressional District was a partisan fight for political momentum. In the 2010 campaign cycle, Republicans looked to retake the historically Republican 4th District as part of a national strategy to win back the U.S. House, while Democrats tried desperately to hold on to both. Cory Gardner was only one of fifty-four Republican challengers to defeat a Democratic incumbent in 2010, but the Gardner-Markey race is particularly interesting as a case study of voter motivation and the mediating forces, both regional and national, that influence electoral success. Political commentators and staffers from both campaigns describe Markey's defeat as inevitable, but the same sources explain the election results from three different theoretical perspectives: (1) Betsy Markey was a poor fit for the district and never represented constituent interests, (2) Cory Gardner was the perfect candidate, and (3) Markey’s defeat was a result of the national political mood and a referendum on Democrats in Washington. This thesis analyzes and evaluates each of these theories, and concludes that a combination of the arguments and their evidence provides the most complete answer. While no single theory is the definitive reason that voters in the 4th District elected Cory Gardner, each contributes to a comprehensive understanding of the inevitability of Rep. Betsy Markey's defeat in 2010.
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Sabers, Donna Schultz. "Attitudes and characteristics of voters and nonvoters in a school district maintenance and operations budget override election." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185535.
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Questionnaires and telephone calls were used to survey registered voters after a school district maintenance and operations budget override election in which 22% of the electorate had voted. Returns from 24% of the nonvoters and 50% of the voters indicated a more supportive sample than was observed in the actual election. Other findings include: (1) Nonvoters who indicated how they would have voted responded similarly across other variables to those actually voting in that direction. (2) The majority of those favoring the override indicated a belief that education is important and is everyone's responsibility. (3) The majority of those opposing the override contended that enough money is available if there were no mismanagement of present funds and resources. (4) Parents who currently have children in District schools voted "yes", but they did not vote in large numbers and their total number is decreasing. (5) Parents whose children attend District schools rated their schools higher than parents in the 22nd Annual Gallup/Kappan Poll. (6) Nonparents in the District rated the schools lower than nonparents in the Gallup/Kappan Poll. (7) Mismanagement was considered the most serious school-related problem and drugs/alcohol the most serious society-related problem. (8) District respondents indicated less concern about drugs and discipline than the respondents in the Gallup/ Kappan Poll, but more concern about poor curriculum/poor standards, mismanagement, and lack of communication. (9) Retired members of the 50 & over group were more likely to vote "yes" than the working 50 & over members. (10) Females voted more than males and voted "yes" by larger margins. (11) District respondents gave similar answers regardless of the method used to collect information.
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Sinvula, Jospehat Inambao. "Black participation in Georgia's senate district 35 democratic primary election of 1984: a study of its political implications." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1985. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/2245.
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Black voter participation has received considerable scholarly attention. Indeed, an important relationship exists between rates of political activity for blacks and the development of public policy by legislative bodies, elected officials, and governmental administrators. That is, ethnic affinity has long been an important symbolic component of American politics, and ethnic identification has often provided an incentive for otherwise inactive voters to vote for a representative of their ethnic community. The presence of a minority member on the ballot might be expected to increase minority group participation particularly when the candidate is running for an office such as state senator that is considered important. This study begins to address this paucity by exploring factors which influence blacks to participate in the political process, specifically the voting patterns of black registered voters as exemplified in both the primary and the run-off elections in the 35th State Senate District Democratic Primary in South Fulton County, Georgia.
Data from interviews with 561 black voters as they left the polls on election day, September 4, 1984, is used to explore what influences black voters to participate in the political process. A tentative analysis of white racial bloc voting patterns in the district will be explored. White racial bloc voting means that whites will vote only for white candidates, and that no matter what the qualifications of black candidates, there will be one or more white candidates who will attract nearly all of the white votes. Additionally, this study suggests that evidence from a growing body of research clearly indicates that black electoral participation influences the distribution of public benefits at the state and local levels.
The major findings of the study are as follows: 1. The State Senate District 35 exhibited a pattern of racial bloc voting; and 2. A surprisingly high degree of political participation by black voters was exhibited during the election(s).
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Houpt, David W. ""Mysteries in politiks" the second Congressional elections in the districts of Worcester and Maine /." Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/4532.
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Thesis (M.A.)--George Mason University, 2009.Vita: p. 150. Thesis director: Rosemarie Zagarri. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed June 10, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 144-149). Also issued in print.
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Mousa, Bruce Edward. "Relationships between weekly newspapers' agendas and the public agenda about issues in a suburban Ohio school district tax levy election /." The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487688973683791.
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Smith, Michael A. "Closer to home : districts, ambitions, and home styles of state representatives in a U.S. metropolitan area /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9988701.
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Baker, Mathew T. "Relationships between quality indicators of selected school programs and voter behavior in Ohio rural school district property tax elections /." The Ohio State University, 1990. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487677267732706.
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Gallo, Carlo. "Russian duma elections in the territorial districts : explaining patterns of proliferation of independent candidates, 1993-1999." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1763/.
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Russian political parties remained weak and under-institutionalised in the 1990s, with profound implications for the viability of the country's democratic project. This research is concerned with explaining one glaring sign of party under-development - the success of independent candidates in federal parliamentary elections. Its originality rests on focusing on the uneven geographic concentration of independents' electoral success, given that existing accounts have confined themselves to the national, average picture. A second point of originality is the choice of multilevel modelling as the tool of quantitative analysis, applied here for the first time in post-communist electoral studies. The analysis relies on a macro-political explanatory framework where single member electoral districts provide the units of analysis, and where the dependent variable is the district vote share received by independent candidates. Explanatory factors apply at the level of both districts and federal units (regions). They include conflict in centre-regional relations, geographic conditions, candidates' personal resources and the use of administrative resources by regional governors. The main finding confirms the hypothesis that the independents enjoyed a competitive advantage over parties in articulating the new territorial cleavages that emerged, after the collapse of the Soviet-system, as a consequence of state-building and federalisation processes.
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Wang, Xinsong. "Rights Consciousness, Economic Interests, and the 2003 District-Level People’s Congress Elections in China: Middle Class Motivations and Democratic Implications." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2005. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/1.
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This thesis examines the motivations of the Chinese middle class members to run for District-level people’s congress (DPC) elections in Shenzhen and Beijing in 2003. It is interested in exploring why the middle class members wanted to run for the DPC positions that do not have real political power in China, and how their behavior can influence political change in China. By systematically analyzing the candidates’ campaign speeches and activities, this study reveals that the major motivating factors behind the middle class candidates’ decision to run for the elections were to protect their property interests and their increasing desire to defend political rights. This thesis argues that the campaigners’ actions in Shenzhen and Beijing will affect the democratization process in China.
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Wang, Xinsong. "Rights consciousness, economic interests, and the 2003 district-level People's Congress elections In China middle class motivations and democratic implications /." unrestricted, 2005. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04142005-165152/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2005.1 electronic text (58 p.) : digital, PDF file. Title from title screen. Kim Reimann, committee chair; Michael Herb , William Downs, committee members. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 3, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 56-58).
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Lindgren, Eric A. "Understanding the effects of Progressive Era electoral reforms on city elections : the San Francisco Board of Supervisors' races /." view abstract or download file of text, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1192192321&sid=2&Fmt=2&clientId=11238&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2006.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 145-149). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Carnoy, Juliet M. "Proposition 14 and its Affect on Local Democracy in California State Assembly Districts: An Explanatory Study of Voter Turnout in California State Assembly Districts in the 2012 Primary and General Election." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/281.
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Elections are a core element in democracy, and a number of analysts have identified electoral participation of eligible voters as an important indicator of how well democracy is functioning at a particular time in a particular place (see, for example, Burnham, Elections as Democratic Institutions, 1987). In such studies, a major lament about U.S. democracy has been the decline in citizens’ participation in elections.
In 2010, California voters passed Proposition 14. Proposition 14 enforces an open primary in which the top two candidates who garner the highest vote totals proceed to the general election, regardless of party. Supporters of Proposition 14 believe that a Top-Two primary will create more moderate candidates, which will appeal to a larger cross section of the electorate and increase competition and voter turnout. Opponents of Proposition 14 claimed the opposite, and believe that the constitutional amendment will decrease voter turnout due to lack of plurality, as write-ins will be eliminated and only two candidates will contend in the general election.
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Faria, Vanessa Silva de. "O processo de qualificação de votantes no Brasil Império: perfil da população votante do distrito sede de Juiz de Fora, Minas Gerais (1872-1876)." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora, 2011. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/2082.
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Esta dissertação é fruto da curiosidade em compreender melhor os meandros da ação política no Brasil do século XIX – período marcado por constantes embates entre o tradicional e o moderno – e todas as problemáticas inerentes a ele, sobretudo, as eleições e a dinâmica social por trás desses eventos políticos. O nosso objetivo com esse estudo é examinar as dimensões da experiência eleitoral no Brasil Império, a partir da análise das informações contidas nas listas que compõem os livros de qualificação de votantes pertencentes ao município de Juiz de Fora, Minas Gerais, entre os anos de 1872 a 1876, e traçar o perfil dos qualificados votantes e eleitores desta municipalidade. Nesse ínterim, serão analisadas as listas referentes ao Distrito Sede do município, composto por vinte quarteirões. Buscamos agregar a utilização de novas fontes documentais a uma proposta metodológica que associa o uso da quantificação na análise qualitativa dos dados, visando entender em que medida as mudanças feitas na legislação eleitoral do Império do Brasil afetaram e moldaram as práticas eleitorais no país, e o que isso significou, em termos práticos, quando do alistamento eleitoral.
This dissertation is the result of curiosity to better understand the intricacies of the political action of Brazil in the 19th century – period marked by frequent collisions between traditional and modern - and all the problems inherent in it, above all, elections and the social dynamics behind these political events. The purpose of this study is to examine the dimensions of electoral experience in Empire of Brazil, from the analysis of the information contained in the lists that compose the books of qualification of voters belonging to the outline the profile of qualified voters and electors of this municipality. Meanwhile, the lists were analyzed lists concerning to the District Headquarters of the municipality, composed of twenty blocks. Assembled the use of new documentary sources to a methodology that combines the use of quantification in the analysis of qualitative data in order to understand how far the changes made in electoral legislation of the Empire of Brazil affected and shaped the election practices in the country, and what that signified in practical terms, when the electoral registration.
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Clemens, Anji Dreger. "Issues and related strategies used in successful school facilities bond elections in seven selected Orange County school districts between June 2000 to March 2002 /." La Verne, Calif. : University of La Verne, 2003. http://0-wwwlib.umi.com.garfield.ulv.edu/dissertations/fullcit/3100048.
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Stoyanova, Ivelina Evtimova Verfasser], Antonello [Akademischer Betreuer] [Monti, and Dirk [Akademischer Betreuer] Müller. "Cooperative energy management and cross-domain optimization for electro-thermal devices at city-district and city-level / Ivelina Evtimova Stoyanova ; Antonello Monti, Dirk Müller." Aachen : Universitätsbibliothek der RWTH Aachen, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1233935909/34.
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Stoyanova, Ivelina Evtimova [Verfasser], Antonello [Akademischer Betreuer] Monti, and Dirk [Akademischer Betreuer] Müller. "Cooperative energy management and cross-domain optimization for electro-thermal devices at city-district and city-level / Ivelina Evtimova Stoyanova ; Antonello Monti, Dirk Müller." Aachen : Universitätsbibliothek der RWTH Aachen, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1233935909/34.
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Marty, Thomas. "Mobilisations politiques et expertise électorale : la question de la « représentation proportionnelle ». Histoire sociale de la réforme électorale sous la Troisième République." Thesis, Paris 10, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA100148/document.
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Au début du vingtième siècle, après deux décennies sans réforme électorale, le mode de scrutin devient un sujet de controverse. Cette étude se propose d’examiner les conditions du choix de la représentation proportionnelle par les membres de la Chambre des députés française ainsi que par d’autres militants. Au-delà de la rééligibilité législative, c’est à travers le changement du mode de scrutin (introduction du scrutin de liste et de la représentation proportionnelle) que le problème de la réélection apparaît sous la Troisième République. Les professeurs de droit constitutionnel, tant à Paris qu’en province, délaissent cette expertise malgré quelques entreprises militantes éparses. Leurs étudiants formulent alors un savoir académique vite enserré par les contraintes récurrentes des jurys de thèse. Nous cherchons à examiner pourquoi et comment le parlement s’est emparé de cette question. Si les conservateurs et les socialistes sont les plus zélés partisans de la représentation proportionnelle, on ne peut en rester au fait que les partis défendent des systèmes qui les favorisent le plus. Notre étude insiste sur la stabilité socio-biographique du recrutement parlementaire plutôt que sur les variations de majorité et donc d’intérêts. Il faut expliquer pourquoi et comment ce fut le débat parlementaire lui-même qui a pu aboutir à une réforme électorale. Le système mixte de 1919, entre proportionnelle et principe majoritaire, exprime cette tendance des députés à l’ « auto-critique » qui dessine in fine un « auto-portrait ». Progressivement, les circulaires ministérielles adressées aux préfets confondent ces problèmes en un seul mouvement qui tente de codifier l’organisation des candidatures qui pourrait être au fondement du renouvellement souhaité. Ce travail préfectoral retire aux seuls entrepreneurs électoraux le monopole de l’anticipation des résultats et en ménage une co-production administrative. Dans la production préfectorale, de nouvelles cartes des circonscriptions uninominales ont eu tendance à perpétuer le traditionnel « scrutin d’arrondissement ». Ces tentatives de réforme électorale spatiale ont également introduit une nouvelle échelle dans le déroulement des campagnes électorales. Cet élargissement de la capacité électorale a été rendu possible par une nouvelle représentation : la circonscription administrative du département a eu tendance à devenir le critère principal de la mobilisation électorale que ce soit pour la loi électorale de 1919 ou celle de 1927Early twentieth century, after two decades of indifference to electoral reform, the electoral system has become a controversial question. This study explores the factors that should been taken into consideration when members of the French Chamber of Deputies and some other activists have tried to choose “proportional representation”. Beyond its political and legislative dimensions, the problem of re-election of representatives in the Third Republic was influenced by manipulation of electoral rules – in particular the introduction of proportional and list voting. In Paris and in Province, professors desert this part of doctrine in spite of some militant activities. Students had produced their thesis under constraint because the boards of examiners were always the same. We seek to explain how and why Parliament becomes leader in this electoral reform. Conservatives and Socialists advocated more strongly the proportional representation. The problem is often stated on the level in which every political party prefers the electoral system that favors it. This study will underline the biographical and social effect of membership stability instead of change in partisan control of the legislature. We seek to explain why a parliamentary debate may lead to a change in the established electoral system. The mixed system of 1919, between proportional representation and majority principle, expresses the deputies’ trends to self-criticism which is also self- representation. Increasingly, ministerial letters of instruction to Prefects tend to conflate these elements into a single effort to codify the pre-selection of candidates who could form the base of the desired political renewal. In this way, the monopoly of expertise relating to anticipating and predicting electoral outcomes once held political entrepreneurs was replaced by co-management of elections by them and the Prefects. First, new maps for single-seat districts have tended to perpetuate the traditionnal “scrutin d’arrondissement”. These attemps of spatial electoral reform have introduced a new scale in electoral campaign. This enlargement of electoral capability was made possible with a new representation : the administrative district of “département” has tended to become the main criterion in electoral mobilization whatever one of the two different electoral rules in 1919 and 1927
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Liška, Michal. "Nalezení slabých míst a analýza rizik dílčí části informačního systému na úřadu městské části." Master's thesis, Vysoké učení technické v Brně. Ústav soudního inženýrství, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-382690.
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The diploma thesis deals with the problem of finding weak points and risk analysis of a part of the information system at the municipal office of the Brno-Líšeň district, which deals with the issue of the organization of elections, namely the administrative provision and the constitution of the district electoral commissions. The thesis is based on the theoretical apparatus in the field of information systems, database systems and risk engineering. The thesis used the analysis of the Czech legal norms for the organization and conduct of elections and the specific conditions of the chosen type of municipal office.
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Cole, Brian C. "Countering the Questionable Actions of the CPD and FEC." Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6817.
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For his study, the author determines whether the Commission on Presidential Debates (CPD) and the Federal Elections Commission (FEC) are sovereign entities, or if they are pawns of the Democratic and Republican parties (Political Duopoly) aimed to prevent smaller candidates from participating in the CPD’s Presidential Debates.
The author’s rationale for his research is based on the fact that, despite a large majority of American voters want to hear other voices in the CPD debates, the CPD has not allowed other voices to participate in the debates since 1992, through use of the CPD’s fifteen-percent support requirement. Every time an entity questions the CPD’s requirements, the FEC dismiss the challenges. This has led to lawsuits against the commissions from Level the Playing Field (LPF) and Gary Johnson.
The author completed a literature review and case view analysis related to this matter, introduces the Marketplace of Ideas Theory, and the theory’s fallacies. Results from research indicates that both the CPD and FEC have behaved questionably, keeping the threshold at a level that outside candidates cannot breach, and that the lawsuits against the commissions are valid. In conclusion, the American voters are largely limited to the status quo parties despite increasingly looking for other options. This thesis will elaborate upon the misdeeds of the Political Duopoly have also reduced other freedoms and liberties once protected by the United States Constitution
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Moore, Eldridge D. "Does Instructional Delivery Method in an Elective Business Class Impact Student Achievement with Respect to Gender, Race and Socio-economic Status in a Selected Texas Public School District?" Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc822793/.
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The problem that guided this study was a socio-constructivist view of education via online learning. Based in the extant literature, a deficiency existed that directly correlated online learning closing the academic achievement gap between student populations. In other words, schools invested in technology; however, few empirical data sets existed that established a connection between technology integration and the academic achievement of different student groups. The purpose of this pooled regression analysis study was to determine whether the method of class instruction effected academic achievement gaps between three subpopulations based on gender, race, and SES. Specifically, this study examined whether gender, race, and SES could predict semester grades within and across traditional, blended, and online course instructional methods. The dependent variable for this study was student success in the form of an end-of-unit test grade designed to evaluate student understanding of the curriculum. The independent variables included student gender, ethnicity, and SES. Quantitative data were collected through an analysis of Public Education Information Management System (PEIMS) data and student end-of-unit exam grades. The research suggests one combined interaction, [gender x race] in the traditional learning environment, is statistically significant while several independent interactions are significant. Those independent interactions are TAKS scores, gender, and Socio-economic status. According to the trends in this research, no significant differences exists in academic achievement between African American males and White males enrolled in traditional, blended or online classes. This non-significance is important. As suggested, when all other external factors, in this research, are held constant and the academic playing field is level, male students perform equally within the classroom, also, because no significant differences exists in academic achievement, the quality of instruction from well-trained, highly qualified educators can be an integral factor in closing the achievement gap between African American, low-SES male students.
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Kuchařová, Milena. "Volební inženýrství na lokální úrovni v České republice: případová studie statutárních měst Praha, Olomouc, Ústí nad Labem, Most." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-205011.
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The master's thesis deals with local elections in the Czech Republic from the point of view of electoral engineering. Theoretical part of the thesis is focused on the elections, electoral systems and variables of electoral systems. The main variables are electoral district magnitude, electoral formula, legal threshold and the number and character of tier districting. The thesis then describes issue of gerrymandering and malapportionment from the theoretical perspective. The next part of the thesis deals with legislative framework of the local government elections from 1989 including rules and problematic characteristics of current electoral law for electing members of municipality. Empirical part of the thesis analyses local elections in the Czech Republic and results of the elections between 1994 and 2014. In the last chapter, division of the territory into electoral districts is assessed with an emphasis on principle of equal weight of votes and degree of proportionality. Comparison was carried out by using two indices of proportionality, Loosemore and Hanby index and D'Hondt index.
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López, Villanes Noam. "Political spechees from local authorities about the coca leaf in the districts of Kimbir and Pichari 2006-2010." Revista de Ciencia Política y Gobierno, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/48654.
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The article addresses the relationship between drug trafficking and subnational politics having as unit of analysis the local authorities’ speeches of the Cuzco districts of Kimbiri and Pichari form 2006 to 2010 Based in a qualitative methodology but backed by a pair of statistical tests, it is found that candidates and then authorities have a dualistic perspective about the cultivation of coca leafs, which is directed mostly to the production of cocaine Thus, also the radicalism in the defense of coca leaf is not constant in time, but rather strategic and casual Last, based on model proposal about drug trafficking networks of influence, we conclude that the closer this illegal economic activity is at the authorities, these have an ambiguous and contradictory speech on the issueEl artículo aborda la relación del narcotráfico con la política subnacional teniendo por unidad de análisis los discursos de las autoridades municipales de los distritos cusqueños de Kimbiri y Pichari de 2006 a 2010 En base a una metodología cualitativa pero respaldada de un par de pruebas estadísticas se comprueba que los candidatos y luego autoridades no tienen una perspectiva dualista sobre el cultivo de hoja de coca cuya producción se dirige en su mayoría a la producción de cocaína Así también la radicalidad en la defensa de la hoja de coca no es constante en el tiempo, sino más bien estratégica y ocasional Por último, en base a un modelo propuesto sobre las redes de influencia del narcotráfico, se concluye que mientras más cercana se encuentre esta actividad económica ilegal a las autoridades, estas tendrán un discurso ambiguo y contradictorio sobre el tema
O artigo aborda a relação do narcotráfico com a política subnacional tendo a unidade deanalise aos discursos das autoridades municipais dos distritos cusqueños de Kimbiri e Pichari dos anos 2006 aos 2010 Na base duma metodologia qualitativa, mas apoiada de duas provas estadísticas se podem comprovar o que os candidatos e logo as autoridades, não tem uma perspectiva dualista sobre o cultivo da folha de coca o que sua produção dirige, maiormente a produção da cocaína Da mesma forma, a defensa radical da folha de coca não é constante no tempo, mas é estratégica e ocasional Finalmente, na base dum modelo proposto sobre as redes de influência do narcotráfico, pode-se concluir que se a atividade econômica ilegal fica per todas autoridades, elas tem um discurso duvidoso e com contradições sobre o tema
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Lopes, Renata Vernay. "Elaboração de um manual de reserva de concentrados de hemácias para cirurgias eletivas no Hospital de Base do Distrito Federal." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/17/17155/tde-08012019-154356/.
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O maior consumo de concentrados de hemácias está relacionado a pacientes que enfrentam procedimentos cirúrgicos. A solicitação de reserva de concentrados de hemácias para cirurgia em quantidades muito além do necessário sobrecarrega a Agência Transfusional, configura desperdício de recursos humanos, danos ao erário e prejuízo ao paciente, haja vista que muitos hemocomponentes são reservados para cirurgias, mas poucos são utilizados. A dificuldade no transporte e armazenamento dos hemocomponentes em condições adequadas fora da Agência Transfusional é fato que agrava essa situação e aumenta o desperdício, pois muitos hemocomponentes são solicitados, não são utilizados e retornam ao Serviço de Hemoterapia sem condições de serem reintegrados ao estoque. Tendo em vista que o Hospital de Base do Distrito Federal é a unidade hospitalar com o maior quantitativo em solicitação de reservas de concentrados de hemácias, e por ser recomendável que cada Serviço de Hemoterapia desenvolva seu protocolo específico e personalizado, o objetivo desse estudo é criar um manual de reserva de concentrados de hemácias para procedimentos invasivos, com o quantitativo de hemocomponentes a serem reservados para cada tipo de cirurgia, visando promover o uso racional do sangue no referido hospital. Para isso foi realizado um levantamento dos dados de cirurgias realizadas no Hospital de Base do Distrito Federal nos meses de fevereiro a julho de 2015. Em cada cirurgia foi analisado se houve solicitação e utilização de reserva de hemocomponentes. Com os dados obtidos foi calculado o índice de pacientes transfundidos para cada tipo de cirurgia, sendo confeccionado o manual, que consiste em um quadro com a conduta hemoterápica a ser adotada em cada tipo de cirurgia, se nenhuma, ou realização de tipagem e pesquisa de anticorpos irregulares, ou realização de prova de compatibilidade e reserva de concentrado de hemácias. Foi calculada a quantia aproximada de recursos com insumos que seria economizada caso fosse adotada a conduta sugerida no ano estudado. Para que o manual seja efetivamente aplicado tanto no momento de realizar a solicitação da reserva quanto no momento de preparar a reserva, deve haver uma sistemática de implantação do manual no ambiente hospitalar, com orientações quanto ao correto preenchimento do tipo de cirurgia no mapa cirúrgico e na requisição de reserva ao Banco de sangue. É importante a reavaliação periódica e comparação das solicitações de reservas de concentrados de hemácias para cirurgias eletivas com o cenário do ano anterior. O sucesso na implementação deste manual depende da compreensão e colaboração de uma equipe multidisciplinar de cirurgiões, anestesistas e colaboradores da Agência Transfusional.Optimizing blood ordering and transfusion has been largely discussed because of patient\'s safety and money constraints. The highest use of red blood cells in a hospital is related to surgical procedures. The preoperative blood order in quantities much higher than necessary, overloads the Blood bank, which configures wasted human resources, wasted public resources and can cause injury to the patient. In most hospitals many blood components are reserved for surgeries, but few are used. The difficulty in transporting and storing the blood components in suitable conditions outside the Blood bank aggravates this situation and increases the costs. Many blood components are requested but not used and return to the blood transfusion service without conditions to be reintegrated into the stock. Considering that Hospital de Base of the Federal District Brazil is the one with the highest quantity of preoperative crossmatching orders in our state, the purpose of this study was to create a maximum blood ordering schedule (MBOS) for elective surgeries. MBOS has been established since 1977 and should be based on recommendation that each hospital may develop for its specific needs. This MBOS should recommend the maximum packed red blood cell quantity to be reserved for each type of surgery, aiming to promote the rational use of blood in the hospitals. For that, a survey of the data of surgeries performed at the Hospital de Base was carried out from February to July 2015. For each surgery, we analyzed if there was a request and use of a packed red blood cell. With the data obtained, the index of patients transfused for each type of surgery was calculated, and the manual was elaborated, consisting of a chart with hemotherapy decision to be adopted in each type of surgery. The manual included 3 types of recommendations for blood bank staff: none, type and screen only, or crossmatch units of packed red blood cells. The approximate amount of resources that would be saved if the suggested strategy were adopted in 2015 were also calculated. The idea is to have a systematic implementation of the manual in the hospital considering the moment of ordering blood products and the moment of adopting the strategy proposed at the blood bank. Some improvements are needed such as guidelines with suggestions including the complete and accurate filling of the surgical map (exact type of surgery) and implementation of a better blood ordering system with more information about patients and surgeries. This kind of manual most be reviewed periodically since surgical procedures can change over time with new techniques been included in the therapeutic strategies. The success in implementing this manual depends on the consent and collaboration of a multidisciplinary team including surgeons, anesthesiologists, and blood bank staff.
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Vieira, Luís Augusto. ""Está chegando o tempo de política... de eleição...": expressões da participação política dos moradores do Distrito de Catuçaba/São Luiz do Paraitinga SP: permanências e mudanças 2007/2008." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2008. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/17922.
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Previous issue date: 2008-10-07Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
The object of this dissertation is the political participation process of the residents from Catuçaba distric, wich belongs to São Luiz do Pariaitinga municipality in the state of São Paulo, in 2007 and 2008. It aims to recognize and analyses the expressions of this political participation focusing on the moments of political stably and change which happened in this process. The hypothesis is that the Catuçaba residents' political participation is predominantly electoral, and so, presents as its main aspect of stability the maintenance of power centralization in mayor candidates and as its main aspect of change the reduction of the family's roll in the decision making process. The concepts adopted as reference, in a interdisciplinary approach of a historic-politic-cultural perspective, were: rural space, urban space, political participation, caipira culture. The research is qualitative and adopts as methodological procedures a bibliographic research, a documental research, researcher's participative observation and field research. A interview semi-structured in orientating topics was used as collecting instrument. Five persons, chosen among the former residents (which has been living in the are for more then 5 years), associated with local political groups. The gathered information was analyzed by its content. The survey results showed that the design of political participation of the residents of Catuçaba remains predominantly character of elections, also remained significant relationships of friendship and compadrio in political decisions, and of gender relations remain macho, with limited political participation of women. The results also showed, as relevant changes in the local political structure, the loss of the centrality of political power by traditional families, which has as a result of the recognition ability of the administration candidate, rather than his personal prestige and family, in addition, relations of Catuçaba of voters, with his political opponents are more flexible and less violence
O objeto da presente dissertação é o processo de participação política dos moradores do distrito de Catuçaba do município de São Luiz do Paraitinga, no Estado de São Paulo, no período de 2007/ 2008. O objetivo é conhecer e analisar as expressões dessa participação política enfocando permanências e mudanças políticas que ocorreram nesse processo. A hipótese levantada é de que a participação política dos catuçabenses é predominantemente eleitoral, e, nesse sentido, apresenta como aspecto principal de permanência a centralidade do poder na figura do candidato a prefeito, e como aspecto principal de mudança a diminuição do poder decisório da família na vida política municipal. Os conceitos adotados de referência foram o espaço rural, o espaço urbano, a participação política, e a cultura caipira, em uma abordagem interdisciplinar, numa perspectiva crítica de análise histórico-político-cultural. A pesquisa é de natureza qualitativa, tendo como procedimentos metodológicos, o levantamento bibliográfico, a pesquisa documental, a observação participante do pesquisador e a pesquisa de campo. Como instrumento de coleta de dados na pesquisa de campo foi utilizada a entrevista semi-estruturada com tópicos orientadores. Foram entrevistados cinco sujeitos, escolhidos entre moradores antigos da referida localidade (residentes há mais de cincos anos), vinculados aos grupos políticos locais. As informações conseguidas foram analisadas por meio de análise de conteúdo. Os resultados da pesquisa apontaram que a concepção de participação política dos moradores de Catuçaba permanece predominantemente de caráter eleitoral, permanecendo também relações significativas de amizade e compadrio nas decisões políticas, bem como permanecendo relações de gênero machistas, com limitada participação política da mulher. Os resultados apontaram ainda, como mudanças relevantes, na estrutura política local, a perda da centralidade do poder político pelas famílias tradicionais, o que tem como conseqüência o reconhecimento da capacidade de administração do candidato, e não tanto seu prestígio pessoal e familiar, além disso, as relações dos eleitores de Catuçaba, com seus adversários políticos são mais flexíveis e de menos violência
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Huang, Yi-Jay, and 黃義傑. "The Electoral Marketing of Political Partys, Candidates in Multimember Distric and SNTV System in Taiwan: A Case Study of the Tsu Party and its Candidate in the North District in Kaohsiung City for the 2004 Legislator Election." Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/95074208551323585900.
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碩士國立中山大學
政治學研究所
94
This paper is aimed at exploring the theory and process about electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan. First, we discuss the features under multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan and also try to analyze the theory for electoral marketing which consists of theories about marketing, political commmunication and electoral strategies to offer a basic theory for electoral marketing of political partys and candidates in this paper. In addition, we also construct a research framework for electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan by exploring the features under multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan and the theory for electoral marketing in this paper. .Second, we also use the observational method, the interview method and the research framework for electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan to analyze the electoral marketing of the TSU party and its candidate in the north district in Kaohsiung city for the 2004 legislator election in this paper. Finally, the candidate in this case successes to get the seat for the 2004 legislator election, and the winning key is his electoral marketing. The strategies for his electoral marketing in the first period and the second period are emphasized his personality, profession and the TSU party. The strategies for his electoral marketing in the third period and the final period are emphasized the coordination with the DPP and allocation of votes. By analyzing the theory and the case, we can find a basic framework for electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan and it could be possible to win a seat by working with political partys and making a theme for electoral marketing to emphasize the personality and profession of candidates, or to operate “allocation of votes”, including the coordination among political partys and candidates. To sum up, the electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system is a process, including political partys, candidates, professinal work-teams, strategies and campaigns for electoral marketing, and voters. It also can show a process for political communication in which political partys, candidates and work-teams may use strategies and campaigns for electoral marketing to address political information to voters and correct strategies and campaigns for electoral marketing from voter’s feedback. In this way, political partys, candidates can give voters what they want and success to win a seat. At the same time, we also can offer new ideas for researching the behavior of political partys and candidates, the campaigns of political elite in Kaohsiung city and developing the research for elections in Taiwan in this paper.
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"The 1985 district board election in Hong Kong: a geographical perspective." Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1986. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5885797.
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Nishikawa, Misa. "The electoral consequences of mixed electoral systems contamination effects and strategic behavior in Japan /." 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/54701135.html.
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Kuo, Yi-Chun, and 郭怡均. "The Role of Chief of Borough in Local Elections-A Case Study on Zhongzheng District in 2014 Taipei Municipal Council Election." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/ujtc6b.
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碩士國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
104
The chief of borough is a very important role in local politics. However, in Taiwan, there are not many studies related to the political roles of the chief of borough. Most of the studies concerning the chief of borough are in the area of public administration. Therefore, this thesis will focus on the political roles of the chief of borough. There are two main purposes of this study. The first one is to find out how chiefs of borough help councilor candidates to win the election and how they interact with each other during elections and in normal times. The other purpose is to find out the reason why new candidates can hardly win in the election of chief of borough and how they can do make themselves win. This study takes a close look at the Taipei municipal council election and the chief of borough election in Zhongzheng District in 2014. The findings of this study are : (1) Chiefs of borough are actually vote brokers and they are still important to the councilor candidates. (2) In chief of borough election, networking is the most important. (3) In chief of borough election, it takes much more time and determinations for new candidates to win.
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Chen, Yu-Xun, and 陳昱勳. "Party Voter Behavior of Kuomintang：A Case Study of Yonghe District In 2014 Taiwan Local Elections of Public Officials & 2016 Presidential Election." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/b88xfb.
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碩士銘傳大學
新媒體暨傳播管理學系碩士班
104
The main purpose of this study was to explore the KMT supporters for identity and electoral behavior of political parties to make induction factor,with Taiwan's democratic opening,people have more paths to pronounce.In addition to people's criticism of the government,also can deprecation politicians with votes,so people have high requirements and expectations to their politicians.Party identification is a critical factor,not only can affect voter,also for party system stable. In 2016 presidential election,Taiwan has three change of ruling party,the DPP obtain the right to return to power, Congress for the first time more than half.Many people describe KMT with the "CRASH" this word,but in the election Information,we found the KMT's votes always win the DPP in Yonghe District.In this study, "Party Voter Behavior"inductive analysis of the Kuomintang Party voters factors. According to information and in-depth interviews, the following several important discovery: 1.Residential structure in Yonghe District,only one third of the provinces population in it,however because of government employees and many Taiwanese people long-term support for the KMT,so the KMT would Undefeated in many elections. 2.KMT in Yonghe District management earlier,and service quite solid,accumulated a lot of political energy,so Taiwanese people have deep emotional support to KMT. 3.Ideology,the KMT supporters always have "Taiwan independence", "irrational"impression for DTT,so they think DTT should abandoned it,then the party would be Accepted. 4.KMT votes in the presidential election have dropped significantly in Yonghe constituency,the reason is that does not come out to vote,not vote to the third party.
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Yang, Chung-chun, and 楊忠駿. "An Empirical Study of Election General Standing in Terms of Election to Government Officials in Taiwan District." Thesis, 1998. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/12020488145161021886.
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碩士淡江大學
財務金融學系
86
In average, there is one election every two years in Taiwan. Each election has attracted the attention of mass investors. If the fluctuation of stock price is caused by election affairs, it will affect four million seven hundred thousand investors by the profit and right of the amount of one hundred billion N.T. dollars of daily closing bargain, so there is a great impact. This research will take 12 elections from 1975 to 1994 as a case, 32 companies whose stock was marketable in 1975 and has been still on market up to now as an example, and 60 trade days before voting date and 90 trade days after voting date as an identification period. Whether or not there is election general standing in terms of election to government officials in Taiwan district is identified, then we infer if Taiwan stock market is correspond to semi-strength efficiency market. Based on the result of empirical study , the conclusion is that election affairs can really control the rising and falling of the stock price. It proves that as far as election affairs are concerned, stock market in Taiwan is not correspond to semi-strength efficiency market. -strength efficiency market.
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Rao, Dirisala Venkateswara. "1994 Assembly elections in a district: A case study of west godavari district, Andhra Pradesh." Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2009/5782.
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Hunt, Richard. "Mapping the 2006 Canadian election : a user-controlled multilayered overlay map of federal electoral districts /." 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:MR29285.
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Thesis (M.Des.)--York University, 2007. Graduate Programme in higher education.Typescript. Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:MR29285
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Chu, Jian-I., and 朱建益. "Postwar Elections and Democratic Movement at Kaohsiung District (1945-1998)." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/r33axs.
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碩士東吳大學
歷史學系
96
Taiwan’s achievements of democratic development have been initiated by the predecessors, who aroused people gradually by constant opposition and resistance on speech and on action, and have been reached by progressive breakthrough from locality, by mutual connection and cooperation finally. During the period under the Japanese reign, although Kaohsiung district was an emerging area, many active figures of democratic movement appeared. After the War, these figures that strode across two epochs still keep on pushing the democratic movement forward with the way of throwing themselves into elections after experiencing the 228 Incident. They participated in all kinds of local elections, engaged in democratic education during elections, continued to compete with KMT local party branch and its affiliated local sects, and thus formed a towering landmark in Taiwan’s history of democratic movement in early stages. This kind of democratic movement deepened continuously and stably at Kaohsiung district. From 1970s, the figures of democratic movement in entire Taiwan started to combine and converge. Moreover, with the type of a group, the non-party figures published magazines to advocate their philosophy, and put into public official elections to consolidate the non-party influence. Eventually, the non-party power forced its way to breakthrough party ban (ban on political parties and their activities), and established the first opposition party of Taiwan after the War—DPP (Democratic Progressive Party). Since then, the democratic movement at Kaohsiung district has become more flourishing, and Kaohsiung district has been an important source of support of the opposition party. With the angle of history of democratic movement, the scope of Kaohsiung district, and within the time from after the War to the 1990s of comprehensive democratization, the dissertation discussed in the process of democratic movement the efforts and achievements of figures of democratic movement at Kaohsiung district, the inheritance of the movement, as well as the contribution and significance of Kaohsiung district democratic movement in Taiwan’s history of democratic movement.
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Gold, Daniel. "Federal electoral district inequality, the Saskatchewan Reference and Mixed Member Proportional representation (MMP)." 2007. http://link.library.utoronto.ca/eir/EIRdetail.cfm?Resources__ID=788661&T=F.
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Lee, Yao-hung, and 李曜宏. "A Study on the Electors’ Voting Behavior of Taipei Nangang District and Neihui District about the Legislative Election in 2008." Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/96130668818589991748.
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碩士國立臺北教育大學
台灣文化研究所
97
The legislative election in 2008 was the first election after election system change, Electors’ voting behavior maybe influenced by the new legislative election system.So electors’ voting behavior attracted huge attention. To record the first election after election system change,with special meaning This study takes the election of legislators held in Taipei Nangang district and Neihu district the fourth election districting as the research scope to obtain the materials by the questionnaire. This study obtains 747 effective questionnaires after deducting the samples unable to analyze. After the questionnaires reclaimed, the study analyzes the data by the statistical methods such as logistics analysis, the description of distribution, Chi-square test, and so on. tries to understand possible causes influencing electors’ voting behavior in this legislative election. And then visit the candidate of KMT and DDP to find out the though and suggestion of them. The results show that: 1. Basically maintain the support of pan-blue and pan-green camps is 40%to 60%. 2. Single-Member-Districts System and Two-Votes System can solve some questions of the past election system. 3. Issue of the candidate most of the citizens concern how to improve the economic 4. Bribery influenced election is still serious. 5. The new legislative election system may cause the election bill is not equal. 6. The candidate and the issue of candidate is the most influencing causes to electors’ voting behavior.
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Huang, Ching-Fang, and 黃清芳. "Local Election Strategies of Political Parties-Case Study of the Election of the Eleventh Taipei City Councilman in Shihlin Beitou District on 2010." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/89371657688795240004.
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碩士銘傳大學
公共事務學系碩士在職專班
99
Political participation plays a big part in democracy and party politics as well. As a major form of political participation, elections consequently have become one of the most important functions of the political parties. The planning of election strategies of the party not only determines the acts of the candidate in the elections, bur also plays a decisive role in the outcome of the election. The research is a case study of the election of the eleventh Taipei city councilman in Shihlin Beitou district in 2010. The case study aims to analyze the election strategies of the Kuomintang (KMT), Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and candidates who do not belong to any particular parties and further investigate their impact on the outcome of the election. Finally, the goal of the research is to provide suggestions on effective election strategies and the directions for future researches. Using document analysis methods, in-depth interviews and participation observation methods, this case study focuses on the election of the eleventh Taipei city councilman in Shihlin Beitou. The interviews were conducted from September 2010 to April 2011. The subjects included the candidates for councilman, the head of the borough, the director of local branches of the parties and executive officers. We also took part in the election process and documented on-sight observation of the election. Our results showed that facing the challenge of shrinking winning possibilities, the KMT took conservative strategies, including necessary compromises with the real situation in order to reach its goal in the election, and it managed to escape the crisis of losing seats in the city council. The DPP, on the other hand, took relatively aggressive nomination strategies for the first time in the Shihlin Beitou district, considering local factions and political reasons. Despite the risky strategy, the DPP still gained five seats by creating conflicting atmosphere with controversial issues. As for candidates who do not belong to the above mentioned two parties, most of them rely on images built by long-term services and high-profile publicities to win the public approval and support.
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Lin, Yo-Shing, and 林佑星. "The Spatial Difference of party identification in elections of Taiping District, Taichung City." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/51020794356010042931.
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碩士國立高雄師範大學
地理學系
103
Taiping District is one rapid population growth region from 1970s. In this calculation, more than 100,000 foreign population or newborn population (population growth in social increase based), whether small regional characteristics of elections marked it? This study wanted to use recent presidents, mayors, legislators elections as voters voting behavior of political parties on Taiping District's village rating geospatial recognition research. Through the research from literature, geographic information systems and results of interviews that we know:(1) Influenced by the former KMT's authoritarian, in the early 2000s , the pan blue camp's percentage of votes obtained of Taiping District election is greater than fifty percent and even fifty-five percent,and the pan green camp's percentage of votes obtained of Taiping District election is about thirty-five percent to forty-five percentage. In recent years, DPP's support ratio is on the rise, and the number of votes of each village has a more stable trend;(2)People's party identity at all levels elections is under similar spatial distribution in Taiping District,the Dongping Road's north called North Taiping has significant the pan blue camp trend,and the Dongping Road's south called South Taiping is blue-green matched or slightly greenish region, the eastern mountains of Taiping is sometimes distributed in blue,and sometimes distributed in green;(3)Taipin District or the villages of Taipin's pan-blue and pan-green tendencies mainly influenced by ethnic group, occupation and local development features, such as: a. The ethnic group's point of view, the military community which living a lot of mainlanders has a clear pan blue camp trends ;b. The occupational point of view, the more civil servants and military persons tend to support the pan blue camp, the labor and farmers more oriented toward support for the pan green c c. The local development's point of view,the region closes to Taichung Military Hospital more inclined to blue, and the region near Taiping District farmers' Association, Taihe temple and the industrial areas are more inclined to green.
47
Sovka, Roseanne M. "Interest group involvement in constituency election campaigns." Thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/1468.
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This study explores the range and variance of interest group activity in constituency campaigns in the 1988 federal election as reported in the Constituency Party Association dataset created in 1991 for the Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing. SPSSPC+ was used to analyze the relationships between variables in four main areas: political party affiliation, geographic variables, constituency association characteristics, and the specific issues the interest groups were promoting or opposing. The most significant finding was that interest groups were actively involved in half of the riding association election campaigns, either supporting or opposing local candidates. The cursory treatment of electoral involvement in the interest group literature provides an inadequate explanation for this widespread phenomena. This study provides an initial profile of interest group involvement in constituency campaigns. The exploration of the data revealed that interest groups were more likely to be involved in the local campaigns of candidates associated with the governing party. They were less likely to be involved in Quebec constituency campaigns, and more likely in wealthy competitive riding campaigns. The most frequently mentioned issues that motivated interest groups locally were abortion, followed by free trade.
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LEE, HSIEN-HSLANG, and 李賢祥. "A study on the involvement of mafia during the elections — by examples of Taipei district legislator elections in 1998 and 2001." Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/jka876.
Full textAbstract:
碩士銘傳大學
公共事務學系碩士在職專班
93
The mafia enters the arena of politics through the elections, and influences structure and developments of social economy and politics badly. Those kinds of problems exist all over the world. The election even intervened in money and violence, which seriously harasses social orders and politics. We people are fear and in panic with the corruption. After the curfew was lifted, political ecosystem faces brand new changes toward a new system. The party from specific area seems to be more involved with the mafia respectively. This research explores the roles of the mafia in the elections, finds out how mafia is involved by examples of Taipei county. Moreover, suggests someway that might strengthen political developments upon relations of the mafia and elections.
49
Lin, Liang-Yu, and 林亮宇. "The Theory and Practice of Electoral District Delimitation- A Case Study of Legislator Election in Taiwan." Thesis, 2004. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/67639706421067503680.
Full textAbstract:
碩士淡江大學
公共行政學系公共政策碩士班
94
Since the Constitution is executed, the electoral method of legislator has passed through several changes. In the Additional Articles of the Constitution passed in 2005, the local representatives are selected among the same size of electoral district by dividing the elected quota. In the Amendment of the Constitution, it does not stipulate explicitly on how to divide such a same volume of electoral district. Is the Election And Recall Law remodeled and published on 3rd February, 2006 appropriate? If the citizens do not satisfied with the result, is there any way to remedy? If there is a way, what kind of remedy we should follow?Regarding this question, we start to discuss from the correlation element of electoral district, including Suffrage and Voting right, System of Election and the allocation of seat, the meaning of electoral district and the standard dividing, the origination of dividing election district and Gerrymandering. We will go down to the system of election for legislator and relevant problem of dividing electoral district in around year 2005. If disagreeing with dividing result of electoral district, you can try to construct a completed remedy system and propose remodeling the regulation. We found 1. The revolution of electoral system did not succeed because the rationality of administrative divisions is not considered. 2. The regulation of electoral system in the Additional Articles of the Constitution is still open to discussion. 3. The ratio and seat allocation of political party is not calculated accurately, the ratio of possible and gained seat may have big difference. 4. If the foreign residents are excluded from the representative selected according to the ratio of political party, the regulation for foreign residents is not meaningful any more. 5. Standard of electoral district delimitation is not regulated by law, causing the un-compulsory of current division standard; it does not differentiate the different of first division and re-division. 6. The uncompleted regulation of the remedy for disagreement of the electoral district delimitation result; if the citizens refuse to accept it, so many problems will occur. We propose below suggestion in regards with so many questions: 1. The first execution of SNTV-MMD. Electoral district delimitation should take the equivalence of population as the priority standard. 2. Cooperating with Executive Yuan census-taking every ten years; regulating 10-year as a circle of time for re-division of electoral district. 3. In the election proclamation, we should regulate that the political party or candidate participated in the election within the electoral district can propose Administrative proceedings toward the contents of proclamation. 4. We should establish an origination specifically responsible for electoral district delimitation, whose member should be approved by parliament. 5. We should consider that if the administrative division should be re-adjust or at least considering breaking through the division method based on county and city. 6. We should create a new regulation, which is to design an extraordinary procedure of lawsuit, and the lawsuit are proposed by citizens disagree with electoral district delimitation.
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Peng, Jui-Jen, and 彭睿仁. "The Cross-Level Inference on National and Local Election: The Comparative Analysis between the Yulin County Governor By-Election in 1999 and the Presidential Election at Yulin Distrinct in 2000." Thesis, 2001. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/95217533803518518977.
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