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Journal articles on the topic 'Election distric'
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1
Ma'mun, Syukron. "ANALISA PENGARUH FAKTOR PENDIDIKAN TERHADAP PARTISIPASI POLITIK PEREMPUAN PADA PEMILIHAN KEPALA DESA (PILWU) TAHUN 2017 DI KECAMATAN WIDASARI." Tarbawiyah Jurnal Ilmiah Pendidikan 2, no. 02 (December 26, 2018): 302. http://dx.doi.org/10.32332/tarbawiyah.v2i02.1400.
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Background of this reaserch is the low of women participation in various agenda of general election in level national, province, or local. This reaserch amin to know the influence of level of education to woman political participation in election of Village head 2017 in Widasari District. The research approch in this reaserch is qualitatif approach with case study methode. Subyect in this reserah is woman candidats from three villages in Widasari District which perform the election of village head. From four villages which perform village head election, there is three villages with woman candidat of village head which is Kongsijaya Village, ujung jaya Village, and Leuwigede Village. The reaserch instrumen use in this reaserch is observation sheet and interview sheet to woman candidat of village head. The result of this reaserch is proof that education is not main determinant of women participation to nominate as village head. There is other factor that influence women participation in village head election in Widasari distric 2017 which is husband support and experience un social organization.
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Setiawan, Topan. "Implementation of Simple Additive Weighting (SAW) Method To Determine Exemplary PKH Social Worker (Case Study: PPKH Garut Regency)." Buana Information Technology and Computer Sciences (BIT and CS) 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.36805/bit-cs.v2i1.1236.
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One measure of the success of an employee in carrying out his job is his election as an exemplary employee in the agency where he works. The selection must of course be based on standard measurement and objective assessment, the goal is that the predetermined results can be justified. A decision support system using the Simple Additive Weighting (SAW) method can help PPKH Garut regency in determining exemplary PKH socialworker in each sub-district PPKH unit, this method will look for weight values for each predetermined criterion consisting of quantity, integrity, dedication, reliability, initiative, diligence, attitude, motivation and presence. The data sample taken in this research was PPKH X Sub-distric, where the results of the research are in the form of a ranking that can support the decision to choose an exemplary PKH social worker in PPKH Garut Regency
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Kurnianto, Anang Wahyu, and Ridwanto Ardi Kusumo. "Recall on Village Heads Election: An Election Law Reform." Journal of Law and Legal Reform 1, no. 2 (January 13, 2020): 201–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jllr.v1i2.35406.
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This study aims to analyze the model of holding village head elections between times with a case study in Reban Village, Reban District, Batang Regency. This study uses a qualitative method with a sociological juridical approach(Dawkins et al., 2019). The results of this study indicate that: 1). Inter-village head election procedures in Reban Village, Reban District, Batang Regency are in accordance with the mandate of Article 47 of Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages. However, referring to Article 45 of Government Regulation No. 43 of 2014 there are stages of selection that are not yet in accordance with technical rules: a). The holding of the election exceeds the specified time limit. Limitations of technical guidelines become the main obstacle b). Funding for the election is still fully burdened to the candidates for village heads. 2). The mechanism for electing village heads over time through a voting model with a representative system. Voters who have the right to vote are every family head who lives in Reban Village, proven by a Family Card. Elections are democratic with a turnout of 94.9%.
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Syafitri, Ririn, Indra Muda, and Armansyah Matondang. "Sistem Penerimaan Badan Ad Hoc Panitia Pemilihan Kecamatan dalam Pemilihan Kepala Daerah pada Komisi Pemilihan Umum Kota Medan." PERSPEKTIF 8, no. 2 (July 4, 2019): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/perspektif.v8i2.2596.
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<h1>Election is a way to choose a leader or people representative's and the only mechanism of power change in Indonesia. In it's relation with the election for district head and vice district head, the commitee's existence is included in the constitution of Indonesia number 7 2017 about the Election's Commitee. Therefore, it can be said that the Commitees determines the good and the bad in an election. Ad hoc acceptance system is one of the process in the General Election Commision in Medan for filtering the candidate for the Election's Commitee. According to the General Election Commision Criteria to be the Election's commitee. Usually, the ad hoc acceptance system begin with announcement, registration, test and acceptance. Because of that, the General Election Commision need help from the public to participate in the Election. The purpose of this Observation is to know the ad hoc acceptance system to elect the district head and vice district head.</h1><h1> </h1>
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GERRING, JOHN, MAXWELL PALMER, JAN TEORELL, and DOMINIC ZARECKI. "Demography and Democracy: A Global, District-level Analysis of Electoral Contestation." American Political Science Review 109, no. 3 (August 2015): 574–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055415000234.
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According to the classical perspective, polity size and democracy are inversely related. In this article, we argue that there is an important exception that manifests itself at the district level in settings where multiparty competition is allowed. Specifically, we find that larger districts encourage greater contestation. This results from a little-noticed mechanical effect as well as from several features of constituencies that are affected by size and have direct repercussions for contestation. To demonstrate this thesis we assembled a unique dataset, the Multi-level Election Archive (MLEA), which unites electoral contests across a variety of districts (national, regional, and local) and elective offices from the eighteenth century to the present, including a total of 88 countries, 2,344 elections, 79,658 districts, and more than 400,000 contests. With this evidence we were able to conduct a broad array of statistical tests, some global and others focused on particular countries or election types, all of which support our general argument.
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Gunawan, Beni Teguh. "Pengaruh Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Terhadap Pasar Tenaga Kerja: Analisis Sektor Formal Dan Informal Level Kabupaten/Kota Di Pulau Jawa." Kajian Ekonomi dan Keuangan 2, no. 2 (August 31, 2018): 149–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31685/kek.v2i2.263.
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Local election (pilkada) become a political phenomenon impact to various other sectors, not least the economic sector. Local elections in Indonesia are conducted at district and provincial levels. The incumbent candidate will use their power to control the fiscal sector in the region to improve their electability. One of the effort is to improve performance of the regional economy that will impact on the new job creation as the trade-off concept in the Phillips curve. Empirical results indicate that district/municipal election significantly influences the absorption of informal sector workers. A year before the district-level elections, an increase of informal sector workers by 3.39%, in the other hand, it reduces formal sector employment by 5.54%. Different results are shown in the provincial elections, where one year before the pilkada has no impact on the formal sector. When district/municipal and provincial elections are held in the same year, the absorption of informal sector workers decreased by 4.77% while the formal sector increased by 8.28%. When the incumbent candidate participate the next election, the informal workers increase 6.58% while formal employment does not affected.
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Lam, Jermain T. M. "Hong Kong District Council elections 2015." Asian Education and Development Studies 6, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 354–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-11-2015-0066.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyze the results of Hong Kong’s 2015 District Council elections in order to test the repercussions of the Occupy Central Movement. The paper attempts to identify the political implications of the Movement as reflected by the 2015 election results. Design/methodology/approach The methodology used for the paper was to collect election data and conduct data analysis to generalize the political implications of the Occupy Central Movement. Findings The paper found that, first, Hong Kong is still polarized, as most voters were divided into those who supported the Occupy Central Movement and those who opposed it. Second, there is no consensus regarding political reforms, as most voters were split into two antagonistic positions. Third, the activists of the Occupy Central Movement have formed a new political force that attracts voters who demand change. Fourth, the Occupy Central Movement has become a breeding ground that nurtures localism. Research limitations/implications The 2015 District Council elections were a continuation of the Occupy Central Movement. The Movement affected the political balance between the pro-establishment and pan-democratic camps in the 2015 elections and it has shaped the democratization process in Hong Kong. Originality/value The paper was the product of an original research project that examined the results of the 2015 District Council elections to reflect on the implications of the Occupy Central Movement. The paper concluded that the 2015 elections sent important political messages to key political players in Hong Kong.
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Asano, Masahiko, and Dennis P. Patterson. "Smiles, turnout, candidates, and the winning of district seats." Politics and the Life Sciences 37, no. 1 (2018): 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pls.2017.12.
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Research has shown that a candidate’s appearance affects the support he or she receives in elections. We extend this research in this article in three ways. First, we examine this relationship further in a non-Western context using 2015 local elections in Japan. Next, we show that this positive relationship is more complicated depending on the characteristics of the election under consideration. Specifically, we distinguished election contests by levels of turnout and found that despite a positive relationship between turnout and the extent to which smiling increases a candidate’s support levels, the marginal increase in support declined as turnout increased and, in fact, became negative when some high-turnout threshold was crossed. Finally, we show that the number of candidates competing in an election is negatively related to the impact of a candidate smiling, confirming research conducted by the Dartmouth Group.
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Alidu, Seidu Mahama, and Gbensuglo Alidu Bukari. "Ethnic undercurrent and macro-level determinants of voter participation in Ghana’s 2012 election: Implications for the 2020 national elections." Legon Journal of the Humanities 31, no. 1 (December 30, 2020): 145–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ljh.v31i1.6.
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In this paper we analyze the ethnic undercurrent and macro-level determinants influencing voter participation in Ghana based on aggregate district-level data. The paper focuses on the determinants that influenced citizens’ political participation in the 2012 Presidential elections of the Fourth Republic of Ghana and their implications for the December 2020 national elections. The unique approach of this paper is that district-level aggregate data on economic characteristics compiled by the Ghana Statistical Service are synchronised with district-level national presidential election results compiled by the Electoral Commission of Ghana to ascertain the determinants of participation. The analysis is based on the concept of the “Average District Voter” which is analyzed using district-level census data combined with national election results. Statistical analysis was used to complementarily assess the determinants of voter participation in the Ghanaian 2012 presidential elections. The results of the analysis thus established two major points; that ethnic identification with regard to the two major ethnic groups in Ghana (i.e., the Asantes and the Ewes) has clearly influenced voter turnout, and second, that worsening socio-economic conditions played a role in voter turnout in the 2012 presidential elections and these issues will ultimately determine the winner of the 2020 national elections.
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Alidu, Seidu Mahama, and Gbensuglo Alidu Bukari. "Ethnic undercurrent and macro-level determinants of voter participation in Ghana’s 2012 election: Implications for the 2020 national elections." Legon Journal of the Humanities 31, no. 1 (December 30, 2020): 145–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ljh.v31i1.6.
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In this paper we analyze the ethnic undercurrent and macro-level determinants influencing voter participation in Ghana based on aggregate district-level data. The paper focuses on the determinants that influenced citizens’ political participation in the 2012 Presidential elections of the Fourth Republic of Ghana and their implications for the December 2020 national elections. The unique approach of this paper is that district-level aggregate data on economic characteristics compiled by the Ghana Statistical Service are synchronised with district-level national presidential election results compiled by the Electoral Commission of Ghana to ascertain the determinants of participation. The analysis is based on the concept of the “Average District Voter” which is analyzed using district-level census data combined with national election results. Statistical analysis was used to complementarily assess the determinants of voter participation in the Ghanaian 2012 presidential elections. The results of the analysis thus established two major points; that ethnic identification with regard to the two major ethnic groups in Ghana (i.e., the Asantes and the Ewes) has clearly influenced voter turnout, and second, that worsening socio-economic conditions played a role in voter turnout in the 2012 presidential elections and these issues will ultimately determine the winner of the 2020 national elections.
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Nasution, Faiz Albar, Muhammad Husni Thamrin, Muhammad Arifin Nasution, Fernanda Putra Adela, and Saipul Bahri. "Importance Understanding Rights and Obligations Citizens in Election Head of Medan City District 2020." ABDIMAS TALENTA: Jurnal Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat 5, no. 2 (March 15, 2021): 690–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.32734/abdimastalenta.v5i2.5532.
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Participation of citizens in using voting rights as a key element to success of Election. However, voter participation in Medan regional elections since reforms until now, tends experience a low participation rate. Thus, political socialization education is important, in order to maintain quantity and quality in the 2020 Medan City Head Election. The objectives of this activity include: First, disseminating information about the stages, schedule and objectives of the election. Second, increase citizens' knowledge and awareness of rights and obligations in elections. Third, increase voter participation in elections. Method of socialization through lectures and discussions from speakers to activity participants by applying strict health protocols.. The results of socialization activities show the enthusiastic attitude of the Community of the Sovereign People's Movement of North Sumatra in participating in this activity. Socialization participants argue that this activity can increase their knowledge of the rights and obligations of citizens ahead of the Election. Evidently, socialization participants are committed to participate in inviting the people of Medan to participate and follow the entire process of the simultaneous election stage 2020.
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Gauld, Robin. "Democratising health care governance? New Zealand's inaugural district health board elections, 2001." Australian Health Review 25, no. 4 (2002): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah020142.
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New Zealand's 'district health board' (DHB) system has been under implementation since the 1999 general election. A key factor motivating the change to DHBs is the democratisation of health care governance. A majority of the new DHB members are popularly elected. Previously, hospital board members were government appointees. Inaugural DHB elections were held in October 2001. This article reports on the election results and the wider operating context for DHBs. It notes organisational issues to be considered for the next DHB elections in 2004, and questions the extent to which the elections and DHB governance structure will enhance health care democratisation in New Zealand.
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Utami, Bernadhita H. S., Dwi Herinanto, Miswan Gumanti, and Bambang Purwanto. "Money Politic vs Political Marketing (Case Study: Legislative Election of the Pringsewu District Legislative Council Members for the 2019-2024 Period)." Jurnal Bina Praja 12, no. 2 (December 16, 2020): 125–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21787/jbp.12.2020.125-136.
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The meaning of "sovereignty is in the hands of people" namely that people have sovereignty, responsibilities, rights, and participatory political obligations to democratically elect a leader who can form a government to take care of and serve all levels of society, as well as electing people's representatives to oversee the running of the government. However, the phenomena that occur are democratic parties, presidential elections, elections, and legislative elections are always colored by systemic money politics. This research using the quantitative method. Primary data were obtained by survey. The writer then describes the public opinion about the Pringsewu District Legislative Council Members' election for the 2019-2024 period on political marketing and money politics. The results showed that 40.37% of voters gave support to legislative candidates for reasons of money.
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Carey, John M. "LEGISLATIVE ACCOUNTABILITY: SHOULD BRAZIL BREAK UP ITS BIG ELECTORAL DISTRICTS?" E-Legis - Revista Eletrônica do Programa de Pós-Graduação da Câmara dos Deputados 9, no. 19 (April 27, 2016): 72–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.51206/e-legis.v9i19.285.
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This paper proposes that Brazil could improve the political accountability by breaking up many of the statewide districts it uses to elect its deputies into smaller districts, each electing fewer deputies. The central argument is that districts that elect low-to-moderate numbers of legislators make it possible to optimize the well-known trade-off between inclusive representation and accountable government. I suggest there are three broad goals that we should seek in legislative representation; representativeness, collective accountability, and Individual accountability. I acknowledge that there are inevitable trade-offs among these goals, but I suggest that the trade-offs are not linear, and that electoral rules can be designed to maximize the quality of representation. I suggest that the most straightforward way to achieve such gains is by maintaining proportional representation systems of elections, but by limiting district magnitude (the number of representatives elected per district) to moderate levels, in the range from 4 to 8. Elections; Election Rules; Electoral Systems; Electoral Reform; Accountability; Representation.
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Jusmiati. "ANALISIS PELAKSANAAN KEBIJAKAN PEMILIHAN KEPALA DESA SECARA SERENTAK DI KECAMATAN RANTAU PULUNG KABUPATEN KUTAI TIMUR." Jurnal Administrative Reform 5, no. 3 (December 11, 2017): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.52239/jar.v5i3.881.
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This article aim to analyze the Implementation of local regulation: No.7/2016 on the simultaneous Election of Village chief in the Rantau Pulung District, East Kutai Regency, and any factors that the Implementation inhibited of simultaneous election of Village Head District. This type of research is qualitative descriptive. Based on the study results as for the Implementation of local regulation: No.7/2016 on thesimultaneous election of village chief has been implemented in accordance with the local regulations but not effective yet. In which there are still obstacles in the implementation of simultaneous elections of village chief in Rantau Pulung district, because of communication rarely and information among the committee for election of village chief and budgeting disbursement retard of village chief election and coordination rarely among the committees in the election of village chief.Keyword : Election of Regional Chief, Regulation, Implementation
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Suhardi, Suhardi, Muhammad Arif Nasution, and Heri Kusmanto. "Partisipasi Pemilih dalam Pemilihan Umum Bupati/Wakil Bupati Langkat Tahun 2018." JUPIIS: JURNAL PENDIDIKAN ILMU-ILMU SOSIAL 11, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 344. http://dx.doi.org/10.24114/jupiis.v11i2.12359.
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This study describes the participation of voters in regional head elections. The form of research used is descriptive qualitative method. The researcher conducted research directly at the Langkat Regency General Election Commission and the people who became voters in the simultaneous Regional Head General Elections especially the Langkat Regent and Deputy Regent General Elections in 2018. The informants in this study were the Langkat Regency General Election Commissioner. The main informants were the Voters namely the Langkat Regency Population who were at least 17 years and above. Primary data collection, carried out by interview and observation. Secondary data collection is done by library research. The methods of data analysis in this study are as follows: Data Collection, Data Reduction, Data Presentation and Conclusion Withdrawal of Research Results: The level of voter participation in the Election of Regional Heads (Case Study of Election of Regent and Deputy Regent of Langkat in 2018) which holds 2019- 2024 is 66.48% (or is in the Medium category). Kuala Subdistrict (89.99%) is the highest percentage of voter participation in polling stations in the Langkat District and Deputy Regent Election, while Pangkalan Susu District is the lowest at 55.25%.
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Supriyanto, Supriyanto. "Nomination of Regents Election and Head Deputy with A Couple of Candidates for The of 2017 In The District Of Pati." Jurnal Daulat Hukum 1, no. 2 (June 9, 2018): 583. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/jdh.v1i2.3340.
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The enactment of Act No. 32 2004 is a gateway democratic progress at the local level, which mandates the direct election of regional heads, but as time goes direct elections, emerging phenomenon of elections with one candidate, reflecting the absence of competition in democracy to elect candidates for local leaders. The nomination process that provides an opportunity for citizens to come forward as a potential leader of the path of individual regions or lines of political parties are still unable to stem the phenomenon of the election by one paslon. The weakening of the political party cadres to create a cadre of local leaders, and the difficulties of citizens who want to get ahead of the path of the individual in seeking support to meet the predetermined, a major factor in the increasing phenomenon of the election by one paslon in any implementation of direct election. It also occurs in Pati Regency, Central Java province on Phase Two simultaneous elections in 2017 were only followed by one candidate, that candidate H. Haryanto, SH, MM, M.Si and H. Saiful Arifin. based onit, prompted the authors to examine the management of the Regent and Vice Regent Election of Pati with one candidate in Pati regency.Keywords: Starch 2017 Elections, Elections One Paslon, Direct Election Phenomenon.
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Dulio, David A., and John S. Klemanski. "Incumbency is No Advantage: Michigan's 7th Congressional District." American Review of Politics 30 (July 1, 2009): 189–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2009.30.0.189-212.
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In the four elections from 2002 through 2008, four different candidates were elected to the United States House of Representatives seat representing the Michigan’s 7th congressional district. Such turnover is rare in U.S. House races, where a large majority of incumbents easily win reelection and many districts are not considered to be competitive. In fact, the 7th district is the only one in the nation that has seen this type of turnover in this four-election span. The turnover in representation has occurred even though the district has been considered a leaning Republican district after both the 1992 and 2002 re-districting plans went into effect. The district’s turnover in representatives is due in part to the nature of the district and its voters, but also because of the candidates in each election, and a combination of events that began after the 2002 election.
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Struthers, Cory L., Yuhui Li, and Matthew S. Shugart. "Introducing new multilevel datasets: Party systems at the district and national levels." Research & Politics 5, no. 4 (October 2018): 205316801881350. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168018813508.
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For decades, datasets on national-level elections have contributed to knowledge on what shapes national party systems. More recently, datasets on elections at the district level have advanced research on subnational party competition. Yet, to our knowledge, no publicly accessible dataset with observations of the party system at both national and district levels exists, limiting the ease with which cross-level comparisons can be made. To fill this gap, we release two corresponding datasets, the National Level Party Systems dataset and the District Level Party Systems dataset, where the unit of analysis is the party system within either the national or district jurisdiction. More than 50 elections in the two datasets are overlapping, meaning they include observations for a single election at both the district and national levels. In addition to conventional measures such as the effective number of parties, we also include underutilized variables, such as the size of the largest party, list type, and the vote shares for presidential candidates in corresponding elections.
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Muh. Najib Husain, Muh. Nasir, and Suryani B.B. "Bureaucracy Involvement In Local Election In Konawe Selatan District." Indonesian Journal of Innovation and Applied Sciences (IJIAS) 1, no. 1 (February 25, 2021): 52–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.47540/ijias.v1i1.157.
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Local Election often makes the bureaucratic apparatus face a dilemma, between being neutral or being involved in politics. Ideally and based on the rules of law, bureaucracy requeired to behave professional and neutral from politics. Despite that in reality it is difficult fot the bureaucratic aparatur to be neutral, moreover when they faced with the temptations and pressures of power. This article highlights the involvement of bureaucracy on local election in Konawe Selatan District, by outlining the modes of bureaucratic involvement, and identifying factors of bureaucratic involvement. This study found that the bureaucrats involved in the Lokal Election were state civil servants and village government officials. Factors that encourage bureaucratic involvement are: the status of incumbent regional head candidates who remain active during the implementation of the elections, the lure of promotion for the bureaucratic apparatus, weak sanctions by the State civil apparatus commission and regional head candidates, and weak supervision and enforcement of election supervisory agencies (Bawaslu and ranks).
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Leininger, Arndt, Lukas Rudolph, and Steffen Zittlau. "How to Increase Turnout in Low-Salience Elections: Quasi-Experimental Evidence on the Effect of Concurrent Second-Order Elections on Political Participation." Political Science Research and Methods 6, no. 3 (October 11, 2016): 509–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.38.
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Voter turnout in second-order elections is on a dramatic decline in many modern democracies. This article investigates how electoral participation can be substantially increased by holding multiple of these less important elections simultaneously. Leading to a relative decrease in voting costs, concurrent elections theoretically have economies of scale to the individual voter and thus should see turnout levels larger than those obtained in any stand-alone election. Leveraging as-if-random variation of local election timing in Germany, we estimate the causal effect of concurrent mayoral elections on European election turnout at around 10 percentage points. Exploiting variation in treatment intensity, we show that the magnitude of the concurrency effect is contingent upon district size and the competitiveness of the local race.
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Sahab, Ali. "The decrease of simultaneous local election voter turnout in the Lamongan District." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 31, no. 2 (June 30, 2018): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v31i22018.201-217.
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Voter turnout in local elections (pilkada) is a participation indicator. The local election in 2015 was different from the local elections pre-2015, as the local election in 2015 was held simultaneously. Regional electoral commissions (KPUD) gave candidates campaign facilities like posters, banners, and debates with the other candidates on local television. This socialisation was expected to increase voter turnout. The purpose of this research to ascertain the level of voter turnout in the local election held in 2015 in Lamongan, and whether it is increasing or declining.KPUD has a new role not only to do with socialisation, but KPUD must also print campaign props in line with the fairness principles. The research methods used in this study were a survey and multistage random sampling for the sampling technique. The voter turnout in the 2015 local election was just 60.47% lower than the voter turnout of the 2014 legislative election(Pileg) that reached 71%. In the local election, the emotional bond between the voters and candidates is more powerful than that in a legislativeelection, but in the Lamongan local election 2015, it was not positively correlated. There are two main factors that influence the decrease of voter turnout. First, is the material orientation of the voters (sangu). If they do not get“Sangu”, they will not vote and they prefer to work in the fields. Voters thought that leaving their job for the election should get them substitution money. Second, was the indication of cartel politics, embracing all political parties in Lamongan Regency, for them to support the same candidate who was still on duty, namely Fadeli, and two other candidates. The level of voter turnout is influenced by the material orientation of the voters and cartel politics.
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Tanjung, Muhammad, Retno Saraswati, and Lita A.L.W. "REKONSEPTUALISASI REKRUITMEN PENYELENGGARA PEMILU UNTUK MEWUJUDKAN PENYELENGGARA PEMILU YANG BERINTEGRITAS." Arena Hukum 14, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 167–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.arenahukum.2021.01401.9.
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Abstract This research aims to reconceptualize the recruitment of election organizers based on Law Number 10 of 2017 concerning General Elections to realize an election organizer with integrity. This normative juridical research uses conceptual and statute approach. The results shows that the reconceptualization of the recruitment of election organizers to realize election organizers with integrity can be carried out by reconceptualizing of the process of requirements for candidates election organizer in provincial and district, selection teams and test models.
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Rannie, Mahesa. "LEGAL REGULATIONS FOR THE GENERAL ELECTION SYSTEM IN INDONESIA FROM THE 1955 ELECTION TO THE CONCURRENT ELECTION OF 2019." Nurani: Jurnal Kajian Syari'ah dan Masyarakat 20, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 247–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/nurani.v20i2.6927.
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Throughout its history, Indonesia has held general elections many times from 1955 to 2019. During that long period of time, Indonesia implemented a different electoral system at each election. The arrangement of the electoral system in Indonesia always changes from time to time in each election administration. In the process of changing the laws and the regulations for every election, there has always been legal political dynamics. After the 2014 elections, there have been changes regarding the conduct of elections in Indonesia. The Constitutional Court (MK) granted the petition for a judicial review of Law Number 42 of 2008 concerning the Election of President and Vice President in 2014, so that the implementation of elections in Indonesia entered a new phase in 2019 and beyond. In 2019, for the first time Indonesia held simultaneous elections. The methodology used in this study is normative. The approaches used in this study are the historical approach, the statute approach, the legal analysis approach, and the conceptual approach. Legal arrangements regarding the conduct of elections always change, starting from the highest level of legislative regulations to the lowest (from the laws to the General Election Commission regulations, presidential decrees, ministerial regulations, or other regulations). The changes in the regulations regarding the implementation of elections in Indonesia have been present since the time of the 1955 elections until the 2019 elections. Since the implementation of the 1955 elections, Indonesia has always practiced a proportional electoral system, the electoral system that is considered suitable to be applied in Indonesia. This proportional electoral system is practiced with various modifications (both the open proportional electoral system and the closed proportional system). There are even district elements in the proportional electoral system in Indonesia, for example there are electoral districts that can be equated with districts in the district electoral system. The practice of the electoral system to be used in the elections in Indonesia is almost always subject to debate, both among constitutional law intellectuals and politics.
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Darwin, Rizkika Lhena, and Lidya Lidya. "PENDIDIKAN DAN PARTISIPASI POLITIK DALAM MASYARAKAT KOMUNITARIAN DI ACEH SINGKIL." Al-Ijtima`i: International Journal of Government and Social Science 4, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/jai.v4i2.456.
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Community Education Levels in 3 Villages namely: Gosong East Telaga Village, Ketapang Indah Village, Kampung Baru Village in North Singkil District, Aceh Singkil District are very low, but the level of participation in the direct election of the Village Head in North Singkil District is high. The high voter turnout reaches 60%, while the low voters value 40%. The high level of electoral participation generated by the participation of low-educated people involved with contributions and elections during the Direct Election of the Village Head. This paper wants to explain about the communitarian culture that is very strong in society so that it encourages politics for a sense of family, and encourages people to vote not because of rationality. Thus there was no education participation in the number of community participation in the village head election in 3 Singkil Utara Sub-Districts, Aceh Singkil District.
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Klarner, Carl E. "ASSESSING THE ACCURACY OF THE 2008 STATE AND DISTRICT FORECAST MODELS." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 01 (January 2009): 23–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509290354.
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The October 2008 issue ofPSpublished a symposium of presidential and congressional forecasts made in the summer leading up to the election. This article is an assessment of the accuracy of their models.Ninety-nine days before the elections I utilized national- and district- or state-level information to forecast the 2008 U.S. presidential, House, and Senate elections (Klarner 2008). Overall, the presidential model performed very well, while the House and Senate models understated the extent of the Democratic wave.
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Thames, Frank C. "A House Divided." Comparative Political Studies 38, no. 3 (April 2005): 282–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004272526.
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Mixed-member electoral systems embrace two views of representation by electing some legislators in single-member district elections and others in a proportional representation election. This can potentially create a “mandate divide” in legislatures, because single-member district legislators have an incentive to embrace parochial issues and proportional representation legislators have an incentive to center on national issues. Previous studies of this question have only found limited evidence of its existence. The author argues that the level of party system institutionalization will fundamentally determine whether a mandate divide will exist in a mixed-member legislature. Using roll-call voting data from the Hungarian National Assembly, the Russian Duma, and the Ukrainian Rada, the author analyzes patterns of party discipline in each legislature. The empirical results show that a mandate divide only existed in the legislature with the most weakly institutionalized party system, the Russian Duma.
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Elyta and Zulkarnaen. "POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF BORDER COMMUNITIES AT SAJINGAN BESAR IN ELECTION OF REPRESENTATIVES AREA." JURNAL BORNEO AKCAYA 3, no. 2 (December 31, 2016): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.51266/borneoakcaya.v3i2.73.
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The community Borders the District of Sajingan not been enthusiastic in carry out elections of representatives Sambas Regency Area by 2014 as evidenced by the large number of difference in amount between the number of voters and the number of users voting rights in funneling his voice, even though the user voting rights in the total number of valid votes is very significant. The results showed that there are forms of political participation of border communities large and Sajingan two factors that lead to political participation that is an inhibitor of factor and the driving factor. Forms of political participation of the community in a big electoral exercise Sajingan Representatives Sambas County Area in 2014 including on election activities of the group, who only donate votes to tally election results. Restricting factors in political participation are (1) the bustle of daily activity most workers so prefer not to be involved in the implementation of the regional House of representatives election District of Sambas; 2) prohibition of the family at the request of participating families to give voting rights during the elections of representatives Sambas Regency Area. While the supporting factor of political participation is (1) a sense of wanting the public to be aware of the level of performance and commitment of the winner of the elections of the regional House of representatives elected later; 2) political consciousness of the voters who feel obliged in the launch of the implementation of the regional House of representatives election District of Sambas since it concerns the survival of the future.
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K.R., Ravishankar. "A Study on the Problems of Elected Women Gram Panchayat Members before Contesting Election in Dakshina Kannada District, India." IRA-International Journal of Management & Social Sciences (ISSN 2455-2267) 10, no. 1 (February 5, 2018): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.21013/jmss.v10.n1.p5.
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<p>Women representation in Gram Panchayat plays very important role in contemporary Society.Reseration is one of the legislative efforts to empower women especially for the political participation. This article mainly dealt with the problems faced by elected women Gram Panchayat members before contesting Gram Panchayat election. The youngsters were participating in politics and majority of them were also educated .The family head and also political parties were preparing women to contest in the Gram Panchayat elections. Interestingly few respondents were also spent their own money to contest in the Gram Panchayat election.. Some respondents were actively participating in Gram Panchayat activities. But before the elections even if they are not interested to contest election also, either they were forced or prepared to contest in the election. </p>
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Nur, Muhammad, Usman Usman, and Irwan Safwadi. "Dinamika Politik Partai Lokal dan Nasional Pada Pemilukada di Aceh, Tahun 2017." Jurnal Humaniora : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial, Ekonomi dan Hukum 2, no. 2 (October 31, 2018): 140–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.30601/humaniora.v2i2.61.
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This study aims to find out the political dynamics of regional and national parties in Acehs’ regioal election 2017. This study is also aimed to investigate the factors that influence the political dynamics of that particular regional election. The political dynamics in Aceh is very fluctuated. This fluctuation may be caused by the escalation of lobbying done by the political parties that has dominant influence. However, this domination seems to change from time to time particularly in certain districs. In Bireun district for example, the figures from certain national parties had been acknowledged by the local community in the previous regional election in 2017. This change was not only occured in the executive level but also in the composition of legislative members in the regional election as seen in 2014 elections’. This study used the qualitative descriptive method. The data was collected mainly from words, sentences or images that have insight meaning and trigger more tangible understanding than numbers or frequencies. The data was gathered from interview and observation in Banda Aceh. As for qualitative research, the data collection was carried out in the natural setting. The primary data source and data collection technique were more focus on the observation, in-depth interview and also documentation. The result showed that the dynamics of political development between regional and national parties were very dynamic. This dynamic was influenced by the fundamental aspect in politics, that is the interest of the party. The study suggested that the interest between regional and national parties at the district and provincial level have different degree of interest. However, in order to get the seat in the national parliament, these parties might be enggage in a political compromise. On the other hand, the political dynamics between regional and national parties lies in the party ideology itself.
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Muchammad, Nur, and Munsharif Abdul Chalim. "Analysis Of Criminal Liability Crime of Legislative Elections (Case Study Legislative Elections in Semarang)." Jurnal Daulat Hukum 2, no. 1 (March 15, 2019): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/jdh.v2i1.4210.
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This study aims to determine the form of criminal responsibility to the crime of legislative elections in Semarang; and obstacles in the implementation of criminal law enforcement against criminal acts of the legislative elections in the city of Semarang.The results showed that the process of law enforcement against criminal acts in general legislative elections held in the context of the criminal justice system in Indonesia, which includes the process of investigation by the police, prosecution by prosecutors and sentencing / verdict by the District Court. Criminal investigations are conducted legislative elections Police, in accordance with the provisions of Article 1 Paragraph (13) of Act No. 2 of 2002 on the Indonesian National Police. In the organization of the legislative elections, in the enforcement of the criminal acts of the legislative elections undergone many obstacles such as: Non-fulfillment of formal requirements and substantive a report criminal election, which resulted election supervisors or investigators difficulty to follow up a report, on terms materially one of them seek witnesses were very hard done by the Election Supervisory; The absence of witnesses because people who know the incident did not dare to testify due to intimidation;The limited time handling criminal offense elections, at both or election supervisory level law enforcement officers.Keywords: Criminal Liability; Crime; Legislative Election.
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Mahrudin, Mahrudin. "RESOLUSI KONFLIK PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH DI KECAMATAN TALAGA RAYA KABUPATEN BUTON TENGAH." ASKETIK 3, no. 2 (December 25, 2019): 197–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.30762/ask.v3i2.1563.
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The purpose of this paper is to examine and identify the problems that are the source of conflict over local elections in Talaga Raya District. This research focuses on conflicts that occur before and after local elections. By using a descriptive method and a case study approach, the results of the study showed that the conflict over the regional head election in Talaga Raya District originated from the Difference in Choice, Misunderstanding, Some Parties were disadvantaged and feeling sensitive. In addition, the conflict of local election which took place before and after the election had implications for the conflict over the control of fresh water sources which resulted in horizontal and vertical conflicts. Besides this conflict has also brought its own wisdom with the increase in the source of clean water which had only been one to three sources. Based on these results it can be said that besides bringing down the negative impacts of the conflict it can also bring down positive impacts in the Talaga Raya sub-district community. Therefore, in terms of conflict resolution, the government should be able to minimize the conflict as early as possible so it does not drag on so that it does not lead to physical conflict.
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Riduan, Akhmad, Budi Lesmana, Nasripani Nasripani, and Reno Affrian. "FENOMENA MELEK POLITIK (Political Literacy) MASYARAKAT KOTA AMUNTAI KABUPATEN HULU SUNGAI UTARA." AS-SIYASAH: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Dan Ilmu Politik 3, no. 2 (July 23, 2019): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31602/as.v3i2.2085.
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The general election is actually the entry point for the improvement of public welfare in various aspects, whether political, economic, social, cultural and so on. In order to make an impact elections positively correlated with the welfare of the public, in addition to the background of the prospective participants/contestants election also required the political understanding of the citizens as voters because of political literacy is one factor that plays a major role in the quality of elections in a country.In Amuntai City, Hulu Sungai Utara district, political knowledge citizens are generally relatively low where political terms not understood as it should be in addition to confusion relevance between elections and regional development. Political participation of citizens in general is still low, especially those who work in the informal sector and tend to avoid involvement in practical political activity. Although they participated in the elections, but they just do not care about the output of the election itself. Furthermore, the political interest of citizens were generally quite low because most of them assess prejudice against political activity although no doubt some of those who assess positively to the political world.To increase the political understanding of citizens in Amuntai City, suggested to the election organizers in Hulu Sungai Utara district, especially the Election Commission and the Election Supervisory Committee to conduct an intense political socialization to the community, especially in rural areas. Political socialization should be cooperating with the participation of local governments, organizations of society and universities in the area. Political parties in the region should also undertake political socialization as the embodiment of one of the functions of political parties, especially in the areas that became the basis of a mass political party concerned with promoting political ethics that typically become one of the political ideology of political parties.
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Amos, Brian, and Michael P. McDonald. "A Method to Audit the Assignment of Registered Voters to Districts and Precincts." Political Analysis 28, no. 3 (January 17, 2020): 356–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pan.2019.44.
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Electoral boundaries are an integral part of election administration. District boundaries delineate which legislative election voters are eligible to participate in, and precinct boundaries identify, in many localities, where voters cast in-person ballots on Election Day. Election officials are tasked with resolving a tremendously large number of intersections of registered voters with overlapping electoral boundaries. Any large-scale data project is susceptible to errors, and this task is no exception. In two recent close elections, these errors were consequential to the outcome. To address this problem, we describe a method to audit the assignment of registered voters to districts. We apply the methodology to Florida’s voter registration file to identify thousands of registered voters assigned to the wrong state House district, many of which local election officials have verified and rectified. We discuss how election officials can best use this technique to detect registered voters assigned to the wrong electoral boundary.
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Banerjee, Vasabjit, and Timothy S. Rich. "Lesotho’s 2015 Legislative Election: Providing or Undermining Stability?" Journal of Asian and African Studies 52, no. 5 (August 19, 2015): 586–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909615599012.
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Political unrest in 2014 threatened Lesotho’s newly found democratic stability. Observers focus on educating the public about the electoral system and encouraging pre-election coalition discussions. However, this analysis suggests that such remedies ignore the institutional influences of Lesotho’s electoral system that undermine both public understanding and stability. Furthermore, a statistical analysis of district competition finds the 2015 elections to be largely consistent with previous elections, but that the percentage of rejected ballots correlates with a district victory for the largest party. Although this may simply be a statistical anomaly, the findings highlight structural challenges and reconsideration of electoral reforms.
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GAINES, BRIAN J. "Duverger's Law and the Meaning of Canadian Exceptionalism." Comparative Political Studies 32, no. 7 (October 1999): 835–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414099032007004.
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Duverger's law is an unusually simple and specific elaboration on exactly how political institutions “matter”: It proposes that plurality rule elections result in two-party competition. Canada is commonly thought to violate the law at the national level, but to match its predictions at the district level, and thus not to constitute a genuine counterexample. In fact, analysis of a vast data set of Canadian election returns reveals that these elections are multicandidate events, district by district, year after year. An explanation for this multipartyism may lie in the complicating factor of federalism, because Canadian provinces often feature strikingly different national and provincial party systems. Generally, the Canadian case illustrates that theories relating party systems to electoral law but not to other institutions are unrealistically parsimonious.
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Valenzuela Marroquín, Manuel, Cristhian Jaramillo Huamán, and Mariuxy Bustos Ocampos. "Elecciones municipales complementarias en distritos posconflicto electoral en Perú." Araucaria, no. 43 (2020): 394–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2020.i43.21.
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Helen, Zennis. "PEMILU YANG BERINTEGRITAS DALAM NEGARA HUKUM DEMOKRATIS." UNES Law Review 1, no. 3 (March 5, 2019): 318–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31933/law.v1i3.44.
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The journal entitled Elections with Integrity in the State of Democratic Law was made for several reasons. First, elections are a means of implementing popular sovereignty as the implementation of normative provisions of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, especially Article 1 Paragraph (2) which states that "Sovereignty be in the hands of the people and carried out according to the Constitution, ". Sovereignty in the hands of the people is also manifested through elections as a means of rotating leadership both at the national and regional levels carried out through direct, general, free and confidential principles. Secondly, elections in the 1945 Constitution are carried out by a general election commission which is referred to by the General Election Commission (KPU), Third, because the means of implementing people's sovereignty carried out by the KPU must be carried out by people who are not only professionals but also must have the main requirements, namely having dignity and integrity, Fourth, so that the implementation of the election is on track in accordance with the provisions of applicable legislation, supervision must be carried out by Law No. 7 of 2017 on Elections called the Election Supervisory Body (Bawaslu) ) The General Election Commission (KPU), Bawaslu, as the EMB has hierarchical levels from the central, provincial and district / city levels. This journal has two problem formulations, namely First, What is the urgency of the election as the implementer of popular sovereignty? Second, what is the election with that integrity?
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Simbolon, Yohana Yulianti. "Rumah Pintar Pemilu: Strategi peningkatan partisipasi pemilih pemula." Commed : Jurnal Komunikasi dan Media 4, no. 1 (October 4, 2019): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33884/commed.v4i1.1313.
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Election Smart House is a new innovation by the General Election Commission. Election Smart House in the form of utilization of space in the General Election Commission office which contains various knowledge about elections and democracy. The presence of Election Smart House at the district and provincial levels to provide knowledge about electoral and democracy to the community, especially beginner voters. So that it is expected to increase voter participation in the 2019 election. This study aims to determine the strategies carried out by the General Election Commission, specifically General Election Commission of Toba Samosir Regency in order to increase the participation of beginner voters through Election Smart House. This research method uses descriptive qualitative. The results of this study, Toba Samosir regency carried out a communication strategy by holding electoral classes whose participants came from schools and campuses but instead held outside the Election Smart House room. The researcher concluded that the Election Smart House activities and programs did not work properly due to several factors; first, lack of manager time due to being involved in the preparation of 2018 regional elections and 2019 elections. Second, lack of supporting staff who can assist managers in managing Election Smart House. The third is the lack of technical guidance facilities held by the Central General Election Commission or the Provincial General Election Commission on Election Smart House in General Election Commission Toba Samosir regency.
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Lees, Charles. "A watershed election: The Berlin state and district elections of 22 October 1995." Regional & Federal Studies 6, no. 1 (March 1996): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597569608420954.
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Gauld, Robin. "Delivering democracy? An analysis of New Zealand's District Health Board elections, 2001 and 2004." Australian Health Review 29, no. 3 (2005): 345. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah050345.
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The district health board (DHB) system is New Zealand?s present structure for the governance and delivery of publicly-funded health care. An aim of the DHB system is to democratise health care governance, and a key element of DHBs is elected membership of their governing boards. This article focuses on the electoral component of DHBs. It reports on the first DHB elections of 2001 and recent 2004 elections. The article presents and discusses data regarding candidates, the electoral process, voter behaviour and election results. It suggests that the extent to which the DHB elections are contributing to aims of democratisation is questionable.
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Nov, Zul Hendri. "Politik Hukum Perubahan Sifat Lembaga Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum." Jurnal Selat 7, no. 2 (September 7, 2020): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31629/selat.v7i2.1555.
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Legal politics is intended as a guideline for determining basic policies regarding the form, direction and purpose of legal formation. In terms of achieving legal objectives institutions need to realize it. To safeguard the sovereignty of the people so that they are channeled through the elections properly, an election supervisory body is needed. After the birth of the new Election Law, the interesting thing that happened was the gradual process of increasing the institutional status of election supervisors starting from the central level to the district / city level. In this paper, the authors look at the process of changing the institutional nature of Bawaslu at the district / city level which becomes a permanent institution through the new election law. The method used is qualitative with an empirical Normative legal approach. At the end of this paper, the writer concludes that it is important to increase the authority of Bawaslu at the municipal level by making it permanent. Through the exercise of authority given to Bawaslu, Bawaslu of Sawahlunto city can maintain the sovereignty of the people and realize fair elections. As a suggestion in the exercise of authority, the author sees the need to establish a special electoral justice system. Where in terms of election criminal enforcement, Bawaslu is no longer bound by the subjective views of the Prosecutors and the Police in Gakkumdu, so that they are independent in carrying out the prosecution and enforcement of Election Law.
Keywords: Keywords: Bawaslu, Authority, Institutional Nature
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Kamal, Ahmad Mustopa, and Ainur Rofieq. "PERAN KPU DALAM PENCAPAIAN TARGET PARTISIPASI PEMILIH PADA PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH KABUPATEN KARAWANG TAHUN 2015." KYBERNAN: Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Pemerintahan 12, no. 1 (June 11, 2021): 13–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33558/kybernan.v12i1.2778.
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The background of this research is based on the efforts of the KPU of Karawang Regency in achieving the target of voter participation in the election of the Regional Head of Karawang Regency in 2015, where the KPU targets community participation around 72%. But from the results of the KPU recapitulation in Karawang Regency voter participation reached 67%. This indicates that the target of voter participation from the KPU of Karawang Regency was not achieved in the election of the regional head. This study uses descriptive analysis method to focus on a specific problem in detail. The focus of the research is: KPU's efforts in achieving the target of community participation in the Karawang District Election especially in Cibuaya District, Karawang Regency. The results of this study indicate that in planning achievement of voter participation target in the Karawang regency elections in 2015 Karawang Regency KPU did various things to direct voter participation, especially in terms of planning. Thus the role of the KPU in achieving the target of voter participation in the election of the Regional Head of Karawang Regency in 2015 in the District of Cibuaya has been done well.
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ZULIYADI. "KEWENANGAN PEMERINTAH DAERAH DALAM MENYELESAIKAN SENGKETA PEMILIHAN KEPALA DESA SERENTAK." JURIDICA : Jurnal Fakultas Hukum Universitas Gunung Rinjani 1, no. 1 (March 4, 2020): 28–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.46601/juridica.v1i1.172.
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The writing of this journal aims to determine the form of regional government responsibilities in resolving disputes over the selection of village heads simultaneously in 2016 in East Lombok Regency and to determine the pattern of dispute resolution for village head elections in 2016 by the Regional Government in East Lombok Regency, using normative juridical research methods, the results of this study are the form of responsibility carried out by the local government in resolving village head election disputes in East Lombok Regency, namely the Establishment of the Committee, the Establishment of a Level Supervisory Committee, the Establishment of the District Election Committee and the Formation of the Dispute Resolution Team for the Village Head Election in East Lombok Regency and the Pattern settlement of village head election disputes carried out by the Regional Government is the pattern of negotiation, mediation, conciliation through the implementation of deliberations by taking into account input from the village head election committee, BPD, Camat, and district level dispute resolution teams formed directly by the Regent through the East Lombok Regent letter.
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Khan, Fariha Khalid, and Razia Musarrat. "Electoral Politics in Pakistan (Elections 2013): A Case Study of District Muzaffar Garh." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 4, no. 4 (December 12, 2014): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v4i4.6728.
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Elections make a fundamental contribution to democratic governance. In democracies political decisions are made directly by the citizens of the country. Elections serve as forum for the discussion of public issues and facilitate the expression of public opinion. Electoral politics is a figurative form of political participation. Success and failure of political institutions depends upon the political awareness of people and the process of electoral politics is the subject of free, fair and transparent elections. Like her counterparts Pakistan has election process defined by constitution. The electoral process in Pakistan was not regular and transparent but last three elections 2002, 2008 and 2013 were held according to the constitution. In Pakistan elections and political process are dominated by the political personalities. Although there are multiparty system but people mostly preferred two main parties like PPP and PML-N but it is positive that third party PTI was emerged in country as third largest party of Pakistan. The study focuses on the 2013 elections and behavior of people of district Muzaffar Garh of Punjab. The purpose of this study is to observe the electoral politics at micro level in Pakistan.
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Lalremruata, Joseph C. "An Overview of 2019 Lok-Sabha Election & Bye-Poll of Aizawl West-I in Mizoram." Senhri Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 44–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.36110/sjms.2019.04.01.006.
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After the then Mizo Hills District was elevated to Union Territory status, Mizoram was allotted one seat in Lok Sabha. The territory witnessed the first Parliamentary elections since the Fifth Lok Sabha polls, held in 1972. Till 2019, Parliamentary elections were held thirteen times in Mizoram. This paper analyzed the 17th Lok Sabha election of Mizoram Parliamentary constituency and Aizawl West-I Assembly bye-poll held on April 11, 2019. Nomination of candidates, campaign strategy, polling and vote counting had been highlighted. Besides, some controversial issues happened during elections were also highlighted.
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Dunn, Alyssa Hadley, Beth Sondel, and Hannah Carson Baggett. "“I Don’t Want to Come Off as Pushing an Agenda”: How Contexts Shaped Teachers’ Pedagogy in the Days After the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election." American Educational Research Journal 56, no. 2 (October 3, 2018): 444–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0002831218794892.
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Guided by perspectives on the sociopolitical contexts of schooling, control of teachers’ curriculum and instruction, and teaching of elections, we use findings from a national questionnaire to explore the contexts that shaped teachers’ pedagogical decision making following the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Our findings reveal that classroom, school, district, state, and national contexts often manifested in pressure from colleagues, parents, the administration, the district, and the public. This pressure is reflective of the lack of trust, autonomy, and professionalism for teachers in our current climate. The days immediately following the election revealed new understandings about teachers’ views on neutrality, opportunities for agency within control of teachers’ work, and a call for justice-oriented pedagogy. Implications for teacher education, practice, and research are discussed.
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Lago, Ignacio, Sandra Bermúdez, Marc Guinjoan, Kelly Rowe, and Pablo Simón. "Party Mobilization and Electoral Systems." Government and Opposition 54, no. 1 (January 23, 2017): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.46.
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How party strategies vary by electoral system remains largely unexplored in election studies. Using qualitative and quantitative data from Spanish national and European elections, we test how party strategies diverge between districted electoral systems and systems using a single national district. We use the number of visits to districts by the party leaders to determine if targeted party strategies are driven by district magnitude, the share of the population entitled to vote in every district, the number of districts or the strength of parties’ local organizations. Our results show that only the frequency of visits to districts by large parties are clearly affected by electoral systems and, more specifically, by the number of districts and district population.
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Klarner, Carl. "Forecasting the 2010 State Legislative Elections." PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 04 (October 2010): 643–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510001101.
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This article offers forecasts made on July 22, 2010, for the 2010 state legislative elections. Most work in the election forecasting field has been done on presidential and U.S. House elections. Less has been done for U.S. Senate elections, and almost none for gubernatorial or state legislative elections. This year will see much attention directed at the 43 state legislatures holding elections, because many will have the responsibility for drawing new district lines based on the 2010 census. Furthermore, of those chambers with elections scheduled in 2010, seven currently contain one party with less than a 5% margin of control. With so much at stake, these will clearly be contests to watch.
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Nurakhmadi, Dito Arief. "Implementasi Undang-Undang Nomor 8 Tahun 2015 tentang Pemilihan Gubernur, Bupati dan Walikota pada Pilkada Serentak Tahun 2015 (Studi Kasus pada Pelaksanaan Pilkada di Kabupaten Malang, Provinsi Jawa Timur Tahun 2015)." Jurnal Ilmiah Administrasi Publik 006, no. 01 (April 1, 2020): 139–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jiap.2020.006.01.16.
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With the presence of Law No. 8 of 2015 concerning Amendments to Law No. 1 of 2015 concerning Stipulation of Government Regulation in Lieu of Law No. 1 of 2014 concerning Regional Head Elections, there are a number of changes to the rules related to the mechanism for the implementation of Regional Head Elections directly and simultaneously. This study aims to describe the implementation of Law No. 8 of 2015 concerning the Election of Governors/ Regents/ Mayors in Organizing Pilkada in Malang Regency 2015. The research method used is descriptive qualitative method. The findings suggesst the product evaluation in the case of the evaluation of the Malang District Election policy in 2015 is the final result of the policy evaluation which can be used as an improvement in the new Election Law, both legally and in its implementation. UU no. 8 of 2015 concerning the Election of Governors, Regents and Mayors in the Simultaneous Local Election in 2015 has many shortcomings that can be said to be bad policy, and has several shortcomings in terms of implementation.