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Journal articles on the topic 'Fascism Fascism Italy Italy Europe'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Cammelli, Maddalena Gretel. "Fascism as a style of life." Focaal 2017, no. 79 (2017): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2017.790108.

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In the European context, where the rise of right-wing movements and parties indicates the emergence of an integral Europe, Italy represents a country where the fascist past grants these political formations significant identitarian security. Drawing on ethnographic research conducted with a contemporary neofascist movement called CasaPound active in Italy, this article proposes to take seriously the activists’ definition of themselves as “third-millennium fascists.” This article examines the network that CasaPound has built around its movement to analyze the presence fascist political culture

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Hedinger, Daniel. "Universal Fascism and its Global Legacy. Italy’s and Japan’s Entangled History in the Early 1930s." Fascism 2, no. 2 (2013): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00202003.

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In the early 1930s, fascism emerged as a global phenomenon. In Europe, Mussolini’s Italy was the driving force behind this development, whereas in Asia the center of gravity lay in the Japanese Empire. But the relationship between Japan and the mother country of fascism, Italy, in the interwar period has been hardly examined. The following article thus focuses on the process of interaction and exchange between these two countries. Moreover, the question of Japanese fascism has previously been discussed from a comparative perspective and thereby generally with a Eurocentric bias. In contrast, t

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Kuck, Jordan. "Renewed Latvia. A Case Study of the Transnational Fascism Model." Fascism 2, no. 2 (2013): 183–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00202005.

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This article examines the lesser-known authoritarian regime of Kārlis Ulmanis, the Vadonis [Leader] of Latvia from 1934-1940, as a case study of transnational fascism. Specifically, by investigating the nature of Mazpulki [Latvian 4-H] – an agricultural youth organization modeled on American 4-H which became during the Ulmanis regime a sort of unofficial ‘Ulmanis Youth’ institution – and its international connections, and particularly with Italy, the article contends that we should view the Ulmanis regime as having been part of the transnational fascist wave that swept over Europe in the perio

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Sophia Quine, Maria. "Racial ‘Sterility’ and ‘Hyperfecundity’ in Fascist Italy. Biological Politics of Sex and Reproduction." Fascism 1, no. 2 (2012): 92–144. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00201003.

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This article explores a new dimension in fascist studies, eugenic studies, and the more mainstream history of Italy, Europe, and modernity. It asks scholars to reconsider the centrality of race and biology to the political programme of Italian fascism in power. Fascism’s ‘binomial theorem’ of optimum population change was characterized as a commitment both to increase the ‘quantity’ (number) and improve the ‘quality’ (biology) of the Italian ‘race’. These twin objectives came to fruition in the new scientific and political paradigm known to contemporaries as ‘biological politics’ and to schola

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Hamilton, Rosa. "The Very Quintessence of Persecution." Radical History Review 2020, no. 138 (2020): 60–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8359259.

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Abstract This article argues that a uniquely queer anti-fascism emerged in the early 1970s led by transgender and gender-nonconforming people and cisgender lesbians against postwar fascism in western Europe. In Britain, Germany, France, Italy, and Spain, queer anti-fascists drew on influences from Black Power, Women’s Liberation, and Marxism to connect fascism to everyday oppression under capitalism, white supremacy, and heteropatriarchy. Using oral histories, private collections, and against-the-grain archival research, this article is the first transnational study of queer anti-fascism and t

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Berezin, Mabel. "Fascism and Populism: Are They Useful Categories for Comparative Sociological Analysis?" Annual Review of Sociology 45, no. 1 (2019): 345–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-073018-022351.

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Political developments in the United States and Europe have generated a resurgence in the use of the terms fascism and populism across multiple media. Fascism is a historically specific term that Benito Mussolini coined in Italy to define his regime. Over time, political analysts erased the historical specificity of fascism and deployed it as an analytic category. In contrast, populism is an analytic category that, depending on context, includes varying aggregates of popular preferences that often lack a coherent and unifying ideology. This review draws upon interdisciplinary scholarship and e

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Kallis, Aristotle. "Neither Fascist nor Authoritarian: The 4th of August Regime in Greece (1936-1941) and the Dynamics of Fascistisation in 1930s Europe." East Central Europe 37, no. 2-3 (2010): 303–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x534504.

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The 4th of August regime in Greece under Ioannis Metaxas has long been treated by theories of ‘generic fascism’ as a minor example of authoritarianism or at most a case of failed fascism. This derives from the ideas that the Metaxas dictatorship did not originate from any original mass ‘fascist’ movement, lacked a genuinely fascist revolutionary ideological core and its figurehead came from a deeply conservative-military background. In addition, the regime balanced the introduction ‘from above’ of certain ‘fascist’ elements (inspired by the regimes in Germany, Italy and Portugal) with a pro-Br

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8

Lee, Christopher, and Claire Kennedy. "Race, technological modernity, and the Italo-Australian condition: Francesco De Pinedo's 1925 flight from Europe to Australia." Modern Italy 25, no. 3 (2020): 243–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2020.17.

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Writing about fascism and aviation has stressed the role technology played in Mussolini's ambitions to cultivate fascist ideals in Italy and amongst the Italian diaspora. In this article we examine Francesco De Pinedo's account of the Australian section of his record-breaking 1925 flight from Rome to Tokyo. Our analysis of De Pinedo's reception as a modern Italian in a British Australia, and his response to that reception, suggests that this Italian aviator was relatively unconcerned with promoting Fascist greatness in Australia. De Pinedo was interested in Australian claims to the forms of mo

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Pelikan, Egon. "Uncovering Mussolini and Hitler in Churches: The Painter's Ideological Subversion and the Marking of Space along the Slovene-Italian Border." Austrian History Yearbook 49 (April 2018): 207–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237818000164.

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This study analyzes the phenomenon of church paintings as subversive visual representations of Fascism and as an act of systematic rebellion against Fascist “ideological marking of space.” Slovene Expressionist painter and sculptor Tone Kralj's (1900−75) paintings functioned as ideological markers of national territory. He painted churches along the ethnic border as it was imagined by the Slovene community, delineating it with visual symbols of anti-Fascism and anti-Nazism. Kralj's undertaking can thus be interpreted as an instance of systematic “subversive coverage” of an ethnically exposed b

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10

Bernini, Lorenzo. "“Merde Alors!”." Critical Times 3, no. 3 (2020): 358–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-8662280.

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AbstractIn recent history, Italy has repeatedly emerged as a successful laboratory for political experiments. After WWI, Fascism was invented there by Mussolini, and it quickly spread across Europe. In the 1990s, Berlusconi anticipated Trump's entrepreneurial populism. Today, there is a risk that Italy will once again perform the role of a political avant-garde: that it will export to Europe a sovereign populism of a new kind that is nonetheless in continuity with disquieting features of the worst past. The essay performs a close reading of the programmatic speech that Minister of Home Affairs

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11

BALDOLI, CLAUDIA. "‘With Rome and with Moscow’: Italian Catholic Communism and Anti-Fascist Exile." Contemporary European History 25, no. 4 (2016): 619–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000448.

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This article aims to explore the interplay between religion and political radicalism in Europe by focusing on the case of Italian ‘White Leagues’ (Catholic trade unions) in the interwar period. Interest in this movement stems partly from the opinion that the understanding of politics in early twentieth-century Europe has often been distorted by the historiographical focus on the political polarisation between communism and fascism, which has led to the neglect of the complex ideological area in between. The article will focus in particular on the main organiser of the peasant ‘White’ unions in

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Rodrigo, Javier. "A fascist warfare? Italian fascism and war experience in the Spanish Civil War (1936–39)." War in History 26, no. 1 (2017): 86–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344517696526.

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Initiated as an armament, strategic and diplomatic assistance, the fascist intervention in the Spanish Civil War soon made Italy a belligerent country in the conflict. Once the initial coup d’état plan had failed, the Corpo Truppe Volontarie (CTV) was created to help Franco, and also as a tool to build fascist Spain and, indeed, fascist Europe. This paper examines a crucial part of the Italian intervention in Spain, far from irrelevance or trivialization: a multi-faced combat and war experience.

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BOSWORTH, R. J. B. "THE ITALIAN NOVECENTO AND ITS HISTORIANS." Historical Journal 49, no. 1 (2006): 317–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05005169.

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The politics of Italian national identity. Edited by Gino Bedani and Bruce Haddock. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2000. Pp. vii+296. ISBN 0-7083-1622-0. £40.00.Fascist modernities: Italy, 1922–1945. By Ruth Ben-Ghiat. Berkeley, University of California Press, 2001. Pp. x+317. ISBN 0-520-22363-2. £28.50.Le spie del regime. By Mauro Canali. Bologna: Il Mulino, 2004. Pp. 863. ISBN 88-15-09801-1. €70.00.I campi del Duce: l'internamento civile nell'Italia fascista (1940–1943). By Carlo Spartaco Capogreco. Turin: Einaudi, 2004. Pp. xi+319. ISBN 88-06-16781-2. €16.00.The American South and the

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14

Hamerli, Petra. "Common Points in the Policy of Italy and Central Europe." Politics in Central Europe 16, s1 (2020): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2020-0003.

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AbstractRecent news often compares current Italian policy to that of Central Europe – especially Hungary. The latest elections brought victory to right-wing populism in Italy and the Visegrad countries – especially in Hungary and Poland – with the key points of their discourse concentrated on similar topics such as Euroscepticism, migration and security, which are tightly connected to the refugee question. Right-wing theories have historical traditions both in Italy (Fascism) and Central Europe (rightist and extreme rightist parties) that I think important to summarise, as some of their elemen

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15

Bialasiewicz, Luiza, and Sabrina Stallone. "Focalizing new-Fascism: Right politics and integralisms in contemporary Italy." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 38, no. 3 (2019): 423–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654419871303.

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In this article, we examine the role of fringe new-Fascist movements within broader right-integralist politics in today’s Europe. Our focus lies with CasaPound, one of the most active movements in the Italian far-right galaxy, and highly visible in both the Italian as well as international mass media. We argue that while the strength of the movement itself should not be exaggerated, CasaPound has played a crucial role in the wider realm of integralist politics in Italy. Examining the movement’s discursive as well as material interventions in both urban and rural spaces, we suggest that CasaPou

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Podestà, Gian Luca. "The Civic Foundations of Fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania, 1870–1945." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 40, no. 4 (2011): 478–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306111412516ii.

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17

Augschöll, Annemarie. "Totalitarian school politics during fascism in Italy and their transgenerational effects." History of Education Review 47, no. 2 (2018): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-03-2018-0010.

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Purpose The research is rooted in the interest in educational biographies of ethnic and linguistic minorities in Europe during the twentieth century. The purpose of this paper is to give an answer to the question of how the nationalistic educational norms during the period of totalitarian regimes manifested themselves in the educational biographies of minorities, and how much individuals and collectives transferred their scholastic denationalisation experiences (e.g. prohibition of alphabetisation in their mother tongue) to the following generations. In other words, if and how traces of the pr

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Šuštar, Branko. "Slovenski učbeniki zgodovine o španski državljanski vojni." Contributions to Contemporary History 56, no. 1 (2016): 90–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.56.1.06.

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SPANISH CIVIL WAR IN SLOVENIAN HISTORY TEXTBOOKSThe article examines the image of the 1936–1939 Spanish civil war as presented in Slovenian history textbooks for primary and secondary schools 75 years after the war. In textbooks, this topic is important for presenting the period before World War II in Europe as well as the social and political differences present in Europe at that time. The Spanish civil war raises questions of democracy, fascism, communism, social reforms, violence and revolution in Europe. Initially, the textbook authors briefly discussed the Popular front, democracy and ele

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19

Nilsson, Mikael. "Swedish Catholicism and Authoritarian Ideologies: Attitudes to Communism, National Socialism, Fascism, and Authoritarian Conservatism in a Swedish Catholic Journal, 1922–1945." Fascism 5, no. 1 (2016): 66–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00501004.

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This article investigates the attitude to communism, National Socialism, Fascism, and authoritarian conservatism in the Swedish Catholic Church’s journal Credo from 1922 to 1945. The comparative approach has made it possible to see how the journal distinguished between the various forms of authoritarian ideologies in Europe during this period. The article shows that the Catholic Church in Sweden took a very negative view of communism (the Soviet Union and the Spanish Republic) and strongly condemned it throughout the period, while it took a largely very positive stance towards Fascism (Italy)

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20

Fortuna, James J. "Fascism, National Socialism, and the 1939 New York World’s Fair." Fascism 8, no. 2 (2019): 179–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00802008.

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Abstract This article considers the involvement of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany at the 1939 New York World’s Fair. It considers the form, function, and content of the Italian Pavilion designed for this fair and asserts that the prefabricated monumental structure would be best interpreted, not in isolation, but as an element of the larger architectural conversation which continued to unfold across contemporary fascist Europe. Such reconsideration of this building makes it possible to evaluate the relationship between Fascist design, the assertion of political will, and the articulation of nat

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GERMANESE, DONATELLA. "“WE WILL MAKE EUROPE THERE”: ITALIAN INTELLECTUALS IN SEARCH OF EUROPE AND AMERICA IN HITLER’S GERMANY." Modern Intellectual History 14, no. 2 (2015): 451–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244315000074.

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In the early 1940s, Felice Balbo and Giaime Pintor judged and re-envisioned Europe from a shared observation point in Turin with two institutional settings: the publishing house Giulio Einaudi Editore and the Italian Committee for the Armistice with France. Their privileged perspective—so far little known outside Italy—offers interesting clues about forms of opposition to Fascism and National Socialism by a generation that grew up under dictatorship. Drawing on unpublished sources and memoirs, this essay retraces a dialogue among friends, showing how young members of the Italian intelligentsia

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Klabjan, Borut. "Erecting fascism: Nation, identity, and space in Trieste in the first half of the twentieth century." Nationalities Papers 46, no. 6 (2018): 958–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1313216.

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This article discusses the transformation of the urban space after World War I in the former Habsburg port city of Trieste. It reveals the key role played by the newly annexed northeastern Adriatic borderland in the national symbolism of postwar Italy, and it indicates how slogans and notions of Italian nationalism, irredentism, and fascism intertwined and became embodied in the local cultural landscape. The analysis is mostly concentrated on the era between the two world wars, but the aim of the article is to interpret the interwar years as part of longer term historical developments in the r

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Fuchs, Felix, and Emanuel Guay. "The Civic Foundations of Fascism in Europe. Italy, Spain and Romania, 1870-1945, Dylan Riley, New York et Londres, Verso, 2019, 258 p." Nouvelles perspectives en sciences sociales 16, no. 1 (2020): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1075861ar.

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Kopstein, Jeffrey. "The Civic Foundations of Fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania 1870–1945. By Dylan Riley. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010. 258p. $55.00." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 1 (2011): 205–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710003993.

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Messenger, David A. "Dylan Riley . The Civic Foundations of Fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania, 1870–1945 . Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. 2010. Pp. xiii, 258. $55.00." American Historical Review 116, no. 3 (2011): 864–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.116.3.864.

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Whyte, Max. "The Civic Foundations of Fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania, 1870–1945. By Dylan Riley. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010. Pp. xiii+258. $55.00." American Journal of Sociology 116, no. 3 (2010): 1006–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/655449.

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Agbamu, Samuel. "Mare Nostrum: Italy and the Mediterranean of Ancient Rome in the Twentieth and Twenty-First Centuries." Fascism 8, no. 2 (2019): 250–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00802001.

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Abstract The Mediterranean has occupied a prominent role in the political imaginary of Italian Fascisms, past and present. In the 1920s to the early 1940s, Fascist Italy’s imperial project used the concept of mare nostrum – our sea – taken from the vocabulary of Roman antiquity, to anchor modern Italian imperialism within the authority of the classical past. In the postwar years, following decolonization in Africa, mare nostrum receded from popular discourse, previous claims to the Mediterranean suppressed. However, in the context of the so-called refugee crisis, Italy resurrected mare nostrum

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Ban, Cornel. "COMPETING PRIVATE INTERESTS, NOW COMMON GOOD - Dylan Riley: The Civic Foundations of Fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania, 1870–1945. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010. Pp. 258. $55.00.)." Review of Politics 73, no. 3 (2011): 499–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670511003470.

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29

Fekete, Liz. "Book reviews : Neo-fascism in Europe Edited by LUCIANO CHELES, RONNIE FERGUSON and MICHALINA VAUGHAN (London, Longman, 1991). 299pp., £11.99. The Faces of Fraternalism: nazi Germany, fascist Italy and imperial Japan By PAUL BROOKER (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1991). 397pp., £40." Race & Class 33, no. 2 (1991): 87–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030639689103300209.

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30

Spruce, Damian. "Empire and Counter-Empire in the Italian Far Right." Theory, Culture & Society 24, no. 5 (2007): 99–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276407081285.

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What old Fascisms and new nationalisms circulate in the political spaces of Europe? Through an analysis of their split on immigration policy in 2003, this article examines the myths and ideologies of the two major far right parties in Italy, the Lega Nord and the Alleanza Nazionale. It argues that the anti-imperial mythology of the Lega, based on the defence of Lombardy against the Holy Roman Empire, has led it into a modernist politics of territoriality, borders and homogeneity. On the other hand, the Alleanza Nazionale has used its Fascist heritage, and in particular the mythologizing of the

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Rus, Ionas Aurelian. "The civic foundations of fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania, 1870–1945, by Dylan Riley, Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010, xiii + 258 pp., US$55.00 (hardcover), ISBN-13 978-0801894275." Nationalities Papers 40, no. 1 (2012): 162–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.634187.

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Molodiakov, Vasili E. "Charles Maurras, “Action française” and the Problem of War and Peace in Europe: from the ‘Anschluss’ of Austria up to Nazi Invasion into Poland." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 60 (December 12, 2019): 374–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-4-374-388.

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This article analyzes the views on the “peace and war in Europe” problem upheld by the French right-conservative, nationalist and royalist movement “Action française” and its leader Charles Maurras (1868-1952) in the 1930s. Ever the advocates of the severe policy towards Germany, France’s rearmament and “Latin solidarity” with Italy, Spain and Portugal, Maurras and his followers strongly protested against anti-Italian sanctions during Italo-Ethiopian war, against military help to the Republicans during Spanish civil war and supported peaceful solution of Sudetan and Dantzig crises. Contrary to

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Archambault, Fabien. "Football and fascism in Italy." Soccer & Society 21, no. 6 (2020): 639–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14660970.2020.1775041.

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Whittam, John. "Fascism and Anti-Fascism in Italy: History, Memory and Culture." Journal of Contemporary History 36, no. 1 (2001): 163–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200940103600108.

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Falasca-Zamponi, Simonetta. "Ordinary anti-Fascism? Italy and the fall of Fascism, 1943–1945." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 24, no. 1 (2019): 171–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2019.1550705.

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Bassoni, Nicola. "Karl Haushofer as a “Pioneer” of National Socialist Cultural Diplomacy in Fascist Italy." Central European History 52, no. 03 (2019): 424–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000773.

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AbstractThe relevant historiography has largely overlooked the role of Karl Haushofer as a cultural-political actor in National Socialist-Fascist relations. From 1924 to 1944, the German geopolitician dealt extensively with Italy, with an eye to both its geopolitical role in Europe and to the political system of Benito Mussolini's regime. On behalf of Rudolf Hess, he began visiting Italy during the 1930s, aiming to overcome ideological and political misunderstandings between Rome and Berlin. He established a network of contacts with Italian scholars and politicians, passed information back to

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FELDMAN, GERALD D. "Civil commotion and riot insurance in fascist Europe, 1922–1941." Financial History Review 10, no. 2 (2003): 165–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565003000143.

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Insurance for damage caused by public unrest became popular in post-1918 Central Europe and proved to be a profitable business, but one that became increasingly problematic because of the role of fascist regimes in promoting civil commotion. This article addresses some of the experiences of insurance companies, especially the Munich Reinsurance Company, when trying to manage policies covering political unrest and riot in Italy, Germany and Spain between 1922 and 1941. In the case of Italy in 1922, the new fascist regime forced the insurers to pay for damages caused by the Squadri. In Germany,

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Mammone, Andrea. "A Daily Revision of the Past: Fascism, Anti-Fascism, and Memory in Contemporary Italy." Modern Italy 11, no. 2 (2006): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940600709338.

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Recent cultural and political debate in contemporary Italy, which has often been focused on Fascism and the Resistance, has seen an attempt to reconsider the importance of the constitutive moment of the Republic, namely the Liberazione from Nazism–Fascism, and to equate the memories of Fascism and anti-Fascism. The direct consequence of these confused revisionist approaches is either to rehabilitate many aspects of the Duce's regime, or on the contrary to assign this shady page of history to oblivion. The effect of this would be to marginalize anti-Fascism, and even to depict Fascism as relati

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Martin, Simon. "Football, Fascism and Fandom in Modern Italy." Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais, no. 116 (September 1, 2018): 111–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rccs.7291.

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Lubin, V., and N. G. Terekhova. "Duce, Fascism and Historical Memory in Italy." Historical Expertise 4, no. 17 (2019): 207–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31754/2409-6105-2018-4-207-223.

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Gibson, Mary, and Victoria De Grazia. "How Fascism Ruled Women: Italy, 1922-1945." American Historical Review 98, no. 2 (1993): 526. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166925.

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Dogliani, Patrizia. "Environment and leisure in Italy during Fascism." Modern Italy 19, no. 3 (2014): 247–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2014.940152.

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While vacation colonies, camps for children and young people, well-equipped beaches and playgrounds, and the first national parks were conceived in Italy during the Liberal period, it was not until the late 1920s/1930s that they were created and transformed by the Fascist regime. This article will analyse the purposes of the use of the environment and protected areas by Fascist organisations during the Fascist regime by different social groups and classes. It will try to answer several questions: how did Fascist mass organisations (youth organisations such as the Opera Nazionale Balilla (ONB)

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Tilles, Daniel, and Salvatore Garau. "Fascism and the Jews: Italy and Britain." Holocaust Studies 15, no. 1-2 (2009): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17504902.2009.11087233.

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Clasby, Daniel J. "Fascism and the Jews: Italy and Britain." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 19, no. 3 (2014): 353–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2014.910958.

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Reich, Jacqueline, and Victoria De Grazia. "How Fascism Ruled Women: Italy 1922-1945." Italica 71, no. 1 (1994): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/479421.

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Morant i Ariño, Toni. "Spanish Fascist Women’s Transnational Relations during the Second World War: Between Ideology and Realpolitik." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 4 (2018): 834–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418798440.

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Spanish fascist women played a very active role in the Falange’s cross-border relations with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy during the Spanish Civil War and the Second World War. From the very beginning, fascist women took a preeminent place in these contacts and exchanges in order to see with their own eyes how both fascist models were at a practical level. These relationships between fascist women’s organizations were born out of deep ideological affinity and were especially fluid, firstly on a bilateral level and after 1940 on the ‘New Order’ Europe-wide multilateral, transnational collabor

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Wolff, Elisabetta Cassina. "The meaning and role of the concepts of democracy and corporatism in Italian neo-fascist ideology (1945–1953)." Modern Italy 16, no. 3 (2011): 295–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2010.524887.

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While caution, tactics and compromise characterised the political practice of the neo-fascist Italian Social Movement in post-war Italy, a section of the Italian press took a less guarded approach to the 20-year regime (Fascism) and to fascism as a political idea (fascism). A lively debate began immediately after the death of Mussolini; Italians sympathetic to fascism opposed the new Italian republican settlement and their opinions were freely expressed in newspapers and magazines. Neo-fascism in Italy was represented by three main ideological currents (left-wing, moderate and right-wing), and

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ROBERTS, DAVID D. "Myth, Style, Substance and the Totalitarian Dynamic in Fascist Italy." Contemporary European History 16, no. 1 (2007): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003602.

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AbstractRecent studies of Italian Fascism have focused on ritual, spectacle, commemoration and myth, even as they also take seriously the totalitarian thrust of Fascism. But whereas this new culturalist orientation has usefully pointed beyond earlier reductionist approaches, it has often accented style and myth as opposed to their opposites, which might be summed up as ‘substance’. Some of the aspirations fuelling Fascism, responding to perceived inadequacies in the mainstream liberal and Marxist traditions, pointed beyond myth and style as they helped to shape the Fascist self-understanding –

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ALBANESE, GIULIA. "The Italians and Fascism." Contemporary European History 24, no. 2 (2015): 317–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000120.

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In a recent review of Christopher Duggan's latest book, Emilio Gentile notes that in the 1970s an ‘intimate history of fascist Italy’ would have met the opposition of ‘militant anti-fascist historiography’ because of its proneness to acknowledge the involvement of Italians in Fascism. Still, after criticising the book, Gentile stresses that the ‘question of consent’ – a topic on which he himself has provided some crucial contributions – is a ‘poorly posed question’.

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Brisset, Nicolas, and Raphaël Fèvre. "Peregrinations of a Corporatist Economist: François Perroux’s Travels in Fascist Europe." History of Political Economy 53, no. 4 (2021): 745–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-9308953.

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This article examines François Perroux’s corporatist thought from the interwar period to the Vichy period, in the light of his travels in Italy, Germany, Austria, and Portugal from 1934 to 1935. We will show that Perroux’s critical analysis of what he called “fascist”—politically authoritarian and economically corporatist—regimes is central to grasp his intellectual and institutional trajectory. To do so, we reconstruct Perroux’s original diagnostic regarding these regimes, stressing the way he distinguished the totalitarian model of Italy and Germany from the national-Catholic model outlined

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