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1
Silva, Rafael Júnior da. "O(s) fascismo(s) no livro didático: uma análise do conteúdo no ensino fundamental e médio." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2017. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/8132.
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Previous issue date: 2017-11-28<br>The objective of this Final Master's Work was to analyze the context of the textbook of the Elementary School called Meetings with the History of the authors of the authors Vanise Ribeiro and Carla Anastasia (2016) and the High School Paths of Man (2016) by the authors Adhemar Marques and Flávio Berutti ( 2016) on fascism (s). Francisco Carlos Teixeira da Silva (2005) brings a new discussion about Nazi-fascism approaching the new possibilities of stratifying fascism from the end of the 1980s, when there is a turnaround in the academic scene from the analysis of new sources. It is important to dialogue with Silva's provocative text (2008) regarding fascism, since it launches a more present critical discussion, given that one of the most well-known and immediate post-war approaches, popularized in the media, fascism, defends a unique approach of the phenomenon, focusing all the attention in Germany and using exclusively the expression Nazism. Such a situation can be found in the context of the textbook that usually builds a narrative focus that centralizes the theme in World War II and the character of Adolf Hitler. Going back to the textbook, this object may or may not attempt to link the past with the present, since it must corroborate the critical construction of young people and their perceptions and positions regarding society. In the case of this research raised by Silva (2005) as a phenomenon, we investigate if there is any relation between the aspects presented in the two Didactic Books of elementary and high school that we selected for analysis. In this sense, we present a chapter in which we discuss the concept (s) of fascism (s) and explore the reality of elaborating a didactic book and how it can approach certain topics such as Nazi-fascism. In the second chapter we analyzed two textbooks used in the city of Ipameri - GO in the year 2017, Meetings with History used in the 9th year of elementary school and Paths of Man used in the 3rd. year of high school. In the annex we present a Reference Guide with the purpose of allowing the teacher, from different sources, to relate the theme to the present.<br>O objetivo deste Trabalho Final de Mestrado foi analisar o contexto do livro didático do Ensino Fundamental chamado Encontros com a História das autoras Vanise Ribeiro e Carla Anastasia (2016) e do Ensino Médio Caminhos do Homem (2016) dos autores Adhemar Marques e Flávio Berutti (2016) sobre o(s) fascismo(s). Francisco Carlos Teixeira da Silva (2005) traz uma nova discussão sobre o nazi-fascismo abordando as novas possibilidades de estratificar o fascismo a partir do final da década de 1980, quando há uma reviravolta no cenário acadêmico a partir da análise de novas fontes. É importante dialogar com o texto provocador de Silva (2008) a respeito do fascismo já que o mesmo lança uma discussão crítica mais atual, dado ao fato de que uma das abordagens mais conhecidas e imediatas ao pós-guerra, muito popularizada na mídia, sobre o fascismo, defende uma abordagem única do fenômeno, centrando toda a atenção na Alemanha e utilizando exclusivamente a expressão nazismo. Tal situação pode ser encontrada no contexto do livro didático que costuma construir um foco narrativo que centraliza o tema na Segunda Guerra Mundial e ao personagem de Adolf Hitler. Voltando ao livro didático, este objeto pode ou não se atentar a ligar o passado com o presente já que deve corroborar para a construção crítica dos jovens e suas percepções e posições com relação à sociedade. No caso desta pesquisa levantada por Silva (2005) como fenômeno, averiguamos se há alguma relação entre os aspectos apresentados nos dois Livros Didáticos do ensino fundamental e do ensino médio que selecionamos para análise. Nesse sentido, apresentamos um capítulo no qual discutimos o(s) conceito(s) de fascismo(s) e exploramos a realidade de elaboração de um livro didático e como o mesmo pode fazer abordagem de certos temas como o nazi-fascismo. No segundo capítulo analisamos dois livros didáticos utilizados nas escoladas da cidade Ipameri – GO no ano de 2017, Encontros com a História utilizado no 9º ano do ensino fundamental e Caminhos do Homem utilizado no 3º. ano do ensino médio. Em anexo apresentamos um Guia de Referências com o objetivo de permitir ao professor, a partir de diferentes fontes, relacionar o tema ao presente.
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Cazetta, Felipe Azevedo. "Fascismos e autoritarismos: a cruz, a suástica e o caboclo - fundações do pensamento político de Plínio Salgado – 1932-1945." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora, 2011. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/2145.
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Previous issue date: 2011-04-21<br>CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>Está dissertação aborda os elementos teóricos existentes no Integralismo de Plínio Salgado.
Procura-se observar singularidades do pensamento de Plínio Salgado, e as apropriações realizadas
de outros autores e correntes teóricas. Paralelamente, há o exame dos aspectos dos regimes fascistas
da Itália e da Alemanha, assim como as ditaduras autoritárias de Portugal e Espanha, com o
objetivo de observar as semelhança e as divergências com o integralismo de Plínio Salgado. Esta
tarefa é realizada com o objetivo de perceber as apropriações realizadas pelo chefe integralistas no
intuito de tornar coeso e legitimado seu arcabouço doutrinário. Partindo deste princípio, Salgado
respalda-se tanto em modelos estrangeiros (os fascismos e o salzarismo por exemplo), como em
autores nacionais (Farias Brito, Alberto Torres e Oliveira Vianna), perpassando por intelectuais
estrangeiros, tal como o mexicano José Vasconcelos, com a finalidade de elaborar seu projeto de
Estado Integral, dentro dos princípios de “Deus, Pátria e Família”, tripé do integralismo.<br>The thesis addresses the theoretical elements that exist in Integralism Plinio Salgado. Attempt to
observe the uniqueness of the thought of Plinio Salgado and appropriations made by other authors
and theoretical approaches. In parallel, there is the examination of aspects of the fascist regimes of
Italy and Germany, such as authoritarian dictatorships of Portugal and Spain, observing the
similarities and differences with the Plinio Salgado's integralism. This task is performed in order to
realize the appropriations made by the integralism leadership in order to make cohesive and
legitimized its doctrinal framework. With this assumption, Salgado draws upon foreign models
(fascism and salzarismo for example), such as national authors (Farias Brito, Alberto Torres and
Oliveira Vianna), permeated by foreign intellectuals, with purpose of preparing its draft Estado
Integral, within the principles of "Deus, Pátria e Família", tripod of integralism.
3
Cammelli, Maddalena Gretel. "Millenial fascism : contributo ad un'antropologia del fascismo del terzo millenio." Paris, EHESS, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EHES0717.
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Cette thèse d'anthropologie étudie le phénomène du fascisme du troisième millénaire représenté en Italie par le mouvement CasaPound. À travers l'étude ethnographique de ce mouvement né à Rome en 2003, cette thèse pose la question de la « frontière qui sépare l'homme fasciste du non-fasciste ». D'après ses militants, le fascisme semble être une manière de vivre, un comportement par rapport à l'existence, un « ressenti du monde ». Sa compréhension doit donc aller au-delà de l'analyse politique, pour saisir ces aspects de l'expérience, de l'émotivité, de l'appartenance, qui sont prépondérants dans les témoignages des fascistes du troisième millénaire. Le fascisme du troisième millénaire apparaît comme un phénomène impossible à cerner et à expliquer dans le cadre de voies logiques et de conséquence. Sa logique semble représentée par l'absence d'une cohérence interne. La rationalité semble ne pas être l'instrument adapté pour saisir la complexité du phénomène fasciste et en conséquence pas non plus pour proposer une stratégie à même d'affronter sa perpétuation à travers les décennies<br>This anthropological thesis studies the phenomenon of third millenium fascism represented in Italy by the movements Casapound. Through an ethnographic study of this movement born in Rome in 2003, this dissertation enquires about the exosttence of a "boundary dividing the fascist from the non-fascist man". Militants of this movement see fascism as a way of living, an existential attitude, a "feeling of the world". Its understanding has thus to go farther than a simple political analysis, to grasp those aspects of experience, emotivity, membership, which are preponnderant in fascists'staements. Third millennium fascism seems thus a phenomenon beyond the simple logical and consequential ways of analysis. Its logic seems represented by the absence of an internal coherence. Rationality seems not to be the right tool neither to grasp the complexity of fascist phenomenon, nor to propose a strategy for facing the persistence of fascism in European history
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Schonbach, Morris. "Native American Fascism during the 1930s and 1940s a study of its roots, its growth, and its decline /." New York : Garland Pub, 1985. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/12419923.html.
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Mitchell, Andrew Martin. "Fascism in East Anglia : the British Union of Fascists in Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex, 1933-1940." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1999. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/3071/.
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This thesis examines five key issues relating to the emergence and development of the British Union of Fascists in Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex between 1933 and 1940. Firstly, it provides an analytical account of the B. U. F.'s involvement in the East Anglian `tithe war' during 1933-1934, which pays particular attention to fascist motivation, the extent of Blackshirt anti-tithe activism, and the various constraints limiting the impact of the Mosleyite interventionist strategy. Secondly, the B. U. F. 's anti-war policy and the government's implementation of Defence Regulation 18B (IA) are discussed in a regional context. Evidence from the three counties is used to give qualified endorsement to revisionist arguments, which maintain that the Blackshirt Peace Campaign boosted recruitment and attracted disaffected pro-appeasement middle class Tories. Reasons are also put forward to explain why the 18B round-up of B. U. F. adherents in eastern England proceeded in such an inconsistent manner. Thirdly, the size and social characteristics of the local Blackshirt support base are investigated. Approximate recruitment levels for active and non-active members in Norfolk, Suffolk and provincial Essex between 1934 and late 1938 are calculated, and detailed analysis of a sample of 230 Mosleyites from the area affords a valuable insight into the social class and occupational structure of the local movement. Fourthly, this thesis considers the protean nature of the B. U. F. 's appeal from both a `regional ' and `national' perspective by consulting the oral and written testimonies of 22 `East Anglian' and 75 other Blackshirt adherents. Finally, the various external and internal factors hampering the B. U. F. 's progress in the three counties are discussed within the framework of a conjunctural model of fascist political success. A number of key constraints, including unfavourable socio-economic conditions, a lack of `political space', internal deficiencies and state management of domestic fascism, marginalised the local Blackshirt movement.
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Warren, Alec J. "Britain's Green Fascists: Understanding the Relationship between Fascism, Farming, and Ecological Concerns in Britain, 1919-1951." UNF Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/755.
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This study explores the relationship between fascism, fascist ideas, and environmental consciousness in Britain during the pre- and post-World War II decades. In examining this topic, two main questions arise. First, why did fascist intellectuals support environmentally conscious ideas, and how did they relate these positions to their political ideologies? Second, why were many environmentally conscious thinkers during this period attracted to fascism? This thesis will also address several related issues regarding fascism and environmental consciousness. These issues include what role environmental concerns played in the British Union of Fascist’s platforms and in fascism’s public appeal, and how that role changed as the party’s needs and goals changed. This project also addresses how former members of the BUF drew attention to environmental issues after World War II, and how such ideas related to broader environmental discussions taking place in Britain at the time.
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Kharazmi, Sam. "Svarta skjortor och svarta kjolar : En undersökning om fascistiska suffragetter och British Union of Fascists kvinnosyn." Thesis, Jönköping University, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-51772.
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Denna uppsats ämnar finna de faktorer som drev före detta suffragetter till att ansluta sig till den fascistiska organisationen British Union of Fascists (BUF), samt redogöra för organisationens syn på kvinnors och kvinnors roll i samhället. BUF grundades 1932 och var den största och mest framstående fascistiska gruppen i Storbritannien under mellankrigstiden. I samband med att organisationen nådde sin höjd i mitten av 1930-talet blev den ökänd för sina våldsamma möten och konfrontationer med politiska motståndare. De våldsamma metoderna som fascisterna använde skulle alienera dem från den breda brittiska politiken. När BUF proklamerade sitt stöd för Adolf Hitlers Nazityskland kom organisationen att fördömas av både den brittiska allmänheten och de etablerade partierna. British Union of Fascists skulle motsätta sig andra världskriget och uppmanade regeringen att förbjuda organisationen och arresterade många högtuppsatta medlemmar 1940. Fascismen var känd för att ha en patriarkal, traditionalistisk och reaktionär syn på kön och kvinnor. Men trots detta lyckades organisationen attrahera tidigare suffragetter. Så hur kunde de som tidigare kämpat för jämställdhet gå med i en rörelse som motsatte sig jämställdhet? Vilken syn hade BUF på kvinnan och kvinnorollen? För att svara på detta har jag studerat och analyserat ideologisk text skrivna av organisationens grundare och ledare Oswald Mosley samt andra fascistiska medlemmar. Jag har också använt mig av tillgänglig forskning från etablerade professorer och historiker för att nå en slutsats. Resultatet visar att British Union of Fascists hade en mycket traditionalistisk och reaktionär syn på kvinnan och kvinnorollen. Svaghet betraktades och beskrivs som feminint och manlighet betraktades och beskrivs som styrka. BUF ansåg att kvinnan rent naturligt föredrog hemmet framför arbete och att moderskapet var kvinnans högsta kallelse i livet. Fascisterna betraktade kvinnors framgångar i kampen för jämställdhet som samhällets degeneration och förfall. Resultaten visar även att det fanns många faktorer som drev de tidigare suffragetterna till British Union of Fascists. Vilka faktorer som var avgörande beror på suffragetten i fråga. I min forskning har jag hittat tre exempel på tidigare suffragetter som gick med i BUF. Dessa var Norah Dacre Fox, Mary Sophia Allen och Mary Richardson. De faktorer som fick Norah Dacre Fox att ansluta sig till BUF var primärt möjligheten för sig och sin partner att få politiska karriärer. Fox hävdade att BUF var suffragettrörelsens arvtagare men jag har inte hittat några bevis för att detta var en primär faktor som fick henne att gå med i organisationen. De faktorer som fick Mary Sophia Allen att gå med i BUF var sannolikt krigsutbrottet 1939. Allen var sedan tidigare en beundrare av Adolf Hitler vilket troligtvis fick henne att motsätta sig ett krig mot dennes regim. Hon tjänstgjorde även under första världskriget och var troligtvis väl medveten om krigets fasor, något som kan ha bidragit till att hon motsatte sig ett nytt krig. De faktorer som fick Mary Richardson att gå med BUF var att hon ansåg att organisation och fascismen som ideologi var det enda som kunde rädda landet från stagnation. Richardson såg också mycket i BUF som påminde henne om suffragettrörelsen, och som en militant suffragett i sin ungdom kan BUFs militarism och paramilitära aktioner ha varit attraktiva. Det är därför troligt att de faktorer som fick Richardson att gå med i fascisterna var en kombination mellan att tro på dem som en politisk kraft såväl som deras militanta tillvägagångssätt. Richardson lämnade organisationen efter interna bråk och kom att anklaga organisationen för att i själva verket motarbeta kvinnors rättigheter. Strävan efter jämlikhet kan därför mycket väl ha varit en bidragande faktor till att hon anslöt sig till fascisterna, men jag har inte hittat några bevis som uttryckligen pekar på detta.<br>This essay revolves around the fascist organization British Union of Fascists (BUF) and their view on women and women’s role in society. It also examines former suffragettes who joined the organization, with the goal of establishing which factors contributed to them seeking membership in the organization. Founded in 1932, the BUF was the largest and most prominent fascist group in the United Kingdom during the interwar period. Reaching its peak in the mid-1930s, the organization would become infamous for violent rallies and clashes with political opponents. The violent methods of the fascists would alienate them from mainstream British politics. And the organization would be condemned by both the British political establishment and British public after pleading their allegiance to Adolf Hitlers Nazi Germany. The British Union of Fascists would oppose the second world war, prompting the government to ban the organization and arresting numerous high-ranking members in 1940. Fascism was known for having a patriarchal, traditionalist and reactionary view on gender and women. But despite this fact, the organization managed to attract former suffragettes. So how come that those who fought for equality between the sexes would join a movement that opposed the same? How did British Union of Fascists view women and the female role? To answer this, I have studied, and analysed ideological text written by the organizations founder and leader Oswald Mosley, alongside other fascist members. I have also used available research by established professors and historians to reach a valid conclusion. The result shows that the British Union of Fascists had a highly traditional and reactionary view on women. Weakness was viewed and described as feminine, while masculinity was viewed and described as strength. The group regarded the home as women’s natural habitat, and childbirth as their highest calling in life. The fascists viewed women’s recent achievements in the struggle for equality as the degeneration and downfall of society. The results also shows that there were numerous factors that drove the former suffragettes, each depending on the suffragette in question. In my research I have found three examples of former suffragettes who joined the BUF. These were Norah Dacre Fox, Mary Sophia Allen and Mary Richardson. The factors that made Norah Dacre Fox join the BUF was primarily the possibility of herself and her partner to gain political careers through the organization. Fox did argue that she viewed the BUF as successors to the suffragette movement, but I have not found any evidence that proves that this was a primary factor for her joining the BUF. The factors that made Mary Sophia Allen join the BUF were most likely the outbreak of the second world war. She was an admirer of Adolf Hitler which probably made her oppose a war against his regime. She also served during the first world war, something that might have contributed to her opposing a new war due the horrors of warfare. Mary Richardson joined the BUF because she believed that the organization and the ideology of fascism were needed to save to country from its downfall. Richardson also saw a lot in the BUF that remined her of the suffragette movement, and as a militant suffragette in her youth the BUFs militarism and paramilitary actions might have been attractive. It is therefore likely that the factors that made Richardson join the fascists were a combination between agreeing with their views on the degeneration of British society as well as their militant actions. Richardson did leave the organization after a falling-out with its leader, and she would accuse the group of working against women’s rights. The pursuit of equality might very well have been a contributing factor for joining, but I have not found any evidence that explicitly points to this.
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Bernardo, João 1946. "Labirintos do fascismo." [s.n.], 1998. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/252375.
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Previous issue date: 1998<br>Doutorado<br>Doutor em Educação
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Filho, Fermin Vañó Ivorra. "Luiz Francisco Rebello e Alfonso Sastre: o teatro de resistência sob os regimes fascistas ibéricos." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8150/tde-30082012-105108/.
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Luiz Francisco Rebello e Alfonso Sastre: o teatro de resistência sob os regimes fascistas ibéricos tem como objetivo pesquisar e analisar a literatura dramática desses dois artistas e escritores contemporâneos, representantes de suas gerações literárias, que produziram peças originais, perturbadoras, mordazes, engajadas ideologicamente contra os regimes autoritários da península ibérica e, por esse fato, foram sistematicamente censurados. O trabalho tem como objeto a produção dramática de Francisco Rebello e Alfonso Sastre entre os anos de 1944 e 1974, anos marcados pela repressão e censura do fascismo ibérico, assim como, pelo fim da segunda grande guerra, pela iminência da Guerra Fria, pela ameaça nuclear e pelo drástico cerceamento à liberdade durante os governos totalitários de Portugal e Espanha. Faremos observar alguns aspectos históricos, sociais e políticos da contínua decadência peninsular deste período, questões que aproximam ambos escritores ainda mais, e que enfaticamente influenciaram na formação dos temas, nas concepções artísticas e nas literárias dos dramas desses dois autores de povos vizinhos. Um panorama da vida e obra de cada autor, em seu respectivo contexto histórico, fez-se aqui necessário para vislumbrar o percurso realizado por cada um deles e o desenvolvimento de suas respectivas produções literárias. Testemunhas comprometidas com esse período fascista ibérico, Francisco Rebello e Alfonso Sastre, ao término da II Guerra Mundial, no prelúdio literário de suas vidas, decidiram criar uma dramaturgia de vanguarda e resistência. Peças teatrais, frutos do inconformismo de uma época conturbada e repressora; obras características de um teatro que apostava em mudanças e, sobretudo, buscava alguma reação sinestésica de suas respectivas sociedades.<br>Luiz Francisco Rebello and Alfonso Sastre: the theater of opposition under Iberian fascist regimes aims to research and analyze the dramatic literature of these two contemporary artists and writers, representatives of their literary generations, which produced original pieces, disturbing, spicy, ideologically engaged against the authoritarian regimes of the Iberian Peninsula, and this fact, systematically censored. The work is focused on the dramatic production of Francisco Rebello and Alfonso Sastre between the years 1944 and 1974, years marked by the collective Iberian fascism, by the end of the Second World War, the imminence of the Cold War, the nuclear threat and the drastic curtailment of freedom during the totalitarian governments of Portugal and Spain. We will look at some historical, social and political decay of the continuous period of peninsular issues that bring both further and strongly influenced the formation of the themes of artistic and literary conceptions of the tragedies of these two authors of their neighbours. A wide panel of life and work of each author in their respective historical context, it was necessary to glimpse here the route taken by each of them and develop their literary productions. Witnesses committed to this Iberian fascist period, Francisco Rebello and Alfonso Sastre, at the end of World War II, in the prelude of their literary lives, decided to create a vanguard and opposition theater. Plays, result of the nonconformity of a tumultuous and repressive time; works features a drama, which believed on changes and, especially, tried some synaesthetic reaction of their respective companies.
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Saito, Nádia. "A formação do facismo no Japão de 1929 a 1940." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-29082012-092205/.
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A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar a experiência japonesa e a aplicabilidade do conceito fascismo ao período compreendido entre a Grande Crise do fim dos anos 1920 e o fechamento total dos partidos e dos sindicatos. O caso japonês é, muitas vezes, tratado como desprezível, por se referir a uma experiência fora dos perímetros ocidentais e, também, traz consigo uma forma de esquivar-se de cada particularidade dentro de uma universalidade. O Japão, após a implantação do capitalismo em fins do século XIX, passa por diversas transformações orientadas pela mesma lógica de reprodução. A partir das distinções do caso japonês e de generalizações do conceito fascismo, foi possível perceber a unidade dos processos político-sociais. O resultado de uma arquitetura de dominação, desde a esfera social até os movimentos políticos da economia, foi exposto neste trabalho.<br>This study aimed to analyze the Japanese experience and the concept of \"fascism\" due the period between the Great Crisis of the late 1920s and the total closure of parties and unions. The Japanese case is often treated as negligible, because it refers to an out of the western perimeter, and also brings with it a way to dodge every particular within a universality. Japan, after the capitalism introduction in the late nineteenth century, goes through several transformations driven by the same logic of reproduction. From the Japanese case distinctions and generalizations of the concept of \"fascism\", it was possible to make out the unity of political and social processes. The result of an architecture of domination was exposed in this work, from the social sphere to the political movements of the economy.
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Caron, Giuseppe Rafael. "Discursos de Benito Mussolini: permanências e mudanças (1919-1922)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2015. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/12876.
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Previous issue date: 2015-03-11<br>Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico<br>This research, under the guidance of Prof. Dr. Antonio Pedro Tota, has as theme the ideology modification of Italian fascism from 1919 to 1922. The objective is to observe through Benito Mussolini's speeches the transformation of fascism before the seizure of power through of March on Rome. This work respond the following questions: Which led the Italian fascism to change in that short period of time? and What was fascism movement? As methodology was analyzed the speeches given by Duce in the years before the fascist government. The two of the leading historians of fascism, Renzo de Felice and Emilio Gentile together with Frances Speech analysis provided the theoretical basis for this research. As a result, we point out the need of fascism in negotiating with your audience, adapting to their realities, in addition, we can observe the increasing approximation of fascism with Italian culture<br>Esta pesquisa, sob orientação do Prof. Dr. Antonio Pedro Tota, tem por tema as modificações ideológicas do fascismo italiano entre os anos de 1919 a 1922. Seu objetivo é observar, por meio dos discursos de Benito Mussolini, as transformações que o fascismo estava sofrendo antes da tomada do poder através da Marcha sobre Roma. Este trabalho pretende responder às seguintes perguntas: O que levou o fascismo italiano a se modificar nesse curto espaço de tempo? e O que foi esse fascismo movimento? . Como metodologia foram analisados os discursos pronunciados pelo Duce nos anos que antecedem o governo fascista. O trabalho de dois dos principais historiadores do fascismo, Renzo de Felice e Emilio Gentile, associado às técnicas da Escola Francesa de Análise do Discurso, serviram de fundamentação teórica a esta pesquisa. Como resultado, apontamos a necessidade do fascismo em negociar com o seu público, adaptando-se assim a suas realidades. Além disso, iremos observar a identificação cada vez maior do fascismo com a cultura italiana
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Levin, Fanny. "Racisme et antisémitisme dans la presse italienne à l'époque fasciste (1922-1943) : entre propagande politique et journalistique." Thesis, Grenoble, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011GRENH019.
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Le problème du sort des Juifs en Italie est sans doute l'un des aspects les plus tragiques du totalitarisme fasciste. Depuis une vingtaine d'années, l'historiographie antisémite s'est grandement étoffée, s'attachant au fur et à mesure davantage aux caractères spécifiques du fascisme italien. L'étude entreprise dans cette thèse se place dans une perspective d'histoire politique et culturelle, puisqu'il s'agira de mettre à jour, à travers l'étude de la propagande, les caractéristiques du fascisme italien, afin de saisir la nature et la fonction du racisme et de l'antisémitisme en Italie. Les sources principales sur lesquelles se basent notre recherche sont trois quotidiens nationaux publiés à Milan. De par leur notoriété, mais surtout leur engagement quotidien à représenter les Juifs et les peuples colonisés comme une réalité stéréotypée et méprisable, ils furent en première ligne dans la dynamique de persécution. Laboratoire de la doctrine raciale, manuel pédagogique, terrain d'investigation sur la présence des Juifs en Italie, rouage de l'administration policière, ils ont largement contribué à l'élaboration d'une culture raciste et antisémite qui relançait le débat sur les valeurs de l'identité nationale<br>The problem of the fate of the Jews in Italy is doubtless one of the most tragic aspects of the fascist totalitarianism. Since about twenty years, anti-Semitic historiography has greatly expanded, focusing on progressively more to the specific characteristics of Italian fascism. The study undertaken in this thesis is placed in a context of political and cultural history, since it will be to update, through the study of propaganda, the characteristics of Italian fascism to understand the nature and function of racism and anti-Semitism in Italy. The main sources on which to base our research are three national daily newspapers published in Milan. Of their celebrity, but also their daily commitment to represent the Jews and the colonized peoples as a stereotypical reality and despicable, they were at the forefront of the dynamics of persecution. Racial doctrine laboratory, teaching manual, field of investigation on the presence of Jews in Italy, train of the police administration, they have greatly contributed to the development of a culture of racism and anti-Semite who relaunched the debate on values of national identity
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Pubill, Brugués Joan. "Mort a la modernitat. La trajectòria inconformista de Georges Valois: de la crisi finisecular al feixisme, 1878-1928." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/670739.
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A través de la vida intel·lectual de Georges Valois, aquesta tesi pretén abordar la formació de la cultura política contrarevolucionària a França entre 1878 i 1928. El període que s’analitza es correspon a l’etapa de la seva vida que va des del naixement fins a l’ocàs del Faisceau, el primer partit francès definit com a feixista. La trajectòria de Valois durant aquests anys conforma un cicle històric congruent que permet desllorigar els principals nusos de la crisi de la modernitat, com ara la pèrdua de fe en la idea de progrés, la percepció de decadència nacional, la laïcització, l’adveniment de la massa i la corrupció de les praxis polítiques. En els sis capítols que segueixen la introducció i conformen el cos del treball, s’examinen dues qüestions. D’una banda, la formació d’una identitat política basada en les lliçons de l’escola i familiars, en les impressions de l’Exposició Universal de 1889 i en les males experiències laborals. De l’altra, el rol capdavanter en tant que teòric, quadre de l’Action française i propagandista que jugà d’ençà de la decepció amb la mística dreyfusarde. En primer lloc, fou l’instigador d’un programa social entre 1907 i 1909 que va permetre vertebrar el nacionalisme integral com el centre gravitacional de la contrarevolució. Anys més tard, va ser l’artífex d’una conjunció antiliberal entre nacionalistes i obreristes que va ser clau a l’hora de dilatar l’espai contrarevolucionari abans de 1914. Finalment, com a dinamitzador de la contrarevolució després de la Gran Guerra gràcies a diverses iniciatives antiparlamentàries, a propostes econòmiques i a l’organització del projecte feixista. Republicà, anarquista, nacionalista integral i, posteriorment, feixista, l’itinerari del personatge sorprèn per una coherència que no és altra que la de voler purgar la modernitat de les tares que van fer-la degenerar. A partir de la seva cosmovisió inconformista, és possible explorar el fenomen del feixisme com un moviment que enfonsa les arrels en la nebulosa contrarevolucionària. Tanmateix, les sinèrgies històriques que recorren la seva biografia mostren com el feixisme, malgrat tenir un corpus ideològic ben definit, no va aconseguir esdevenir un moviment de masses als anys 20. El fracàs polític del feixisme valoisià permet, això no obstant, reflexionar sobre diverses qüestions entorn de la dimensió històrica del feixisme i esclarir qüestions entorn de la cronologia, la naturalesa i el caràcter del fenomen.<br>A través de la vida intelectual de Georges Valois, esta tesis pretende abordar la formación de la cultura política contrarrevolucionaria en Francia entre 1878 y 1928. El período que se analiza se corresponde a la etapa de su vida que va desde el nacimiento hasta el ocaso del Faisceau, el primer partido francés definido como fascista. La trayectoria de Valois durante estos años forma un ciclo histórico congruente que permite deshilachar los principales nudos de la crisis de la modernidad, como la pérdida de fe en la idea de progreso, la percepción de la decadencia nacional, la laicización, el advenimiento de la masa y la corrupción de las praxis políticas. En los seis capítulos que siguen la introducción y forman el cuerpo del trabajo, se examinan 2 cuestiones. Por un lado, la formación de una identidad política basada en las enseñanzas de la escuela y de sus familiares, en las impresiones de la Exposición Universal de 1889 y en las malas experiencias laborales. Por otra lado, el el papel vanguardista en tanto que teórico, cuadro de la Action Française y propagandista que desempeñó desde la decepción con la mística dreyfusarde. En primer lugar, fue el instigador de un programa social entre 1907 y 1909 que permitió vertebrar el nacionalismo integral como el centro de gravedad de la contrarrevolución. Años más tarde, fue el artífice de una conjunción antiliberal entre nacionalistas y obreristas que feu clave a la hora de dilatar el espacio contrarrevolucionario antes de 1914. Finalmente, como dinamizador de la contrarrevolución de la Gran Guerra gracias a diversas iniciativas antiparlamentarias, a propuestas económicas y a la organización del proyecto fascista. Republicano, anarquista, nacionalista integral y, posteriormente, fascista, el itinerario del personaje sorprende por una coherencia que no es otra que la de querer purgar la modernidad de las taras que la hicieron degenerar. A partir de su cosmovisión inconformista, es posible explorar el fenómeno del fascismo como un movimiento que ahonda sus raíces en la nebulosa contrarrevolucionaria. Sin embargo, las sinergias históricas que recorren su biografía muestran como el fascismo, pese a tener un corpus ideológico bien definido, no consiguió convertirse en un movimiento de masas en los años 1920. El fracaso político del fascismo valosiano permite, pero, reflexionar sobre diversas cuestiones en torno a la dimensión histórica del fascismo y esclarecer algunos puntos acerca de la cronología, la naturaleza y el carácter del fenómeno.<br>Through the intellectual career of Georges Valois, this research adresses the formation of the counterrevolutonary political culture in France between 1878-1928. Through the intellectual career of Georges Valois, this research addresses the formation of the counterrevolutionary political culture in France between 1878-1928. The period analysed encompasses from his birth to the twilight of the Faisceau, the first French party labelled as fascist. Valois'career forms a congruent historical cycle that allow the observer to examine the most representative issues of the crisis of the modernity, like the loss of faith in progress, the perception of national decay, the secularisation, the advent of the masses and the corruption of the political practices. In the six chapters that follow the introduction and conform the body of the research, two themes are examined. One the one hand, the formation of Valois'identity, based on the familiar and school lessons, on the impressions he had at the Universal Exposition of 1889 and the bad work experiences. On the other hand, the vanguard role played as a theorist and cadre of Action française as well as propagandist after his deception with the dreyfusard cause. Firstly, he was the instigator of a social doctrine between 1907-1909, thanks to which integral nationalism became the milestone of the counterrevolution. Some years later, he conceived an antiliberal junction between nationalists and revolutionary syndicalists, a key feature in the development of the counterrevolutionary political space before 1914. Last but not least, he was a catalyst after the Great War due to his antiparliamentarian campaigns, economic proposals and the organization of a fascist project. Republican, anarchist, integral nationalist and fascist, his ideological career is astonishingly coherent because he always aimed to regenerate the modernity. From his non-conformist vision, it is possible to explore fascism as a phenomenon rooted in the counterrevolutionary milieu. However, the historical dynamics of his biography show that fascism, despite its well-defined ideological corpus, did not achieve to become a mass movement in the 1920s. However, the political failure of his fascist project serves to think about the historical dimension of fascism and to reflect on the chronology, nature and features of the phenomenon.
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McBride, Michelle. "From indifference to internment : an examination of RCMP responses to nazism and fascism in Canada from 1934 to 1941 /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq23157.pdf.
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Mendes, Marília Silva Martins. "Manifestações do conservadorismo e do fascismo no Brasil contemporâneo: análise de propagandas políticas." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/47/47131/tde-13112018-151951/.
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A presente pesquisa de mestrado procura analisar o conteúdo de discursos de lideranças políticas de direita, com o intuito de averiguar seu potencial de mobilização nos espectadores. O que inclui investigar se as técnicas utilizadas atualmente se assemelham, de alguma forma, com as quais Adorno menciona em seu texto \"As Palestras Radiofônicas de Martin Luther Thomas\". Além de Theodor W. Adorno, também se utilizou da teoria de Sigmund Freud e Siegfried Kracauer. Um segundo objetivo, que contribui com o primeiro, é a análise da montagem, edição e decupagem desses vídeos, justamente para ver como esses processos e os enquadramentos contribuem com essa mobilização. O método utilizado é a análise de estímulos. Os materiais são vídeos de propagandas políticas atuais de políticos que ocupem um lugar no imaginário do povo brasileiro. A escolha por vídeos se deu por conta da propaganda conservadora utilizar, principalmente, da imagem e da propaganda. Ou seja, o objeto é intrínseco ao objetivo e ele faz parte do método<br>The present master\'s research seeks to analyze the content of speeches of political leaders of the right wing, with the intention of ascertaining their potential of mobilization in the spectators. This includes investigating whether the techniques currently resemble, in some way, with what Adorno mentions in his text, \"The Martin Luther Thomas Radio Lectures.\" In addition to Theodor W. Adorno, it was also used the theory of Sigmund Freud and Siegfried Kracauer. A second objective, which contributes to the first one, is the analysis of the editing and decupage of these videos, precisely to see how these processes and the frameworks contribute to this mobilization. The method used is the analysis of stimuli. The materials are videos of current political propaganda of politicians who occupy a place in the imaginary of the Brazilian people. The choice for videos was due to conservative propaganda mainly using image and advertising. That is, the object is intrinsic to the goal and it is part of the method
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Renton, Dave. "The attempted revival of British fascism : fascism and anti-fascism, 1945-51." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1999. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14777/.
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The thesis is divided into six sections. The Introduction discusses the themes of the dissertation, notably fascism, anti-fascism and Britain in the 1940s. It reviews the existing literature and outlines the method used. The first chapter examines the legacy of the inter-war years and the impact of internment on the fascists. It analyses the British League of Ex-Servicemen and Women and the Mosley book clubs, which came together to form the Union Movement. The chapter ends in 1951 with Oswald Mosley's decision to leave Britain, a symbol of the failure of British fascism. The second chapter stresses the homogeneity of fascist thinking and the common possession of core ideas, including elitism, racism, and anti-socialism. It suggests that fascist parties also acted in a similar way, they glorified their leaders and encouraged anti-semitism and violence. The chapter argues that postwar fascism recruited especially well among members of the middle class. However, even within this group, only a tiny minority was attracted towards fascism. The third chapter examines the history of the non-fascist organisations, including Labour, the Communist Party and the 43 Group. The chapter also evaluates anti-fascist methods, which involved exposing the fascists, heckling their speakers and turning over fascist platforms. The fourth chapter describes the moment at which fascists and anti-fascists opposed each other in the street. It suggests that the various state agencies, including the police, the Home Office, the law departments and MI6, worked with fascism, or did nothing to prevent its growth. Finally, the Conclusion discusses the obstacles which the fascists faced, including the legacy of the war and the Holocaust, and the success of the Conservative Party after 1945. It also suggests that anti-fascism also played significant part in the fascists' defeat.
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Cala', Tiziana. "Le minoranze religiose durante il fascismo." Bachelor's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2015. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/9177/.
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La volontà di ritornare a un'Italia completamente unita sotto un'unica fede religiosa, quella cattolica, costituisce uno degli elementi che caratterizzarono il regime fascista. Sorge spontaneo chiedersi quali furono le sorti delle altre denominazioni religiose, insediatesi relativamente da poco tempo sul suolo italiano, e come esse reagirono di fronte a questo nuovo potere che cercò di screditarle e limitarle fino a farle scomparire.
Si parla spesso della religione ebraica, la minoranza più colpita dalla dittatura: essa dovette subire numerosi provvedimenti che finirono per sfociare in un'aperta persecuzione. Tuttavia, parlare della realtà ebraica durante il regime fascista di Benito Mussolini sarebbe un argomento decisamente troppo esteso per questo mio breve elaborato finale. Mi concentrerò quindi sulle altre minoranze religiose esistenti all'epoca in Italia, tutte riconducibili al protestantesimo, per riflettere sui loro rapporti con il regime e sulle conseguenze che derivarono da determinati provvedimenti presi dal governo.
Le mie considerazioni sulle minoranze religiose durante il fascismo inizieranno dai primi atti del nuovo regime, come gli episodi della marcia su Roma e l'attentato all'onorevole Matteotti, fino ad arrivare ad analizzare gli effetti di alcune azioni messe in atto dal governo in ambito religioso e la posizione assunta dalle diverse fedi. Infine, non potendomi soffermare su ogni singola denominazione e sul loro comportamento alla fine della Seconda guerra mondiale, osserverò in linea generale la realtà della Chiesa avventista, indicando i cambiamenti salienti che avvennero nel secondo dopoguerra.
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Miranda, Gustavo Felipe. "O poder mobilizador do nacionalismo: integralistas no Estado Novo." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2010. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=1684.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>Esta dissertação tem como objeto a militância integralista atuante no Rio de Janeiro durante o Estado Novo. Referenciado nos pressupostos marxistas de viés gramsciano, procuro refletir sobre o papel desempenhado pelo movimento no contexto ditatorial. Após o fechamento do partido, em dois de dezembro de 1937, o integralismo sofreu um tremendo retrocesso em suas ações. Inconformados com o desprestígio junto aos dirigentes do novo Estado, a ala mais miliciana do movimento organiza duas tentativas de golpe de Estado, por sinal, fracassadas. Reagindo a ação golpista, o governo desenvolve uma avassaladora repressão aos integralistas, sobretudo, do Rio de Janeiro, centro articulador das revoltas. Muitos camisas-verdes são presos, julgados e condenados, outros, porém, continuam na oposição clandestina. Mais tarde, ainda na capital federal, fruto de um arrefecimento da repressão, uma expressiva ala do movimento inicia um processo de reorganização. Dezenas de entidades de caráter nacionalista são fundadas por integralistas. Baseado em documentos policiais, privados e administrativos, em processos e fragmentos da imprensa do período procuro pensar a especificidade de cada uma dessas trajetórias, relacionando-as as ações do regime. Dessa forma, o texto trata da resistência a implantação do novo Estado por parte dos integralistas, bem como da incorporação destes as fileiras do Estado Novo. Reporta-se também ao projeto do regime voltado ao integralismo, que incluía repressão e complacência a organização integralista e as disputas inerentes ao jogo político em que se moviam ambos os grupos.<br>This dissertation focuses the militancy integralista active in Rio de Janeiro during the Estado Novo. Referenced in the assumptions of Marxist bias Gramscian, try thinking about the role played by the movement in the dictatorship. After the closure of the party in December 1937, the integralism suffer a tremendous setback in its actions. Compliance with the discredit with the leaders of the new state, the more militiaman wing of the movement organizes two attempts of coup of State, by the way, failed. Reacting to share coup, the government develops an overwhelming repression to integralism, especially in Rio de Janeiro, center articulator of revolts. Many "camisas-verdes" are arrested, tried and sentenced, others, however, remain in opposition illegal. Later, still in the federal capital, the result of a cooling of repression, a significant wing of the movement started a process of reorganization. Dozens of bodies in nature are based on national integralistas. Based on police documents, private and administrative, process and fragments in the press of time trying to think of each of these specific paths, linking them to the actions of the regime. Thus, the text deals with resistance to deployment of new state by integralism, and the incorporation of the ranks of the Estado Novo. It refers also to the design of the system back to integralismo, which included repression and the organization full and compliance disputes inherent in the political game as it moved both groups.
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Visser, Myda Marista. "Die ideologiese grondslae en ontwikkeling van die blanke fascistiese bewegings in Suid-Afrika, 1945-1995." Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2000. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-08022006-105452.
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Burrows, Mark. "The left-wing road to fascism : an investigation of the influence of 'socialist' ideas upon the political ideology of the British Union of Fascists." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1998. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/3054/.
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The primary conclusion drawn by the thesis is that the political ideology of the BUF clearly exhibited a left-wing strand which is described as the BUF's brand of fascist 'socialism'. This strand (whilst a travestic and heretical form of socialism) considered the BUF to be more radical and virile than the Labour movement and, alone amongst political movements, capable of bringing about a national revolution which would contain a socio-economic reorientation of the country along classic socialist lines - an end to poverty, the building of houses and job creation - with Trade Unions taking a central role, within the framework of the Corporate State, in the industrial decision making process. It is not suggested that this strand was a self-contained concept within the BUF. The thesis has simply taken the heuristic step of grouping together these ideas in order to highlight the presence of an identifiable strand within the BUF's political ideology. The thesis supports the school of academic thought which believes that fascism must be taken seriously as a genuine political ideology if it is to be understood. Fascism is viewed as an eclectic political ideology containing a clear potential (although one not necessarily realised) to exhibit a strand of thought which was at base a fascistic revision of socialism. In regards to the methodology adopted by the thesis, the generic theories of fascism devised by Griffin, Sternhell, Eatwell and Payne, it was concluded that in tile context of this thesis all proved capable of predicting the potential inherent in fascist ideology to grow from left-wing roots and exhibit a brand of fascist 'socialism'. In terms of the theories' use as research tools it is Griffin's which stands out, due to its combination of profundity and lucidity, which gives his theory an operational simplicity, flexibility and heuristic quality.
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Héry-Montanes, Emilia. "Fascisme imaginaire : imaginaire du Fascisme dans l'art italien contemporain (1945-2015)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA01H027.
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Pendant soixante-dix ans, de 1945 à 2015, les artistes italiens ont, à travers leurs œuvres, mené un travail de mémoire. Entre une génération née avant le Fascisme, une alors qu'il est à l'apogée de sa puissance impérialiste, une autre après la guerre et enfin une génération de jeunes artistes nés trente ans après la fin du conflit, les mémoires singulières et collectives se bousculent. L'objectif de cette recherche est de reconstruire l'histoire de ces témoignages sur un passé vécu ou pas, et de donner les outils pour comprendre les conditions de leur genèse. Parler de la mémoire à travers des œuvres d'art est une expression intime, singulière, mais également un acte éminemment politique. Les manipulations de la mémoire du Fascisme influencent-elles tout au long de la période la création sur le sujet ? Quelles postures les artistes adoptent-ils face aux problématiques soulevées par une redéfinition du danger fasciste alors que la dictature est officiellement terminée ? Quelles formes plastiques sont données à ces remémorations et réactualisations ?<br>Over a period spanning 70 years, 1945 through 2015, ltalian artists carried out a "memory" endeavour for those generations that were bom before the fascist era, during the period of its highest imperialistic aims, during the aftermath of the war, and even for the generation of those artists bom 30 years after the end of the war. As a result, a multitude of individual and collective memories had emerged. This work aims to reconstruct and track the history of these memories (whether or not actually experienced by the artist), and to provide the tools to understand the genesis ofthese memories. Analysing "memory" through art pieces is an intimate, singular, and political act. To what extent fascist memory manipulations affect artistic creations? How do the artists react and position themselves, once confronted with the problems of re-defining "Fascism", after the dictatorship fell? Which new "plastic forms" emerge from these new adaptations of individual and collective memories?<br>Durante settant'anni, dal 1945 al 2015, gli artisti italiani, attraverso le loro opere, hanno svolto un lavoro di memoria. Fra una generazione nata prima del Fascismo, una nata quando questo è al culmine della sua potenza imperialista, un'altra nata dopo la guerra e infine una generazione di giovani artisti nati trent'anni dopo la fine del conflitto, le memorie individuali e collettive si affollano. L'obiettivo di questa ricerca è di ricostruire la storia di queste testimonianze su un passato, vissuto o no, e di fomire gli strumenti per capire le condizioni della loro genesi. Parlare della memoria attraverso le opere d'arte è un'espressione intima, singolare, ma allo stesso tempo un atto eminentemente politico. Nel periodo preso in esame, le manipolazioni della memoria del Fascismo influenzano la creazione su questo tema? Quai è la posizione degli artisti di fronte alle problematiche nate da una ridefinizione del pericolo fascista, sebbene la dittatura sia ufficialmente caduta? Quali forme plastiche son date a queste rimemorazioni e riattualizzazioni?
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Marmentini, Paulo Afonso Lovera. "O fascismo para os colonos: Il Giornale Dell’Agricoltore e a divulgação do fascismo entre italianos e seus descendentes no Rio Grande do Sul." Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2014. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/3966.
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Previous issue date: 2014-04-28<br>CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo principal analisar a divulgação e a representação do fascismo nas páginas do Il Giornale dell’Agricoltore, periódico de circulação semanal entre os anos de 1934 e 1938, com sede no município de Caxias, Rio Grande do Sul. Procurou-se identificar alguns atributos estruturais do fascismo que possam, intencionalmente, ter sido explorados com mais ênfase que outros no intuito de divulgar e propagandear a ideologia fascista entre colonos, pequenos proprietários de terra de origem italiana no Rio Grande do Sul. Buscou-se ainda estabelecer um paralelo entre a política externa italiana com relaçao a seus cidadãos no exterior, bem como a política dos consulados italianos e demais órgãos de difusão do fascismo no exterior, como fasci all’estero, dopolavoro, associações e escolas, e o noticiário do jornal, de modo a identificar também as manifestações do fascismo na região da serra gaúcha. Com isso, pode-se estabelecer que o eixo da propaganda fascista no jornal girava em torno da divulgação de uma imagem idealizada de uma Nova Itália, modernizada e unida em torno de seu líder; do reforço da italianidade, associada diretamente ao fascismo; e da representação do agricultor como elemento catalisador das qualidades relacionadas à italianidade. Pode-se identificar também o período relativo à questão ítalo-abissínia como o auge da propaganda do fascismo, apresentando a Itália de Mussolini como país símbolo da civilização em contraponto à barbárie africana.<br>The present research aims to analyze the divulgation and the representation of Fascism on the pages of Il Giornale dell’Agricoltore, a weekly periodic which was published from 1934 to 1938 in Caxias do Sul, in the State of Rio Grande do Sul. With this purpose, it was tried to identify some structural attributes of Fascism that could, intentionally, have been explored with more emphasis than others, with the purpose of spreading the fascist ideology among local settlers, owners of small properties in Rio Grande do Sul who had come from Italy. It was also tried to establish a parallel between the Italian foreign policy regarding Italian citizens living abroad, and the policy of Italian Consulates and other agencies that diffused Fascism abroad, like fasci all’estero, dopolavoro, associations and schools, and the news from the newspaper, in order to identify the manifestations of Fascism in the Northeast of the State of Rio Grande do Sul. With this, it could be confirmed that the target of fascist publicity in the newspaper was to propagate an idealized image of a New Italy, modern and united around its leader; the strengthening of the Italian patriot feeling, directly associated with Fascism; and the representation of the farmer as a catalyst of the qualities related to the Italian patriot feeling. It was also possible to identify the period related to the Italian-Ethiopian War as the pinnacle of fascist publicity, presenting Mussolini’s Italy as the country symbol of civilization, in a counterpoint to the African barbarism.
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Franchini, Fernanda. "Entre Vargas e Mussolini: a nacionalização do Instituto Médio Ítalo-Brasileiro \"Dante Alighieri\"." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-17122015-110056/.
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Durante o Estado Novo, muitas instituições escolares e professores foram intensamente vigiados. Como a educação escolar se constituía como um dos mais importantes pilares do projeto de construção de uma nacionalidade brasileira, tudo que pudesse romper com esse ideal deveria ser contido. Este trabalho versa sobre o processo de intervenção para a nacionalização e de acusação de disseminação do credo político fascista proferido a professores, funcionários e diretores do Instituto Médio Ítalo-Brasileiro Dante Alighieri, localizado nos arredores da Avenida Paulista em São Paulo, que ocorreu após a declaração de apoio do governo brasileiro aos Aliados no decorrer da Segunda Guerra Mundial. Para isso, são consideradas as primeiras fases da história da instituição que antecedem o período de intervenção, as cerimônias e os símbolos cultivados pela comunidade escolar, as acusações e táticas de defesa contidas nos prontuários policiais e, por último, as ações relativas aos livros que compunham a biblioteca. Ao longo dos capítulos, são abordadas as formas de identificação do projeto educativo da instituição, destacando o momento em que passaram a se contrapor duas propostas nacionais: de um lado, a Itália de Mussolini e a propaganda fascista; e, de outro, a política de Vargas na tentativa de construção da nacionalidade brasileira.<br>During the New State (Estado Novo), many educational institutions and teachers were intensely surveilled. Once school education constituted one of the most important pillars of the project of construction of a Brazilian nationality, everything that could be able to break this ideal should be refrained. The following work describes the process of intervention for the nationalization as well as the accusation of fascism dissemination suffered by the teachers, the employees and the principals of the Instituto Médio Ítalo- Brasileiro Dante Alighieri, institution located in the surroundings of Paulista Avenue, in the city of Sao Paulo. Such things happened after the statement of support made by the Brazilian Government to the Allies throughout the Second World War. The discussion held in the present work is based on the first phases of the history of the institution which precede the intervention period the ceremonies and the symbols cultivated by the scholar community, the accusations and the defense tactics present in the police reports, and finally the actions related to the books that composed the library. Throughout the chapters, the ways of identification of the educational project are addressed, highlighting the moment the two national proposals started to oppose one another: on the one hand the Italy of Mussolini and the fascist propaganda, and on the other, Vargas policies, in an attempt to build the Brazilian nationality.
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Pedroso, Gustavo Jose de Toledo. "A realidade como ideologia: sobre o problema da ideologia na obra de Theodor W. Adorno." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-05122007-144402/.
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A tese propõe-se explicar as peculiaridades do conceito de ideologia na obra de Adorno, entendo-o como conceito central na filosofia adorniana. Para tanto, procura-se em primeiro lugar apresentar uma reinterpretação da articulação entre mito e Aufklärung tal como exposta no livro Dialektik der Aufklärung, a fim de se caracterizar o quadro histórico geral em que se coloca o problema para Adorno. A partir disto, são então analisados os fenômenos principais da reversão da Aufklärung em mito: o antisemitismo e a indústria cultural. Quanto ao primeiro, discutem-se os textos de Adorno produzidos no âmbito do Projeto de Pesquisa sobre o Anti-Semitismo e os Elementos do Anti-Semitismo buscando-se obter as bases psicológicas e sócio-econômicas do fenômeno e, através disto, o diagnóstico adorniano da contemporaneidade. Os resultados deste trabalho são então utilizados na análise da indústria cultural como forma por excelência da ideologia no capitalismo tardio.<br>The thesis proposal is to explain the peculiarities of the concept of ideology in Adorno s works, understanding it as a central concept in the Adornian philosophy. To do so, first it is presented a reinterpretation of the articulation between myth and Aufklärung as it is explained in the book Dialektik der Aufklärung, in order to define the general historical frame in which the issue presents itself to Adorno. After this, anti-semitism and culture industry, the main expressions of the reversion of Aufklärung to mythology, are then analyzed. Regarding the former, the texts written by Adorno within the Research Project on Anti-Semitism and the Elements of Anti-Semitism are discussed, in order to search for the psychological and socio-economic basis of both Fascism and anti-semitism and, through this, present the Adornian diagnosis of the contemporaneity. The results of this work are then used in the analysis of the culture industry as the main form of ideology in the late capitalism.
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Caetano, Rosendo da Rosa. "O nazi-fascismo nas páginas do Diário Popular: Pelotas, 1923-1939." Universidade Federal de Pelotas, 2014. http://repositorio.ufpel.edu.br:8080/handle/prefix/3390.
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Previous issue date: 2014-04-30<br>Sem bolsa<br>A presente dissertação se propõe analisar como o Diário Popular, de Pelotas, entre 1923 e 1939, comportou-se em relação às ideologias fascistas, especialmente em relação ao nazismo alemão. Apoiada em pesquisa documental e na historiografia sobre o tema, buscou-se traçar a trajetória do periódico durante o recorte cronológico estabelecido em relação a seus posicionamentos ideológicos. O Diário Popular foi fundado no último quartel do século XIX, ligado ao Partido Republicano Rio-Grandense (PRR), e constituiu-se representante das classes conservadoras da cidade, sendo órgão oficial da municipalidade até os anos 1930. Após a Revolução de 1930, passou por um longo período de reformulação, desvinculando-se do PRR e opondo-se ao governo varguista. Por fim, após a implantação do Estado Novo, buscou conciliar-se com o regime e aliou-se a concepção estado-novista. O jornal tomou contato com o ideário fascista nos anos 1920, noticiando-o através de sua seção internacional. Posteriormente, a medida que o noticiário deu ênfase a vitória eleitoral de Adolf Hitler e a Coordenação da Alemanha, o nazismo tornou-se tema de capa. Inicialmente o jornal manteve relações cordiais com os representantes fascistas na cidade, especialmente com o Partido Nacional Fascista italiano e, posteriormente, também com a Seção do Partido Nazista. Contudo, após a implantação do Estado Novo, firmou o distanciamento iniciado já em meados de 1936.<br>The present dissertation aims to analyze how the newspaper Diário Popular, from Pelotas, between 1923 and 1939, behaved in relation to fascist ideologies, especially towards German Nazism. Supported by documentary research and historiography about the subject, it attempted to trace the trajectory of the journal over the chronological clipping established in relation to its ideological positions. The Diário Popular was founded in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, connected to the Partido Republicano Rio-Grandense (PRR), and it became representative of the conservative classes of the city, being the official organism of the municipality until the 1930s. After the Revolution of 1930, it went through a long period of reformulation, becoming detached from the PRR and opposing to Vargas government. At last, after the implementation of the Estado Novo, it sought to conciliate with the regime and allied with the Estado Novo conception. The newspaper made contact with the fascist ideology in the 1920s, reporting it through its international section. Later, as the news emphasized the electoral victory of Adolf Hitler and the Germany Coordination, the Nazism became cover topic. At first, the newspaper maintained cordial relations to the fascist representatives in the city, especially with the Italian National Fascist Party and, later, also with the Section of the Nazi Party. However, after the implementation of the Estado Novo, it established the detachment already started in mid-1936.
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Hodgson, Keith. "Fascism, anti-fascism and the British Left, 1919-1939." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.507174.
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Mottais, Noël. "Les acteurs fascistes du dialogue Indo-Italien : l'exemple de Giuseppe Tucci (1922-1944)." Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LORR0332/document.
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Peu connu aujourd’hui en France en dehors des cercles orientalistes, le nom de Giuseppe Tucci est en revanche en Italie toujours associé à l’Orient. Sa figure apparaît ainsi comme celle d'un médiateur entre l’Italie et l’Orient, objet de définitions concurrentes. Agent de la politique extérieure italienne en Inde, organisateur des séjours en Italie des nationalistes indiens, mis en scène par le régime fasciste, intellectuel instrumentalisé par le fascisme de Mussolini, théoricien reprenant des idées conformes à celles des intellectuels fascistes ? La question est de savoir dans quelle mesure Tucci s’est rallié au régime, dans quelle mesure il l’a soutenu. L’orientalisme tourné vers l’Inde a en outre été le terrain d’instrumentalisations particulières, liées aux théories « racistes ». Une bonne part de ce courant entretient avec l’antisémitisme nazi et fasciste des liens complexes. L’approche historique de l’itinéraire de Tucci ne se limite pas à ses actions au service du régime, telles que l’organisation du voyage de Gandhi, elle implique une analyse des textes qui font allusion aux questions raciales. La question de la quête de l’origine est bien présente dans sa démarche de voyageur et de savant. L’intérêt précoce pour les langues anciennes comme l’hébreu et le sanscrit confirme le caractère central de cette quête dans la démarche de Tucci. Fut-il porteur des théories racistes cherchant dans la linguistique des arguments opposant les peuples « aryens » aux peuples « sémitiques » ? A cet égard, il importe d’étudier précisément ce qui peut rapprocher et différencier Tucci de Julius Evola (1898-1974), en se fondant sur leurs écrits respectifs et sur leurs prises de position publiques et privées<br>Hardly known today in France except among Orientalist circles, Giuseppe Tucci is in Italy associated with the Orient. He still appears as a mediator between East and West. Indeed, as an actor of Italian Foreign Policy in India, he organized travels to Italy for leading nationalists Rabindranath Tagore and Mahatma Gandhi, in propagandist action in favor of Fascist Italy. Was he really a supporter of the Regime ? Was he only motivated by opportunistic reasons ? As a matter of fact, Indian Orientalism has been linked to racial theories that display complex links with Nazi and Fascist Anti-Semitism. An historical approach of Giuseppe Tucci’s life does not only deal with political actions for the regime, it implies to some extent an analysis of writings linked to “Race” as a topic of investigation. The Quest for the Origin was to be seen in his travels and in his scholarly approach of the East which shows his interest for old languages such as Hebrew and Sanskrit. Was he in favor of Race Theories seeking in linguistics, arguments opposing “Aryans" against "Semitic" people ? Did he share any common points with esoteric philosopher Julius Evola (1898-1974) ?
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Chen, Chiao-In. "Radicalización del nacionalismo chino moderno: orígenes y desarrollo del fascismo chino. El caso de las organizaciones fascistas del Guomindang: la Sociedad Lixingshe y el Movimiento de la Nueva Vida (1927-1937)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/283384.
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¿Ha existido en realidad el fascismo chino? Cuando hablamos de fascismo chino tenemos que hacer referencia necesariamente a una organización política conocida con varios nombres distintos: el nombre más común fue el de Camisas Azules (lanyishe) que fue utilizado en las prensa internacional durante los año treinta, aunque también se conoció por su nombre oficial, Sociedad de la Práctica Rigurosa de los Tres Principios del Pueblo (sanminzhuyi lixingshe o simplemente lixingshe). Lógicamente los Camisas Azules fue la expresión más conocida del fascismo chino, aunque no fue la única, sí fue la más relevante. Más su desarrollo y características e importancia, más como grupo del tipo escuadrista y elitista, no deben oscurecer la existencia de otra manifestación menos conocida del fascismo chino: el Movimiento de la Nueva Vida (xinshenghuo yundong). Una plataforma fascista de masas -que se nutría de la experiencia ideológica de los Camisas Azules- basada en la captación, encuadramiento y control de la población a través eminentemente de políticas sociales. Por todo ello, si ignoráramos los Camisas Azules, prácticamente nos quedaríamos sin objeto de estudio. Pero por otro lado, pese a tratarse de la referencia ineludible, la misma historiografía especializada en sinología ha mantenido sus dudas y reservas a la hora de definir como fascista a este grupo. En este sentido, parece que nos encontramos en una situación parecida a la que se ha producido en ocasiones en el caso español: el grupo fascista por excelencia sería aparentemente Falange Española, pero pese a tratarse del de mayor importancia su inclusión dentro de la nómina de los partidos fascistas europeos ha sido puesta insistentemente en duda.
El fascismo en Europa es un tema muy estudiado por la historiografía occidental, pero el caso del fascismo asiático, concretamente el fascismo chino, es aún desconocido por la gran mayoría, especialmente por parte de la historiografía española. Asimismo, desde los años veinte y treinta, el fenómeno fascista influenció a China -así como también a otros países asiáticos- hasta el punto de llegar a un desarrollar un fascismo «autóctono». Por lo tanto, el presente trabajo tratará sobre el papel del Partido Nacionalista Chino (Guomindang, en adelante GMD) y su más destacado grupo fascista -la Sociedad de los Tres Principios del Pueblo (sanminzhuyi lixingshe, en adelante Sociedad Lixingshe o Camisas Azules)-, así como su expresión como plataforma de masas fascista en el denominado Movimiento de la Nueva Vida (Xinshenghuo yundong, en adelante MNV), en el contexto sociopolítico chino de la primera Guerra Civil China (1927-1937). La Sociedad de Lixingshe nació como un grupo secreto dentro de la militancia militar del GMD durante el año 1932, una situación que la revestía de características peculiares en la historia fascista, desapareciendo orgánicamente como grupo en las Juventudes de los Tres Principios del Pueblo (sanminzhuyi qingniantuan) el 9 de julio de 1938, como consecuencia de la reorganización del partido. Para ello es necesario enfatizar en sus orígenes, los cuales están insertos en el mismo desarrollo del GMD como partido, en el régimen de Nanjing liderado por el propio GMD, en la figuras de Sun Yat-sen (1866-1925) y de Chiang Kai-shek (1887-1975), así como en su fondo rabiosamente neoconfucianista y nacionalista «chino» de nuevo cuño «sunyasenista». Por lo tanto, todo ello nos hace necesariamente iniciar nuestro relato más allá de la cronología de la primera parte de la Guerra Civil China, para adentrarnos en el mismo devenir de la crisis del Imperio Qing y el advenimiento de la República de China en 1911.<br>Has Chinese Fascism really existed? When we talk about Chinese Fascism, it is necessary to mention the political organization which is known by several different names, being the most common one The Blue Shirts - lanyishe - used by the international newspapers during the 1930s. But they were also known by his official name Society of Rigorous Practice of the Three Principles of the People - sanminzhuyi lixingshe or simply lixingshe -. Blue Shirts was the best known Chinese Fascism expression. Although they were not the only fascist group in China at that time, they were the most relevant one. Apart from the character and development of this scuadrismo and elitist-type group, it should also be mentioned the other manifestation of Chinese Fascism: the New Life Movement - Xinshenghuo yundong - a mass-fascist platform that drew ideological experience from the Blue Shirts regarding recruitment, mentoring and social control by means of social policies mainly. Therefore, we should not ignore the relevance of the Blue Shirts in the New Life Movement. Nevertheless, despite being that the essential reference, historians specialized in Chinese studies showed some doubts and reservations about defining them as fascists. In that sense, the situation might be similar to what has happened in Spain with the apparently most relevant fascist party Falange Española whose inclusion in the list of European fascist parties has been repeatedly put into question.
Fascism in Europe is a subject broadly studied by the Western Historiography, but the case of Fascism in Asia, specifically the Chinese, is still unknown by the vast majority, especially by the Spanish Historiography. In the twenties and thirties, the fascist phenomenon influenced China as well as other Asian countries up to the point of reaching the development of a local Fascism. This dissertation will therefore discuss the role of the Chinese Nationalist Party (Guomindang, GMD) and highlight the fascist group Society of Rigorous Practice of the Three Principles of the People and its expression as a platform for the fascist mass movement called The New Life (Xinshenghuo yundong, MNV) in the Chinese socio-political context of the first Chinese Civil War (1927-1937). In 1932 the Lixingshe Society began as a secret group within the military in GMD, situation was one of particular characteristics in the history of Fascism. The Blue Shirts disappeared organically as a group and was reborn as the Guomindang party named Youth of the Three Principles of the People (sanminzhuyi qingniantuan) on July 9th, 1938. It is necessary to emphasize their origins, which are embedded in the development of the GMD and in the Nanjing regime. The figures of Sun Yat-sen (1866-1925) and Chiang Kai-shek (1887-1975), were both symbols of the authentic and legal leader as well as of the defender of the Chinese tradition and Confucianism. So all this makes us necessarily start this paper beyond the chronology of the First Civil War in China, and at some point go back to the crisis of the Qing Empire and the Revolution of 1911 to find the origins of the Chinese modern nationalism and its relation with Chinese Fascism.
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Paci, Deborah. "Il mito del Risorgimento mediterraneo : Corsica e Malta tra politica e cultura nel ventennio fascista." Thesis, Nice, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013NICE2012.
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Loin d’être une nouveauté, les revendications fascistes autour de « l’italianité » de la Corse et de Malte prennent la suite des campagnes irrédentistes de l’époque crispienne. A partir de 1923, les mêmes arguments d’ordre géographique, historique, linguistique ou ethnographique, tout comme les supposés liens culturels entre les élites italiennes, corses et maltaises du XIXe siècle, furent à nouveau au coeur du débat. Cette défense d’une l’italianité corse et maltaise, tout comme le mythe du Risorgimento méditerranéen, ne constitue cependant qu’une réactualisation de la politique impérialiste de la Rome antique dans le Lebensraum italien qui se concrétise autour du concept de Mare Nostrum.Cette recherche a ainsi permis de combiner l’étude des structures de sociabilité culturelle et scientifique liés à la valorisation linguistique avec une nouvelle l’analyse de la politique méditerranéenne de l’Italie fasciste, tout en gardant une approche sociale et politique des réseaux et vecteurs internes de l’autonomisme corse et du nationalisme maltais. En abordant la question de l’irrédentisme en Corse et à Malte émerge alors le problème de la proximité linguistique des idiomes locaux avec la langue italienne. Dans les deux cas, nous nous heurtons à une des plus délicates questions de l’histoire corse et maltaise: le désir d’autonomie et indépendance. Les fascistes, en s’appuyant sur des arguments d’ordre culturel et en faisant appel aux revendications des populations issues des mauvaises conditions économiques, ont cherché à rallier à la cause irrédentiste les plus fervents opposants aux gouvernements français et anglais: les membres du Parti Corse d’Action (PCA) et du Parti Nationaliste Maltais. Ce problème linguistique qui aurait dû se cantonner à un débat purement scientifique, a ainsi été dévoyé sur le terrain politique au profit des irrédentistes fascistes et des nationalistes corses et maltais<br>In 1923 the Fascist regime began a propaganda campaign by claiming the territories of Corsica and Malta, held by France and Great Britain, that were deemed to be Italian lands. The Fascist regime produced literature on Corsica and Malta that justified that both islands were Italian lands based on historic, ethnic, and linguistic grounds. The Fascists quoted historical, geographical, linguistic, ethnographic and cultural relations between the Italian peninsula and the island elite during the nineteenth century, in order to present evidence of the Italianità of Corsica and Malta. The Fascist regime activate cultural institutions and the majority of the Italian intellectuals in order to justify, on the ideological level, the irredentist and imperial ambitions in the Mediterranean basin. This research aims to investigate the myth of the Risorgimento Mediterranean, a myth that was created in order to explain to Italian public opinion the Mussolini's foreign policy regarding Corsica and Malta. The myth of the Risorgimento Mediterranean created a strong link between the imperial mission of ancient Rome and the "Mediterranean destiny" of the House of Savoy. It gradually became a prevalent subject in Fascist publications and writings of personalities of the Italian cultural life. This study aims to examine the distance and the convergence between the mythological construction of the Risorgimento Mediterranean and the reality of the Fascist territorial claims in the Mediterranean, in particular on Corsica and Malta
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Peloille, Manuelle. "Fascismo en ciernes : España 1922-1930 : textos recuperados /." Toulouse : Presses universitaires du Mirail, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb401124322.
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Texte remanié de: Thèse de doctorat--Études ibériques et ibéro-américaines--Bordeaux 3, 2001. Titre de soutenance : La représentation du fascisme dans la presse espagnole : trompe-l'oeil et lignes de partage.<br>Bibliogr. p. 163-166.
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Nicolodi, Fiamma. "The Italian Fascism." Bärenreiter Verlag, 2012. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A71799.
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Sampaio, Gustavo de Almeida. "Tradição e modernidade - o novecento em São Paulo." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/16/16133/tde-23062017-084057/.
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Este trabalho tem por objetivo estudar um conjunto de obras de diferentes tipologias e autores localizados na cidade São Paulo que se vinculam ao movimento moderno italiano do Novecento. Sendo usualmente chamada pela historiografia de \'arquitetura de inspiração fascista\' estas obras, apesar de terem papel central na formação da paisagem paulistana, são pouco contempladas nos estudos da arquitetura. Assim, para uma melhor compreensão de suas premissas projetuais e compositivas, que apresentam aspectos da tradição mediterrânea, se faz necessário um resgate e uma investigação sobre seu cenário sócio-político que foi indissociável ao surgimento de governos de ditatoriais.<br>This work aims to study a set of works of different typologies and authors located in the city of São Paulo that are linked to the modern Italian movement of the Novecento. Usually called by the historiography by \'fascist-inspired architecture\', these works, although central in the formation of the landscape of São Paulo, are slight contemplated in architectural studies. Thus, for a better understanding of its design and composition premises, that present aspects of the Mediterranean tradition, it is necessary a recover and an investigation of its socio-political scenario that was inseparable from the emergence of dictatorial governments.
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Guichard-Sempéré, Pascale. "L'antisémitisme de la British Union of Fascists à travers ses écrits programmatiques et propagandistes (1932-septembre 1939) : Etude diachronique et thématique." Paris 4, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA040202.
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Sir Oswald Mosley créa la British Union of Fascists à l'automne de l'année 1932, et publia en même temps The Greater Britain, ouvrage qui constitua le programme de son mouvement. Rapidement, la propagande de la BUF évolua vers un antisémitisme ouvert, qui pouvait sembler de prime abord constituer une rupture par rapport à son programme, dans la mesure où celui-ci ne désignait nullement les Juifs à la vindicte populaire. Or, cet hiatus chronologique ne fut pas une solution de continuité idéologique. Le premier but de cette étude est de mettre en évidence les origines thématiques, sub-structurelles et activistes de l'antisémitisme du mouvement, en se fondant essentiellement sur les implications de son caractère profondément fasciste et totalitaire. Le second but vise à dessiner une image diachronique et thématique de ce que fut l'antisémitisme de la BUF, en étudiant systématiquement ses deux hebdomadaires, Blackshirt et Action, ses pamphlets et les autres publications de son élite : l'attention exclusive portée aux écrits du mouvement permet d'éviter une approche explicative interactionniste, et la vision synthétique obtenue doit permettre de définir quelles furent la nature et les fonctions de l'antisémitisme dans son économie propagandiste. Pour l'antisémitisme comme pour le fascisme, les outils d'analyse utilisés ont été empruntés à l'anthropologie, à la sociologie, à la philosophie et à l'histoire des idées, et sont présentés dans une première partie<br>In late 1932, Sir Oswald Mosley launched the British Union of Fascists and published the political manifesto of his new movement, The Greater Britain. Soon afterwards, the BUF propaganda evolved towards anti-Semitism. The move is often considered as a complete break from what was explicitly stated in the movement manifesto, for such a feature as Jew-baiting was definitely absent from its pages. The first purpose of this study is to show that the chronological hiatus is in no way an ideological solution of continuity. The very nature of its ideology will be explored through a close reading of The Greater Britain to bring into relief the thematic, sub-structural et activist roots of the anti-Semitism of the movement. The second part of the study aims at focusing on the BUF propaganda literature, to break away from interactionist approaches, widen the scope of the functionalist explanations of the phenomenon and present a global, diachronic and thematic vision of its nature. The resources of anthropology, sociology, philosophy and political sciences have been extensively drawn upon and the theoretical bases of the analysis are expounded in the first part of the dissertation
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Alegre, Lorenz David. "Experiencia de guerra y colaboracionismo político-militar: Bélgica, Francia y España bajo el Nuevo Orden (1941-1945)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/405469.
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Esta investigación propone un análisis de tipo comparado y transnacional para dar con las causas, las implicaciones y la importancia de la cooperación y el colaboracionismo político-militar dentro de la Europa fascista. Para ello, planteo tres casos de estudio diferentes: por un lado la España no beligerante surgida de la guerra civil de 1936-1939, y por el otro la Francia y la Bélgica ocupadas por las fuerzas militares alemanas en 1940. Los voluntarios españoles, franceses y valones que combatieron en el Frente Oriental dentro de las unidades extranjeras de la Wehrmacht y las Waffen-SS son los protagonistas principales de este trabajo, y su papel decisivo en los conflictos armados y las luchas por el poder acaecidas en sus países constituyen el eje narrativo. Es por eso que los capítulos 1 y 4 se dedican a analizar su experiencia de guerra y las particularidades del ethos derivado de ésta. Sin perder nunca de vista la relación de sus unidades con sus países de origen, abordo toda una multiplicidad de cuestiones: sus variadas motivaciones para alistarse; su experiencia de combate; sus concepciones de la masculinidad; sus lazos personales dentro de los grupos primarios y la vida cotidiana de éstos; sus percepciones del enemigo y el entorno; sus relaciones con los civiles; o, también, su contribución a la guerra criminal de conquista llevada a cabo por el Eje en territorio soviético. Para ahondar en los matices y entresijos de una experiencia de guerra que es muy similar para españoles, franceses y valones, propongo un análisis que entrelaza la documentación de archivos alemanes y españoles con fuentes memorísticas de los tres casos de estudio.
Fruto de sus penalidades y sacrificios en la lucha contra el comunismo soviético, muchos de los voluntarios se sintieron con el derecho a tener una voz decisiva en los acontecimientos políticos de sus países de origen, una perspectiva que ya había motivado a los más radicales a alistarse. El objetivo central de esta investigación es señalar los cauces por los cuales este ethos combativo se hizo presente en las sociedades de las que procedían los voluntarios y cuál fue su impacto real, algo que analizo en los capítulos 2 y 3 junto con las intrincadas relaciones y los conflictos dentro del Nuevo Orden. Las unidades extranjeras, inspiradas por los diferentes movimientos colaboracionistas, no sólo se convirtieron en plataformas de poder y actuaron como fuente de legitimidad, sino que además sus combatientes fueron reivindicados como paradigmas del ser nacional y la masculinidad, a pesar de la heterogeneidad y los conflictos internos entre ellos. Esto los situó en el centro de los conflictos del momento dentro de unas sociedades que eran concebidas por el colaboracionismo como un frente interno donde estaba teniendo lugar un correlato de la guerra contra el comunismo soviético, encarnado aquí por las diferentes resistencias antifascistas. No es casual que los voluntarios, los colaboracionistas y sus familias se convirtieran en el blanco preferente de sus acciones y atentados, un clima de radicalización política al que ellos mismos contribuyeron con sus discursos y actitudes públicas, muy especialmente los primeros durante sus regresos de permiso y tras su licenciamiento. Así se explica que a partir del verano del 43, y sobre todo en los últimos meses de la ocupación, Bélgica y Francia se precipitaran en sendas guerras civiles entre el fascismo y el antifascismo que marcarían la refundación del orden social y político en la posguerra.<br>This research proposes a compared and transnational analysis in order to understand the causes, implications and importance of political-military cooperation and collaborationism within fascist Europe. To that end, I address three different case studies: on the one hand non-belligerent Spain, with its regime emerged from the civil war of 1936-39, on the other hand France and Belgium during the German occupation. The Spanish, French and Walloon volunteers who fought on the Eastern Front in different foreign units within the Wehrmacht and the Waffen-SS are the main subjects of this work, and their crucial involvement in their countries’ political conflicts and power struggles is the storyline. For this reason, the chapters 1 and 4 focus on their war experience and the specific features of the ethos connected to the latter. Without ever losing sight of the relationship between these units and their home societies, I tackle different questions: their varied motivations for enlistment; their combat experiences; their conceptions of masculinity; their bonds within primary groups; their everyday life; their perceptions of the enemy and reality; their relationships with civilians; or their contribution to the criminal war of conquest waged by the Axis on the Soviet Union. In order to examine the nuances and intricacies of these war experiences, that are really similar in the three cases, I intertwine sources from German and Spanish archives with memoirs and war diaries by Spanish, French and Walloon collaborationists.
As a result of their hardships and sacrifices in the struggle against soviet communism, many volunteers felt they had the right to have a decisive voice in the political events of their countries. In fact, it was a motivation that had already motivated the most radicals to enlist during the summer of 1941. The main aim of this research is to point out the channels through which this combative ethos appeared within the volunteers’ home societies, and what was its impact. I analyse it throughout chapters 2 and 3 along with the intricate relationships and conflicts within the New Order. The foreign units, inspired by different collaborationist movements, became platforms and acted as sources of legitimacy, but their combatants were also defended as incarnation of the national being and the masculinity, in spite of their heterogeneity and their conflicts. This meant that they were at the hearth of the main conflicts within their societies, conceived by collaborationism as an authentic home front, another arena of the general war against communism. In that case the enemies were the different antifascist resistances. It is not by chance that volunteers, collaborationists and their families turned into the main targets of these armed movements. In fact the latter had contributed to this atmosphere of political radicalization by means of their aggressive discourses and cocky attitudes, especially when they were on leave or discharged. This explains why Belgium and France slipped towards civil war between fascism and antifascism since the summer of 1943, but especially during the last months of German occupation, an event that marked the refounding of social and political order in the post-war period.
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Domenici, Marcos Rodrigo. "O ensino de filosofia na Reforma Gentile (1923- 1925)." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2015. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/7346.
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Previous issue date: 2015-06-29<br>Não recebi financiamento<br>The objective of this research is to develop a study around the teaching of Philosophy in the Italian secondary schools, based on the education reform fostered by Giovanni Gentile, Ministro della Pubblica Istruzione (Secretary of the Department of Education, in English). We will focus this study during the years of 1923 - 1925, when the reform was implemented, until the moment it suffered some changes promoted by the Secretaries of Education who succeeded Gentile. In order to achieve these objectives, we divided the research into three sections. The first section is to familiarize the reader with the history of this research, which is presenting the first years of the fascist regime implemented by Mussolini. This way, we will discuss the development of the fascism as a myth and investigate its primary impacts in the
education and in the Italian society as a whole. The second section will focus on the introduction of the philosopher Giovanni Gentile. It will talk about the application of his education reform in the Italian schools, which had been stagnated since 1859, without significant accomplishments. In the third section, we will cover the teaching of Philosophy, which is present in the secondary schools but excluded from other types of schools, such as technical institutes and complementary schools. This reform has ensured the presence of the teaching of Philosophy in the curriculum but has not been enough to guarantee it to be offered to all Italian youths. The reasons that led to this unequal treatment on the teaching of Philosophy will be reviewed during this research.<br>Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo desenvolver um estudo acerca do ensino de Filosofia na escola secundária italiana a partir da reforma educacional promovida pelo ministro da Pubblica Istruzione Giovanni Gentile. Nos situamos, neste estudo, entre os anos de 1923 e 1925, desde a implementação da reforma até o momento em que ela passou a sofrer alguns retoques
promovidos pelos ministros que sucederam a Gentile. A fim de alcançarmos tal objetivo, dividimos o trabalho em três eixos. No primeiro objetivamos contextualizar o leitor da realidade histórica em que estamos pesquisando, ou seja, os primeiros anos do regime fascista implantado por Mussolini. Assim, apresentamos a construção do fascismo como um mito e investigamos acerca de seus principais efeitos na educação e na sociedade italiana como um todo. O segundo eixo visa introduzir a figura do filósofo Giovanni Gentile nesse contexto e a aplicação de sua reforma educacional, que movimentou a escola italiana que estava praticamente estagnada, sem passar por atualizações significativas, desde 1859. No terceiro eixo tratamos do ensino de Filosofia, presente nos liceus, mas excluída de outros tipos de escolas, como o instituto técnico e a escola complementar. A mesma reforma que zelou pela presença do ensino de filosofia, por sua carga horária e por seu conteúdo, não garantiu que ela fosse oferecida a todos os jovens italianos. Os motivos que levaram a este tratamento diferenciado do ensino de filosofia, serão examinados ao longo deste trabalho.
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Machado, Fernando dos Santos Rocha. "Racionalismo italiano (1926-1943) e o fascismo : contradição ou convergência?" reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/7149.
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A presente dissertação versa sobre as relações entre o movimento formado por sete arquitetos milaneses, em 1926, o Gruppo 7, que viria a ser conhecido como “Racionalismo italiano”, e o regime político sob o qual ele floresceu, o Fascismo de Benito Mussolini (1922-1942), na Itália. A questão central é a aparente contradição em que um movimento modernista de vanguarda teria surgido e se desenvolvido sob a égide de um regime considerado retrógrado, conservador e antimodernista; esse caso foi uma exceção na história do modernismo em Arquitetura, uma vez que em outros países europeus, nos quais regimes totalitários análogos foram instituídos, os movimentos modernistas foram sufocados. A partir da análise das idiossincrasias do caso, bem como de aportes recentes de estudos sociológicos sobre o Fascismo, conclui-se que tal contradição pode ser dissipada, uma vez que ambos os movimentos, tanto o Racionalismo italiano como o Fascismo apresentavam características convergentes. As principais foram o sincretismo e a crença no mito de palingenesia, que possibilitaram uma espécie de convivência frutuosa.
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Costa, Alexandre Jose Gonçalves. "Teologia e política = A Ordem e a atualização do discurso político-social católico no Brasil, 1931-1958." [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280405.
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Orientador: Izabel Andrade Marson<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-16T02:42:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2010<br>Resumo: A pesquisa aqui apresentada trata da mudança de sentido no discurso políticosocial católico no Brasil em meados do século XX. Através da análise da revista A Ordem, no período de 1931 a 1958, mostramos como há um movimento de afastamento dos fascismos e de defesa de uma concepção autoritária de sociedade para a aproximação da democracia e defesa de seus valores. Neste deslocamento, identificamos as permanências, as mudanças, as recriações de elementos em seu discurso que sustentaram a apropriação dos valores da liberdade, do pluralismo político, da justiça social. Os intelectuais católicos responsáveis por essa passagem eram ligados ao filósofo francês Maritain e constituíam o principal núcleo político católico leigo no Brasil de meados do século passado<br>Abstract: The present study concerns the change in direction in the Catholic politicalsocial discourse in Brazil in the middle 20th century. Through analysis of the periodical A Ordem in the period 1931-1958, we show that there is a distancing from fascism and championing of an authoritarian concept of society to an approximation of democracy and supporting of its values. In this dislocation, we identify in its discourse the permanences, changes and re-creations of elements to support the appropriation of values of liberty, political pluralism and social justice. The Catholic intellectuals in charge of this transition were associated with the French philosopher Maritain, and composed the main lay political core in Brazil in the middle 20th century<br>Doutorado<br>Politica, Memoria e Cidade<br>Doutor em História
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Rizi, Fabio Fernando. "Benedetto Croce and Italian fascism." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ56264.pdf.
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Jankowski, P. F. "'Fascism' in Marseille, 1936-1944." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384791.
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Pavão, Alexandra Helena Pavan. "Revivendo o período fascista." Florianópolis, 2012. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/100754.
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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Comunicação e Expressão. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Literatura<br>Made available in DSpace on 2013-06-25T22:18:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
308889.pdf: 1070409 bytes, checksum: 8042cbd8e5d8f369066938b9180b097f (MD5)<br>O fascismo, um dos episodios vividos na peninsula, deixou o medo e a apreensao para a populacao que, por mais de 20 anos, foi submetida ao jugo de Benito Mussolini. No entanto, ainda que com os meios de comunicacao e a publicacao de livros sendo vigiadas pelos orgaos do governo, pode-se dizer que este foi um periodo muito rico nas producoes artisticas, sobretudo, no que diz respeito ao conteudo de cada obra. E exatamente sobre este periodo que o escritor Cesare Pavese, mesmo declarando-se distante da "politica", publica o seu texto mais "politico": o romance Il compagno. A partir da fortuna critica do corpus, buscou-se refletir sobre os posicionamentos de Pavese enquanto cidadao, escritor e intelectual, identificando e analisando as estrategias de escrita que o autor italiano usou em Il compagno. Sendo assim, ao analisar o perfil e o papel intelectual de Pavese foi possivel tambem uma maior compreensao do periodo historico e cultural pelo qual passou a Italia, ja que Pavese retratou em suas obras uma parte da historia da peninsula.<br>Il fascismo, uno dei episodi vissuti nella peninsola, ha lasciato la paura e l'apprensione alla popolazione che, per più di 20 anni, è stata sotto il giogo di Benito Mussolini. Tuttavia, anche se con i mezzi di comunicazione e la pubblicazione di libri essendo sotto la supervisione di agenzie governative, è possibile dire che questo è stato un periodo molto ricco nelle produzioni artistiche, soprattutto, per quanto riguarda il contenuto di ogniopere. È esattamente sul questo periodo che lo scrittore Cesare Pavese, anche se dichiarandosi lontano dalla "politica", pubblica il suo testo più "politico": il romanzo Il compagno. Dalla fortuna critica del corpus, si è cercato di riflettere sui posizionamenti di Pavese come cittadino, scrittore e intellettuale, identificando ed analizzando le strategie di scritta che l'autore italiano ha usato nel Il compagno. Quindi, al analizzare il profilo e il ruolo intellettuale di Pavese è stato possibile anche una maggior comprensione del periodo storico e culturale per il quale ha passato l'Italia, giacchè Pavese ha ritrattato nelle sue opere una parte della storia della penisola.
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Wahnón, Bensusan Sultana. "La estética literaria de la posguerra : del fascismo a la vanguardia /." Amsterdam ; Atlanta (Ga.) : Rodopi, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37739921s.
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Varasano, Leonardo <1978>. "La prima regione fascista d'Italia: l'Umbria e il fascismo (1919-1944)." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2007. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/574/.
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Maillart, Olivier. "Les fables du fascisme : fictions et représentations du fascisme dans la littérature et le cinéma italiens (1959-1989)." Paris 10, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA100137.
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Cette analyse de romans et de films italiens (et parfois allemands et français), apparus pour l’essentiel entre les années soixante et les années quatre-vingt, propose une nouvelle histoire du fascisme, non à travers le regard de l’historien, mais à travers celui des artistes qui ont représenté cette époque par les moyens de la fiction. En postulant une intelligence herméneutique propre à la fable (qui peut user, à la différence du discours scientifique, de l’imagination et du personnage), on a cherché à dévoiler un certain nombre d’aspects négligés de l’expérience du fascisme sous le Ventennio, expérience sensible qui appelle des moyens spécifiques : démesure épique, hantise d’un passé coupable, usages variés du thème de la décadence, monstruosité et sacrifice, dannunzianisme et pirandellisme vécus comme autant de possibilités existentielles, et non plus seulement artistiques. Cette thèse cumule donc plusieurs ambitions, puisqu’elle s’appuie sur une approche renouvelée des œuvres de fiction (et singulièrement des films de Luchino Visconti, Pier Paolo Pasolini et Bernardo Bertolucci, tout comme des romans de Curzio Malaparte, Giorgio Bassani et Elsa Morante), approche qui doit autant à Umberto Eco et Jacques Rancière qu’à René Girard et Milan Kundera, afin d’atteindre une compréhension inédite du fascisme et de l’histoire italienne<br>This thesis analyses Italian novels and films (and also a few German and French works) from the ‘60s to the ‘80s to offer a new history of fascism: it is new because it is not based on the historians’ point of view, but on the artists’ one, using the means of fiction to represent this period. Believing that fable has a hermeneutic intelligence of its own (because unlike the scientific discourse, fable can use imagination and characters), we have tried to unveil some overlooked aspects of life during the Ventennio: epic excess, a haunting and guilty past, variation on the theme of the decadence, monstrousness and sacrifice, dannunzianism and pirandellism (lived as existential possibilities, not just artistic ones). This thesis therefore combines several ambitions: it originates in a new approach of fictional works (especially films by Luchino Visconti, Pier Paolo Pasolini and Bernardo Bertolucci, and novels by Curzio Malaparte, Giorgio Bassani and Elsa Morante), which owes to Umberto Eco as well as to Jacques Rancière, René Girard or Milan Kundera. But it also aims at a new comprehension of fascism and Italian history
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Pereira, Wagner Pinheiro. "O império das imagens de Hitler: o projeto de expansão internacional do modelo de cinema nazi-fascista na Europa e na América Latina (1933-1955)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-29092008-172531/.
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O propósito principal desta tese de doutorado é desenvolver um estudo de histórias conectadas sobre a expansão internacional do modelo de cinema nazista na Europa e na América Latina, durante as décadas de 1930 e 1950. A influência da Alemanha nazista sobre as indústrias de cinema e as produções cinematográficas da Itália fascista, de Portugal salazarista, da Espanha franquista, do Brasil varguista e da Argentina peronista, representou a tentativa de Berlim tornar-se a Nova Hollywood Mundial e teve importantes implicações políticas, culturais e econômicas em todos esses regimes políticos de massas, que nos propomos analisar. A tese analisa também três instituições político-culturais privilegiadas do III Reich: 1) O Ministério Nacional para Esclarecimento Público e Propaganda (Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda - RMVP), através do qual o ministro da propaganda nazista, Dr. Joseph Goebbels, empenhou-se na conquista do controle total dos meios de comunicação de massa, na reestruturação forçada das indústrias cinematográficas e na padronização das sessões de cinema, impondo uma produção obrigatória, planejada para aumentar o potencial propagandístico do cinema; 2) A Câmara Internacional de Cinema (Internationale Filmkammer IFK), uma organização internacional de representantes da indústria cinematografia de vinte e duas nações, fundada em 1935 para estabelecer o controle hegemônico da Alemanha nazista sobre um espaço europeu econômico e cultural integrado, que pudesse rivalizar com os modelos de cinema dos Estados Unidos da América e da União Soviética e; 3) A Hispano-Film-Produktion (HFP), através da qual o cinema nazista tentou conquistar os mercados hispânicos (Espanha e América Latina). Em termos gerais, a análise das políticas governamentais, dos principais temas políticos apresentados nos filmes, da influência da censura e de outros aspectos relacionados à produção cinematográfica, tais como legislação, políticas de crédito e sistemas de co-produções entre esses regimes políticos de massas, pretende mostrar como o cinema mundial foi influenciado e controlado pela Alemanha nazista, mas apresentou especificidades que procuramos mostrar neste trabalho.<br>The main purpose of this PhD Thesis is to develop a connected histories study on the international expansion of Nazi Cinemas model in Europe and Latin America, during the 1930s and 1950s. The Nazi Germanys influence over the film industries and cinematographs productions of Mussolinis Italy, Salazars Portugal, Francos Spain, Vargas Brazil, and Perons Argentine, represented the Berlins ruthless attempts at becoming the New World-Wide Hollywood, and also had important political, cultural and economical implications in all these mass political regimes, that we proposed to analyze. The thesis also analyzes three privileged political-cultural institutions of the III Reich: 1) The Reich Ministry for Popular Enlightenment and Propaganda (Reichsministerium für Volksaufklärung und Propaganda - RMVP), through which the Nazi propaganda minister, Dr. Joseph Goebbels, sought to achieve total control of the mass media communications, forced restructuring of national film industries, and standardized film screening by imposing a compulsory production, designed to enhance films propagandistic potential; 2) The International Film Chamber (Internationale Filmkammer IFK), a international organization of national film industry representatives from twenty-two nations, founded in 1935 to establish a Nazi Germany hegemonic control over an integrated European economic and cultural space that could rival the United States of America and the Soviet Union cinemas models, and; 3) The Hispano-Film-Produktion (HFP), through which Nazi cinema tried to conquer Spanish markets (Spain and Latin America). In general terms, the analysis of the governmental policies, the main politics themes presented on the films, the influence of censorship, and others aspects related to the cinematograph productions, such as legislation, credit policies, and co-productions system between these mass political regimes, present how the world cinema was influenced and controlled by Nazi Germany, but presented specificities that we intend to point out in these PhD thesis.
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Amicone, Fiorella. "Les Relations italo-américaines durant le fascisme." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb376022937.
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Amicone, Fiorella. "Les relations italo-américaines durant le fascisme." Paris 3, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA030254.
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Les relations economiques et diplomatiques qu'entretenerent les etats-unis avec l'italie fasciste furent, en regle generale, des meilleures. L'amerique se rejouit face a la chute du gouvernement liberal italien et a la montee au pouvoir d'un dictateur fasciste. Comment expliquer cette attitude ? la sympathie et la comprehension pour le coup d'etat fasciste et les actions agressives de mussolini furent justifiees en rapport a la specificite de la situation italienne et europeenne en general : le spectre du bolchevisme qui planait sur l'europe inquietait les etats-unis. Mais les relations cordiales entre les deux pays cachaient avant tout des interets reciproques, dont certains plus ou moins inavouables, aux niveaux economique, financier et diplomatique. Cette bonne entente fut brisee lorsque mussolini "abandonna" les etats-unis pour mener une politique de rapprochement avec l'allemagne nazie. Et pourtant, l'amerique se limita a condamner a voix basse la nouvelle politique agressive mussolinienne. Puis, avec l'entree en guerre de l'italie aux cotes de l'allemagne et du japon, les etats-unis entendirent combattre non contre un pays ennemi, ni meme une ideologie opposee mais simplement contre un homme : mussolini<br>The economic and diplomatic relations between the united states and fascist italy were generally the warmest. America was delighted with the fall of the italian liberal government and the coming to power of a fascist dictator. How can we explain such an attitude ? the sympathy and comprehension for the fascist coup and mussolini's aggressive actions were justified in relation to the italian and more generally to the european situation : the spectre of bolshevism which was then hanging over europe worried the united states. But the cordial relations between the two countries hided above all mutual economic, financial and diplomatic interests, some of them more or less undisclosable. This policy of friendship was broken up when mussolini "abandoned" the united states to run a policy of rapprochement with nazi germany. And yet america confined itself to condemning the new mussolinian policy in a low voice. Then, with italy's entry in world war ii the united states did not intend to fight, neither against an enemy country nor an opposite ideology but simply against a man : mussolini
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Nencioni, Giuseppe. "Aspekter på den italienska fascismen : texter och tolkningar." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, 1998. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-61310.
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Initially an attempt is made to present an overview of the interpretations of the meaning of Fascism. In a presentation of the views of Renzo De Felice and Zeev Sternhell the opinions of the latter are highlighted. It appears that Stemhell's conclusions better explain Italian Fascism, as well as Nazism, although Sternhell has not extensively described Nazism. His conclusions can also be used to illustrate the fact that most characteristics of Nazism and Fascism were identical, something which De Felice denies. This also applies to anti-Semitism. Then follows an analysis of the origin of the Fascist ideology, and it is stated that this ideology, both in Germany and in Italy originated in the "frn-de-siècle crisis", the anti-positive climate which existed at the end of the 19th century. This climate included a reaction against what was regarded as "decadence". It is maintained that amongst a number of Italian and German intellectuals there existed a number of similar ideas, such as for instance contempt for monetary economy, pacifism, intellectualism, the calm bourgeois life, liberalism, democracy and socialism. In the same environments violence and youth started to be glorified, and finally the modern world was accused of being egotistical and without ideals. It is in this environment that the core of Nazi- Fascism is to be found, a core to which other elements were later added. In later chapters Fascist agricultural policy is discussed in relation to earlier Italian cultural tendencies which had placed great importance on agricultural society. It is pointed out that agricultural policy was an important part of the Fascist ideology. Finally Mussolini's ideas on this subject are described, and it is maintained that the myth of the citizen/small scale farmer/soldier in ancient Rome became, in all important aspects, a part of the agricultural ideology of Fascism. It is shown here that this idea is in harmony with the general philosophy of Fascism. Subsequently, an overview of corporativism and its predecessors in Italian history are presented. Here it is stated that corporativism was a corner-stone of Fascist ideology. Thereafter the basic principals of corporativism are described as well as its tangible contents, and some important suggestions for interpretation are presented. The role of corporativism during the short period that the Italian Socialist Republic existed, is also a subject for discussion. Although this republic was scarcely of any military, economic or political importance, it was not without interest from an ideological point of view, taking into consideration the ideas it presented concerning working life. Finally, in a chapter describing the International University of Perugia, the manner in which Fascist ideology was implemented in concrete situations within the educational sector is investigated. The public support for Fascism appears to have been almost unanimous, but at the same time mostly of a formal nature. If a general conclusion can be drawn from this study, it is that Fascism and its ideology were in reality only of minor importance to education at the university level. In the conclusion it is stated that, despite the obvious contradictions, Fascism had a relatively complete; ideology, which was quite closely related to Nazism.<br>digitalisering@umu
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Galeão-Silva, Luis Guilherme. "Adesão ao fascismo e preconceitos contra negros: um estudo com universitários na cidade de São Paulo." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2007. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/17197.
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Previous issue date: 2007-05-10<br>Recently, Brazilian society has experienced a shift in the perception of racial inequality. Few years ago, it was widely spread the notion that there was no racism in Brazil and that the social conditions were the main problem of black population. Nowadays, however, it seems that the majority of Brazilians has realized there is, indeed, racism in Brazil. The nature of racial prejudice against black people raises many questions. Here we had proposed to explore one of these questions: the relationship between subtle prejudice, explicit prejudice and tendency to Fascism. We hypothesized that subtle and explicit prejudice against black people are correlated to a tendency to Fascism. To investigate this hypothesis, it was applied a questionnaire to 103 students of a Business Administration School, who self-declared being white. It was performed a critical social research. The questionnaire was composed by the F-scale (Fascism) blatant prejudice and subtle prejudice. In our results it was found a correlation between F-scale and both types of prejudice. In addition, we found a higher mean in the F-scale, subtle prejudice and blatant prejudice, respectively. The most relevant correlation occurred between F-scale and subtle prejudice. We interpreted that students with subtle prejudice against black people have higher tendency to Fascism. It was done a factor analyses with the principal factor method. We concluded from the correlation and the data analysis that the subtle prejudice signalizes similarities between psychological conditions and adhesion to Fascism and the contemporary racist ideology. We suggested that the need of social measures for black and white people should be followed by a critic perspective and by changes of social conditions that lead to authoritarianism<br>Ao longo dos últimos anos, muitas pessoas mudaram sua percepção sobre a desigualdade racial no Brasil. Antes, era senso comum que não havia racismo e que os negros só não se destacavam na sociedade por condições sociais. Hoje, a maioria dos brasileiros acredita que existe racismo no Brasil. Mas a compreensão da natureza do preconceito racial contra negros no Brasil ainda gera muitas questões. Esta pesquisa foi orientada para a busca da compreensão de uma dessas questões: a relação entre o preconceito sutil, o preconceito flagrante e a tendência à adesão ao fascismo. Para isso, foi realizada uma pesquisa social crítica que como hipótese estabeleceu que o preconceito sutil e o preconceito flagrante contra negros estão relacionados à tendência à adesão ao fascismo. Para investigar essa hipótese, cento e três universitários (103) do curso de Administração de Empresas, auto-identificados como brancos, responderam a um questionário. O questionário foi composto pelas escalas F (fascismo), preconceito flagrante e preconceito sutil. Foram verificadas correlações significativas entre os escores das três escalas. Também foi observado que os sujeitos, em média, obtiveram escores mais altos na escala F, seguida da de preconceito sutil e, por último, da escala de preconceito flagrante. Foi realizada uma análise fatorial pelo método dos componentes principais das três escalas. A correlação entre a escala F e a escala do preconceito sutil chama a atenção porque se esperava uma relação maior entre a tendência à adesão ao fascismo e ao preconceito flagrante do que entre a tendência à adesão ao fascismo e ao preconceito sutil. Mas os estudantes mais preconceituosos sutis contra os negros tendem ao fascismo, do mesmo modo que os preconceituosos flagrantes. Outra conclusão importante, a partir dessa correlação e da análise dos componentes principais das escalas, é que o preconceito sutil sinaliza semelhanças entre as condições psicológicas para a adesão ao fascismo e à ideologia racista contemporânea. Essas conclusões indicam a necessidade de que as medidas igualitárias entre brancos e negros sejam acompanhadas da crítica e da mudança das condições sociais que levam ao autoritarismo, uma vez que o fascismo e o preconceito contra negros, inclusive o sutil, estão relacionados
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Pasero, Annalisa. "Fascism and the Bedouin of Cyrenaica." Thesis, University of Reading, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241352.
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Raja, Vich Antoni. "El problema de España bajo el primer franquismo, 1936-1956. El debate entre Pedro Laín Entralgo y Rafael Calvo Serer." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/7478.
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Esta tesis doctoral pretende arrojar luz sobre el mayor debate intelectual mantenido con respecto al Ser de España bajo el franquismo (1936-1975). La querella ocupó no pocas páginas de autores tan importantes para el siglo XX español como fueron, el falangista y médico Pedro Laín Entralgo (1908-2001), y el monárquico e historiador Rafael Calvo Serer (1916-1988).<br/>La publicación, en 1949, de sendos volúmenes, España como problema, por parte de Laín Entralgo, y la respuesta, España, sin problema, de la mano de Calvo Serer, estimuló una discusión que venía de lejos en el panorama intelectual español, el conocido como Problema de España.<br/>Como se intentará demostrar, los contenidos de la discusión podían parecer inocuos a ojos de muchos españoles, pero lo que realmente se estaba discutiendo en las páginas de los mencionados autores era una configuración y eventual salida del Régimen creado por el Generalísimo Francisco Franco (1892-1975).<br>This thesis aims at shed light on the most relevant debate held on the Being of Spain under Francoism (1936-1975). This dispute occupied many pages in the works of two of the most important authors in the 20th century Spain. On the one hand, the Falangist and doctor Pedro Laín Entralgo (1908-2001), on the other, the Monarchist and historian Rafael Calvo Serer (1916-1988). <br/>With two books published in 1949, España como problema, by Laín Entralgo, and the answer, España, sin problema, by Calvo Serer, promoted a discusión that was already present in the Spanish intellectual environment, the Spanish Problem.<br/>As we want to demonstrate, the contents of these two books seemed innocuous to many Spaniards, but what they were really discussing in these pages was the configuration and eventual way out to the political regime created by Generalissimo Francisco Franco (1892-1975).