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1
Baldoli, Claudia. "Italian fascism in Britain : the Fasci Italiani all'Estero, the Italian communities, and fascist sympathisers during Grandi Era (1932-1939)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1688/.
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The activity of the Italian Fasci Abroad provides a new perspective on the nature of both Italian and European fascism, as well as on Italy's foreign policy during the 1930s. This thesis focuses on the means employed by the Fasci in the transformation of Italian communities in Great Britain into 'little Fascist Italies'. It argues that fascistisation of Italian emigrants became effective from 1932 and seemed to succeed in creating a corporativist and totalitarian community from 1935-36, until the international crisis of 1938-39 brought that Fascist dream to an end. The Ethiopian war and Italy's alliance with Germany were the most crucial events in the development of the Fasci in their relationship with both the Italian communities and the British government. The thesis also concentrates on the relationship between Italian and British fascism. Until the end of 1934 both the Fasci and the embassy established regular contacts with the British Union of Fascists; in the same period, BUF propaganda reflected the belief that British fascism was part of universal fascism, and that Rome was its origin. BUF's shift from Italophilia to admiration for National Socialism in 1935, and the contemporary unleashing of an aggressive anti-British propaganda in Italy coincided with a worsening in Anglo-Italian fascist relations. Consequently, the Italian Ambassador to London Dino Grandi strengthened his collaboration with British Conservative Italophiles, who worked with the Italian embassy in an attempt to support the cause of Italy and to improve Anglo-Italian relations. The divergence between Grandi's and the Italophiles' beliefs on the one hand and Italy's anti-British propaganda and foreign policy on the other were evident especially from 1938. The attitude of the Fasci Abroad reflected this divergence. Despite the increased centralisation of the Fasci under the control of the foreign ministry from 1938 onward, the Fasci in Britain continued to share Grandi's views on Italian foreign policy. The Fascist press in Britain, strongly anti-British during the Ethiopian war, became pro-British at the beginning of 1938. Grandi saw himself as the man who could prevent war, until Mussolini declared his mission in London at an end in July 1939.
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McCollum, Jonathon C. "Carlyle, Fascism, and Frederick : from victorian prophet to Fascist ideologue /." Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 2007. http://contentdm.lib.byu.edu/ETD/image/etd2044.pdf.
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Cammelli, Maddalena Gretel. "Millenial fascism : contributo ad un'antropologia del fascismo del terzo millenio." Paris, EHESS, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EHES0717.
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Cette thèse d'anthropologie étudie le phénomène du fascisme du troisième millénaire représenté en Italie par le mouvement CasaPound. À travers l'étude ethnographique de ce mouvement né à Rome en 2003, cette thèse pose la question de la « frontière qui sépare l'homme fasciste du non-fasciste ». D'après ses militants, le fascisme semble être une manière de vivre, un comportement par rapport à l'existence, un « ressenti du monde ». Sa compréhension doit donc aller au-delà de l'analyse politique, pour saisir ces aspects de l'expérience, de l'émotivité, de l'appartenance, qui sont prépondérants dans les témoignages des fascistes du troisième millénaire. Le fascisme du troisième millénaire apparaît comme un phénomène impossible à cerner et à expliquer dans le cadre de voies logiques et de conséquence. Sa logique semble représentée par l'absence d'une cohérence interne. La rationalité semble ne pas être l'instrument adapté pour saisir la complexité du phénomène fasciste et en conséquence pas non plus pour proposer une stratégie à même d'affronter sa perpétuation à travers les décennies<br>This anthropological thesis studies the phenomenon of third millenium fascism represented in Italy by the movements Casapound. Through an ethnographic study of this movement born in Rome in 2003, this dissertation enquires about the exosttence of a "boundary dividing the fascist from the non-fascist man". Militants of this movement see fascism as a way of living, an existential attitude, a "feeling of the world". Its understanding has thus to go farther than a simple political analysis, to grasp those aspects of experience, emotivity, membership, which are preponnderant in fascists'staements. Third millennium fascism seems thus a phenomenon beyond the simple logical and consequential ways of analysis. Its logic seems represented by the absence of an internal coherence. Rationality seems not to be the right tool neither to grasp the complexity of fascist phenomenon, nor to propose a strategy for facing the persistence of fascism in European history
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Anastasakis, Othon Evangelos. "Authoritarianism in 20th century Greece : ideology and education under the dictatorships of 1936 and 1967." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1992. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1304/.
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This study examines the authoritarian ideology and educational policy of two dictatorial regimes of 20th century Greece: the Metaxas' dictatorship of 1936-1941 (the 4th of August regime); and the military junta of 1967-1974 (the 21st of April regime). Although viewed comparatively, the regimes in question are shown to have been different, due to crucial differences stemming from their contemporary international and domestic settings. Moreover, their ideologies were shaped by the way dictatorial rulers perceived and interpreted their reality. Influenced by the inter-war fascist context, the 4th of August regime tried to accommodate a radical fascist rhetoric to a nationalistic and traditionalist set of beliefs. Metaxas' perception of reality was exemplified in his educational policy, through which the dictator unsuccessfully tried to mobilise from above the youth, on the imported model of the fascist youth movements. The 21st of April regime contrasted sharply with the post-war international liberal environment, while its ideology was marked by the distinct and often contradictory mentalities of the colonels. The contradictions and inconsistencies of the military mind were reproduced at the educational level, as the military rulers attempted to demobilise a highly organised youth, to reverse the previous liberal educational reforms and to appoint loyalists to key posts. So, while the 4th of August saw the legitimation of its authority in the use of an openly authoritarian discourse and the mobilisation of the youth, the 21st of April regime, by contrast, torn by the conflicting mentalities of its military rulers, sought legitimacy through clientelistic networks of support and the demobilisation of the youth.
5
Schonbach, Morris. "Native American Fascism during the 1930s and 1940s a study of its roots, its growth, and its decline /." New York : Garland Pub, 1985. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/12419923.html.
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Rivalta, Clea. "Representing fascism in the Italian post-fascist novel (1945-1965) : Alberto Moravia, Vitaliano Brancati and Vasco Pratolini." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2013. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/62033/.
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In this thesis I intend to analyse a selection of novels written between circa 1945 and 1965, which take the Fascist milieu as their subject. My aim is to investigate how the national past was revisited and reconstructed from the perspective of the newborn Italian Republic. The choices adopted by the selected writers in featuring a relatively 'new' kind of character, the 'Fascist', not only reveal the position of a single author in dealing with Fascism, but are linked to a wider process of manipulation, transmission and sometimes creation of a precise stereotype. The latter, even though revisited differently by each author, shows comparable features and recurrent themes and reveals a complex combination of continuity and reaction in the writers' relationship with the national past. A comparative approach aims to show how the representation of Fascism which emerges from the novels under examination, is related to and/or distant from other readings of the regime (namely political, psychoanalytical, sociological) in the first years after its fall, and it will lead to an analysis of the relationship of the writers with ideology and commitment in general. The thesis focuses on the presence of Fascist characters associated with and described through sexuality and erotic power relations, and the relationship between mass and the individual, which constitute a recurring and not yet fully explored theme in Italian post-war fiction. The thesis is structured in four parts. Part one explores the phase of transition from the regime to the Republic and the relationship between Fascism and fiction during and after the regime. It goes on to explore the representation of the figure of the Duce in literature and some works which combine sexuality and the representation of the regime, such as some novels by Carlo Emilio Gadda and Corrado Alvaro. Part two analyses the novel, Il conformista, by Alberto Moravia and some aspects of his relationship with Fascism. It investigates his representation of Fascism through homosexuality, the negative depiction of anti-Fascism, and the use of psychoanalysis as a key to understanding Fascism. Part three analyses Vitaliano Brancati's work, with a focus on his novel Il bell'Antonio, and the ironic connection between Fascism and gallismo. The chapter investigates the relationship between eros and passivity in the framework of the will to power of Fascism. Part four explores the work of Vasco Pratolini and it is divided in two sections. The first section focuses on the character of 'La signora' in Cronache di poveri amanti, an old lesbian woman who, according to many scholars, symbolizes the Duce. The second section of this chapter examines Un eroe del nostro tempo, a novel in which the character of the 'young Fascist' is represented in the context of post-1945 Italy. It deals with the problem of transition to post-Fascism of a generation who grew up under Fascism and is unprepared to face the new social and political system. This research into the representation of Fascism aims to offer new perspectives into the socio-cultural transformation and transmission of ideas as well as to reveal new affinities and diversities between some major Italian writers. Moreover, this thesis aims to contribute to the understanding of a delicate and controversial historical period, such as that of post-'45 Italy, and to the history of the rhetorical tropes that underlie representations of the Italian national self in contemporary literature.
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Renton, Dave. "The attempted revival of British fascism : fascism and anti-fascism, 1945-51." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1999. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14777/.
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The thesis is divided into six sections. The Introduction discusses the themes of the dissertation, notably fascism, anti-fascism and Britain in the 1940s. It reviews the existing literature and outlines the method used. The first chapter examines the legacy of the inter-war years and the impact of internment on the fascists. It analyses the British League of Ex-Servicemen and Women and the Mosley book clubs, which came together to form the Union Movement. The chapter ends in 1951 with Oswald Mosley's decision to leave Britain, a symbol of the failure of British fascism. The second chapter stresses the homogeneity of fascist thinking and the common possession of core ideas, including elitism, racism, and anti-socialism. It suggests that fascist parties also acted in a similar way, they glorified their leaders and encouraged anti-semitism and violence. The chapter argues that postwar fascism recruited especially well among members of the middle class. However, even within this group, only a tiny minority was attracted towards fascism. The third chapter examines the history of the non-fascist organisations, including Labour, the Communist Party and the 43 Group. The chapter also evaluates anti-fascist methods, which involved exposing the fascists, heckling their speakers and turning over fascist platforms. The fourth chapter describes the moment at which fascists and anti-fascists opposed each other in the street. It suggests that the various state agencies, including the police, the Home Office, the law departments and MI6, worked with fascism, or did nothing to prevent its growth. Finally, the Conclusion discusses the obstacles which the fascists faced, including the legacy of the war and the Holocaust, and the success of the Conservative Party after 1945. It also suggests that anti-fascism also played significant part in the fascists' defeat.
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Winberg, Martin. "Battling at two fronts. Friendship, loyalty and fascism in Requiem for a Malta Fascist by Francis Ebejer." Thesis, Växjö universitet, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-5325.
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A discussion about the role of fascism and the influence it has on the relations between the protagonist Lorenz and the characters Paul, Elena and Kos in Requiem for a Malta fascist by the Maltese author Francis Ebejer, as well as a brief historical background as to why Malta ended up in their de facto tangibly decisive situation during the Second World War. The discussion also treats subjects like loyalty and priority and how these are affected in a time of national and international crisis.
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Bertonha, João Fabio. "Sob o signo do Fascio : o fascismo, os imigrantes italianos e o Brasil, 1922-1943." [s.n.], 1998. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280749.
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Orientador: Michael Hall<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-24T14:13:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 1998<br>Resumo: Não informado.<br>Abstract: Not informed.<br>Doutorado<br>Doutor em História
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Rizi, Fabio Fernando. "Benedetto Croce and Italian fascism." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ56264.pdf.
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Nastri, Massimiliano. "The deep blue line : Irish fascism and the relations between the Free State, the Vatican and Fascist Italy, 1929-1934." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.678208.
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This work examines the general question of Irish Fascism, considering the Blueshirts as evidence of the crises within the government party, Cumann na nGaedheal (CG), and of its attempt at resolving them. With a European perspective, it intends to demonstrate how CG's political crisis was comparable to the inter-war one when, confronted by increasing level of people's participation and mass militancy, European liberal-conservative parties feared for the established order, its social bases and the freedoms associated with a restrictive interpretation of the constitution. With an Irish perspective, this work snows the plurality of nationalist traditions and their adaptive capabilities to provide a version of history useful and meaningful for political practice. In this regard CG's crisis was due to a paralyzing dichotomy of traditions, O'Higgins' Statist defence of a bourgeois hierarchy - big farmers, big landowners, free marketers - and Collins' legacy of pro-Treaty populist republicanism. That dichotomy corresponded to the instable alliance between social and political groups, the Catholic hierarchy, former Unionist, IPP supporters, ex-1916 insurgents. Both sides held an elitist approach that weakened the democratic adaptability of the party. The elitist defence of the social status quo enshrined in the Treaty drifted into the neutralization of politics (emergency legislation, rumours of a coup) and, once in opposition, the formation and hiring of a self-defence paramilitary force. This thesis contends that refutations of Irish Fascism overstated ideological correctness at the expense of fascism's pragmatic ambiguity, its violence conservative and revolutionary in terms of order.
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Hodgson, Keith. "Fascism, anti-fascism and the British Left, 1919-1939." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.507174.
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McBride, Michelle. "From indifference to internment : an examination of RCMP responses to nazism and fascism in Canada from 1934 to 1941 /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq23157.pdf.
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Snoeck, Olivier. "Contribution à l'étude in-vitro de la voie de transmission de force myofasciale: anatomie, biomécanique et implications cliniques." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209080.
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Résumé<p><p>Ce travail de thèse contribue à déterminer chez l’humain, le rôle de différentes structures fasciales (expansions aponévrotiques, tissu conjonctif aréolaire, fascia profond et paratendon) disposées en parallèle ou en série avec leur tendon respectif. <p><p>La première partie de ce travail est consacrée à l’étude de l’expansion aponévrotique du biceps brachial. Deux protocoles ont été développés sur spécimens cadavériques frais. Un premier, anatomique, a permis de mettre en évidence des caractéristiques individuelles telles que la longueur et la largeur sans lien avec le sexe et la latéralité. D’autre part, une partie profonde de l’expansion aponévrotique du biceps brachial a été observée de façon constante. <p>Le second, biomécanique, nous a permis d’étudier les mouvements de flexion du coude et de supination de l’avant-bras ainsi que les bras de leviers instantanés du muscle biceps brachial avec et sans la présence de son expansion aponévrotique. Les résultats nous indiquent que cette structure limite la flexion du coude ainsi que la supination de l’avant-bras, tout en maintenant une rythmicité entre la flexion et la supination. D’autre part, elle permet d’augmenter le bras de levier musculaire du muscle biceps brachial en flexion et en supination.<p><p>Dans la seconde partie de ce travail, notre étude in-vitro s’est intéressée à la contribution relative des structures tendineuses et fasciales sur l'avantage mécanique musculaire lors d’une plastie du ligament croisé antérieur aux tendons des muscles droit interne et demi-tendineux. Les résultats suggèrent que la voie myofasciale des muscles droit interne et du demi-tendineux semble cruciale pour la transmission de force permettant le déplacement du segment jambier. <p><p>Malgré les limitations inhérentes aux études sur préparations anatomiques, ce travail contribue à une meilleure connaissance de certaines structures fasciales, dont les implications cliniques devraient être prises en considération.<p><p><br>Doctorat en Sciences biomédicales et pharmaceutiques<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Levin, Fanny. "Racisme et antisémitisme dans la presse italienne à l'époque fasciste (1922-1943) : entre propagande politique et journalistique." Thesis, Grenoble, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011GRENH019.
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Le problème du sort des Juifs en Italie est sans doute l'un des aspects les plus tragiques du totalitarisme fasciste. Depuis une vingtaine d'années, l'historiographie antisémite s'est grandement étoffée, s'attachant au fur et à mesure davantage aux caractères spécifiques du fascisme italien. L'étude entreprise dans cette thèse se place dans une perspective d'histoire politique et culturelle, puisqu'il s'agira de mettre à jour, à travers l'étude de la propagande, les caractéristiques du fascisme italien, afin de saisir la nature et la fonction du racisme et de l'antisémitisme en Italie. Les sources principales sur lesquelles se basent notre recherche sont trois quotidiens nationaux publiés à Milan. De par leur notoriété, mais surtout leur engagement quotidien à représenter les Juifs et les peuples colonisés comme une réalité stéréotypée et méprisable, ils furent en première ligne dans la dynamique de persécution. Laboratoire de la doctrine raciale, manuel pédagogique, terrain d'investigation sur la présence des Juifs en Italie, rouage de l'administration policière, ils ont largement contribué à l'élaboration d'une culture raciste et antisémite qui relançait le débat sur les valeurs de l'identité nationale<br>The problem of the fate of the Jews in Italy is doubtless one of the most tragic aspects of the fascist totalitarianism. Since about twenty years, anti-Semitic historiography has greatly expanded, focusing on progressively more to the specific characteristics of Italian fascism. The study undertaken in this thesis is placed in a context of political and cultural history, since it will be to update, through the study of propaganda, the characteristics of Italian fascism to understand the nature and function of racism and anti-Semitism in Italy. The main sources on which to base our research are three national daily newspapers published in Milan. Of their celebrity, but also their daily commitment to represent the Jews and the colonized peoples as a stereotypical reality and despicable, they were at the forefront of the dynamics of persecution. Racial doctrine laboratory, teaching manual, field of investigation on the presence of Jews in Italy, train of the police administration, they have greatly contributed to the development of a culture of racism and anti-Semite who relaunched the debate on values of national identity
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Nicolodi, Fiamma. "The Italian Fascism." Bärenreiter Verlag, 2012. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A71799.
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Potts, Michael Gordon Ralph. "Progressive and Reactionary Attitudes towards Technology in Twentieth Century Literature, 1937-2013." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Humanities and Creative Arts, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/9439.
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In this thesis I trace the origins, morphology, and attributes of a particular strain of anti-materialism in the Western literary and cultural imagination of the second half of the twentieth
century. With reference to previous work done on this topic I discuss how this anti-materialism rejects materialistic and rationalistic aspects of modernity and emphasises instead the
importance of non-material aspects of society such as cultural integrity and cohesion, tradition, and instinct. I demonstrate that this strain relies on what Raymond Williams termed “organic form”, the fallacious belief that human society can and should follow a set of rules which can be objectively deducted from nature and I argue that it should be placed within the context of a long established anti-enlightenment tradition.
Through an analysis of such writers as George Orwell, Aldous Huxley, JRR Tolkien, Edward Abbey, James Howard Kunstler, Chuck Palahniuk, Brian Aldiss and others I show how a common feature of this anti-materialism is concern and anxiety over the potentially destabilising or degenerative effects of life in a technologically advanced society where mechanisation, mass production, and scientific advances have brought relative comfort and prosperity to most people in society and hence I refer to this particular strain of anti-materialism as anti-technologism. More specifically, I am interested in this thesis
with examining the way in which this reaction allows for a curious confluence and convergence of progressive and reactionary tendencies. I argue that anti-technologism is a distinct and detectable mood in Western literature, and I trace its origins and influences. Without claiming to provide a functionalist analysis, I consider the role of anti-technologism in Western literature which I see as broadly facilitating an exploration and discussion of themes of cultural vitality and
cohesion in the increasingly cosmopolitan and technologically advanced societies of the West.
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Filho, Fermin Vañó Ivorra. "Luiz Francisco Rebello e Alfonso Sastre: o teatro de resistência sob os regimes fascistas ibéricos." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8150/tde-30082012-105108/.
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Luiz Francisco Rebello e Alfonso Sastre: o teatro de resistência sob os regimes fascistas ibéricos tem como objetivo pesquisar e analisar a literatura dramática desses dois artistas e escritores contemporâneos, representantes de suas gerações literárias, que produziram peças originais, perturbadoras, mordazes, engajadas ideologicamente contra os regimes autoritários da península ibérica e, por esse fato, foram sistematicamente censurados. O trabalho tem como objeto a produção dramática de Francisco Rebello e Alfonso Sastre entre os anos de 1944 e 1974, anos marcados pela repressão e censura do fascismo ibérico, assim como, pelo fim da segunda grande guerra, pela iminência da Guerra Fria, pela ameaça nuclear e pelo drástico cerceamento à liberdade durante os governos totalitários de Portugal e Espanha. Faremos observar alguns aspectos históricos, sociais e políticos da contínua decadência peninsular deste período, questões que aproximam ambos escritores ainda mais, e que enfaticamente influenciaram na formação dos temas, nas concepções artísticas e nas literárias dos dramas desses dois autores de povos vizinhos. Um panorama da vida e obra de cada autor, em seu respectivo contexto histórico, fez-se aqui necessário para vislumbrar o percurso realizado por cada um deles e o desenvolvimento de suas respectivas produções literárias. Testemunhas comprometidas com esse período fascista ibérico, Francisco Rebello e Alfonso Sastre, ao término da II Guerra Mundial, no prelúdio literário de suas vidas, decidiram criar uma dramaturgia de vanguarda e resistência. Peças teatrais, frutos do inconformismo de uma época conturbada e repressora; obras características de um teatro que apostava em mudanças e, sobretudo, buscava alguma reação sinestésica de suas respectivas sociedades.<br>Luiz Francisco Rebello and Alfonso Sastre: the theater of opposition under Iberian fascist regimes aims to research and analyze the dramatic literature of these two contemporary artists and writers, representatives of their literary generations, which produced original pieces, disturbing, spicy, ideologically engaged against the authoritarian regimes of the Iberian Peninsula, and this fact, systematically censored. The work is focused on the dramatic production of Francisco Rebello and Alfonso Sastre between the years 1944 and 1974, years marked by the collective Iberian fascism, by the end of the Second World War, the imminence of the Cold War, the nuclear threat and the drastic curtailment of freedom during the totalitarian governments of Portugal and Spain. We will look at some historical, social and political decay of the continuous period of peninsular issues that bring both further and strongly influenced the formation of the themes of artistic and literary conceptions of the tragedies of these two authors of their neighbours. A wide panel of life and work of each author in their respective historical context, it was necessary to glimpse here the route taken by each of them and develop their literary productions. Witnesses committed to this Iberian fascist period, Francisco Rebello and Alfonso Sastre, at the end of World War II, in the prelude of their literary lives, decided to create a vanguard and opposition theater. Plays, result of the nonconformity of a tumultuous and repressive time; works features a drama, which believed on changes and, especially, tried some synaesthetic reaction of their respective companies.
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Saito, Nádia. "A formação do facismo no Japão de 1929 a 1940." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-29082012-092205/.
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A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar a experiência japonesa e a aplicabilidade do conceito fascismo ao período compreendido entre a Grande Crise do fim dos anos 1920 e o fechamento total dos partidos e dos sindicatos. O caso japonês é, muitas vezes, tratado como desprezível, por se referir a uma experiência fora dos perímetros ocidentais e, também, traz consigo uma forma de esquivar-se de cada particularidade dentro de uma universalidade. O Japão, após a implantação do capitalismo em fins do século XIX, passa por diversas transformações orientadas pela mesma lógica de reprodução. A partir das distinções do caso japonês e de generalizações do conceito fascismo, foi possível perceber a unidade dos processos político-sociais. O resultado de uma arquitetura de dominação, desde a esfera social até os movimentos políticos da economia, foi exposto neste trabalho.<br>This study aimed to analyze the Japanese experience and the concept of \"fascism\" due the period between the Great Crisis of the late 1920s and the total closure of parties and unions. The Japanese case is often treated as negligible, because it refers to an out of the western perimeter, and also brings with it a way to dodge every particular within a universality. Japan, after the capitalism introduction in the late nineteenth century, goes through several transformations driven by the same logic of reproduction. From the Japanese case distinctions and generalizations of the concept of \"fascism\", it was possible to make out the unity of political and social processes. The result of an architecture of domination was exposed in this work, from the social sphere to the political movements of the economy.
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Caron, Giuseppe Rafael. "Discursos de Benito Mussolini: permanências e mudanças (1919-1922)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2015. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/12876.
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Previous issue date: 2015-03-11<br>Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico<br>This research, under the guidance of Prof. Dr. Antonio Pedro Tota, has as theme the ideology modification of Italian fascism from 1919 to 1922. The objective is to observe through Benito Mussolini's speeches the transformation of fascism before the seizure of power through of March on Rome. This work respond the following questions: Which led the Italian fascism to change in that short period of time? and What was fascism movement? As methodology was analyzed the speeches given by Duce in the years before the fascist government. The two of the leading historians of fascism, Renzo de Felice and Emilio Gentile together with Frances Speech analysis provided the theoretical basis for this research. As a result, we point out the need of fascism in negotiating with your audience, adapting to their realities, in addition, we can observe the increasing approximation of fascism with Italian culture<br>Esta pesquisa, sob orientação do Prof. Dr. Antonio Pedro Tota, tem por tema as modificações ideológicas do fascismo italiano entre os anos de 1919 a 1922. Seu objetivo é observar, por meio dos discursos de Benito Mussolini, as transformações que o fascismo estava sofrendo antes da tomada do poder através da Marcha sobre Roma. Este trabalho pretende responder às seguintes perguntas: O que levou o fascismo italiano a se modificar nesse curto espaço de tempo? e O que foi esse fascismo movimento? . Como metodologia foram analisados os discursos pronunciados pelo Duce nos anos que antecedem o governo fascista. O trabalho de dois dos principais historiadores do fascismo, Renzo de Felice e Emilio Gentile, associado às técnicas da Escola Francesa de Análise do Discurso, serviram de fundamentação teórica a esta pesquisa. Como resultado, apontamos a necessidade do fascismo em negociar com o seu público, adaptando-se assim a suas realidades. Além disso, iremos observar a identificação cada vez maior do fascismo com a cultura italiana
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Visser, Myda Marista. "Die ideologiese grondslae en ontwikkeling van die blanke fascistiese bewegings in Suid-Afrika, 1945-1995." Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2000. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-08022006-105452.
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Bentel, Carol Rusche. "Addressing the people : Architecture as a medium of the fascist narrative of national identity, Case del Fascio, 1922-1943." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/108996.
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Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Architecture, 2017.<br>Volume 2 only available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections, Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.<br>Includes bibliographical references (volume 1, pages 353-376).<br>This dissertation examines a building program for Fascist headquarters, or Case del Fascio, established by the Partito Nazionale Fascista (PNF) during the years of Italian Fascism, from 1922 to 1943. The PNF planned over 11,000 buildings by 1943 on the Italian mainland and in their colonial territories. This examination is a chronological study of these buildings demonstrating that the PNF expressed its political messages in built-form. Between 1919 and 1943, the PNF developed its political ideology, documented in the Statute of 1921, and its modifications in 1926, 1929, 1932, and 1938. The PNF building program mirrored their constantly modified political goals, as well as the PNF's decisions in areas of culture, religion, and foreign policy. The physical form of the Casa del Fascio embodied the PNF's evolving character that changed from fringe to progressive, to dominant, to authoritarian and militaristic. While the politicians developed programmatic needs for the PNF headquarters building, many architects developed their own consensus about its design from articles in their professional periodicals. Journalists featured PNF sponsored competitions for Case del Fascio, Palazzi del Littorio, and Torri Littorie - all versions or components of the developing headquarters building. Wide spread participation of architects in national competitions for fascist headquarters allowed architects to observe other solutions and offer their interpretations. Articles and newsreels of building inaugurations aided the architect's view of the PNF's preferred examples. What began as a clandestine meeting space evolved into a building that could be identified at a distance as a Casa del Fascio - a symbol of the PNF, if not Mussolini, himself. However, no one model stood as the template for the new political building. Variations in form, plan configuration, and aesthetics continued until the PNF's 1943 demise, despite the 1936 "Declaration of the Empire" and the PNF's association with Germany - which would have suggested a government-sanctioned "monumental Roman" model. The outcome reveals that architects had unusually strong design control. My study is a chronological analysis, using over 4,000 architectural examples, overlaid with the changing ideology of the PNF, which reveals the reactive design interpretations by professional architects during the Ventennio.<br>by Carol Rusche Bentel.<br>Ph. D.
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Pubill, Brugués Joan. "Mort a la modernitat. La trajectòria inconformista de Georges Valois: de la crisi finisecular al feixisme, 1878-1928." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/670739.
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A través de la vida intel·lectual de Georges Valois, aquesta tesi pretén abordar la formació de la cultura política contrarevolucionària a França entre 1878 i 1928. El període que s’analitza es correspon a l’etapa de la seva vida que va des del naixement fins a l’ocàs del Faisceau, el primer partit francès definit com a feixista. La trajectòria de Valois durant aquests anys conforma un cicle històric congruent que permet desllorigar els principals nusos de la crisi de la modernitat, com ara la pèrdua de fe en la idea de progrés, la percepció de decadència nacional, la laïcització, l’adveniment de la massa i la corrupció de les praxis polítiques. En els sis capítols que segueixen la introducció i conformen el cos del treball, s’examinen dues qüestions. D’una banda, la formació d’una identitat política basada en les lliçons de l’escola i familiars, en les impressions de l’Exposició Universal de 1889 i en les males experiències laborals. De l’altra, el rol capdavanter en tant que teòric, quadre de l’Action française i propagandista que jugà d’ençà de la decepció amb la mística dreyfusarde. En primer lloc, fou l’instigador d’un programa social entre 1907 i 1909 que va permetre vertebrar el nacionalisme integral com el centre gravitacional de la contrarevolució. Anys més tard, va ser l’artífex d’una conjunció antiliberal entre nacionalistes i obreristes que va ser clau a l’hora de dilatar l’espai contrarevolucionari abans de 1914. Finalment, com a dinamitzador de la contrarevolució després de la Gran Guerra gràcies a diverses iniciatives antiparlamentàries, a propostes econòmiques i a l’organització del projecte feixista. Republicà, anarquista, nacionalista integral i, posteriorment, feixista, l’itinerari del personatge sorprèn per una coherència que no és altra que la de voler purgar la modernitat de les tares que van fer-la degenerar. A partir de la seva cosmovisió inconformista, és possible explorar el fenomen del feixisme com un moviment que enfonsa les arrels en la nebulosa contrarevolucionària. Tanmateix, les sinèrgies històriques que recorren la seva biografia mostren com el feixisme, malgrat tenir un corpus ideològic ben definit, no va aconseguir esdevenir un moviment de masses als anys 20. El fracàs polític del feixisme valoisià permet, això no obstant, reflexionar sobre diverses qüestions entorn de la dimensió històrica del feixisme i esclarir qüestions entorn de la cronologia, la naturalesa i el caràcter del fenomen.<br>A través de la vida intelectual de Georges Valois, esta tesis pretende abordar la formación de la cultura política contrarrevolucionaria en Francia entre 1878 y 1928. El período que se analiza se corresponde a la etapa de su vida que va desde el nacimiento hasta el ocaso del Faisceau, el primer partido francés definido como fascista. La trayectoria de Valois durante estos años forma un ciclo histórico congruente que permite deshilachar los principales nudos de la crisis de la modernidad, como la pérdida de fe en la idea de progreso, la percepción de la decadencia nacional, la laicización, el advenimiento de la masa y la corrupción de las praxis políticas. En los seis capítulos que siguen la introducción y forman el cuerpo del trabajo, se examinan 2 cuestiones. Por un lado, la formación de una identidad política basada en las enseñanzas de la escuela y de sus familiares, en las impresiones de la Exposición Universal de 1889 y en las malas experiencias laborales. Por otra lado, el el papel vanguardista en tanto que teórico, cuadro de la Action Française y propagandista que desempeñó desde la decepción con la mística dreyfusarde. En primer lugar, fue el instigador de un programa social entre 1907 y 1909 que permitió vertebrar el nacionalismo integral como el centro de gravedad de la contrarrevolución. Años más tarde, fue el artífice de una conjunción antiliberal entre nacionalistas y obreristas que feu clave a la hora de dilatar el espacio contrarrevolucionario antes de 1914. Finalmente, como dinamizador de la contrarrevolución de la Gran Guerra gracias a diversas iniciativas antiparlamentarias, a propuestas económicas y a la organización del proyecto fascista. Republicano, anarquista, nacionalista integral y, posteriormente, fascista, el itinerario del personaje sorprende por una coherencia que no es otra que la de querer purgar la modernidad de las taras que la hicieron degenerar. A partir de su cosmovisión inconformista, es posible explorar el fenómeno del fascismo como un movimiento que ahonda sus raíces en la nebulosa contrarrevolucionaria. Sin embargo, las sinergias históricas que recorren su biografía muestran como el fascismo, pese a tener un corpus ideológico bien definido, no consiguió convertirse en un movimiento de masas en los años 1920. El fracaso político del fascismo valosiano permite, pero, reflexionar sobre diversas cuestiones en torno a la dimensión histórica del fascismo y esclarecer algunos puntos acerca de la cronología, la naturaleza y el carácter del fenómeno.<br>Through the intellectual career of Georges Valois, this research adresses the formation of the counterrevolutonary political culture in France between 1878-1928. Through the intellectual career of Georges Valois, this research addresses the formation of the counterrevolutionary political culture in France between 1878-1928. The period analysed encompasses from his birth to the twilight of the Faisceau, the first French party labelled as fascist. Valois'career forms a congruent historical cycle that allow the observer to examine the most representative issues of the crisis of the modernity, like the loss of faith in progress, the perception of national decay, the secularisation, the advent of the masses and the corruption of the political practices. In the six chapters that follow the introduction and conform the body of the research, two themes are examined. One the one hand, the formation of Valois'identity, based on the familiar and school lessons, on the impressions he had at the Universal Exposition of 1889 and the bad work experiences. On the other hand, the vanguard role played as a theorist and cadre of Action française as well as propagandist after his deception with the dreyfusard cause. Firstly, he was the instigator of a social doctrine between 1907-1909, thanks to which integral nationalism became the milestone of the counterrevolution. Some years later, he conceived an antiliberal junction between nationalists and revolutionary syndicalists, a key feature in the development of the counterrevolutionary political space before 1914. Last but not least, he was a catalyst after the Great War due to his antiparliamentarian campaigns, economic proposals and the organization of a fascist project. Republican, anarchist, integral nationalist and fascist, his ideological career is astonishingly coherent because he always aimed to regenerate the modernity. From his non-conformist vision, it is possible to explore fascism as a phenomenon rooted in the counterrevolutionary milieu. However, the historical dynamics of his biography show that fascism, despite its well-defined ideological corpus, did not achieve to become a mass movement in the 1920s. However, the political failure of his fascist project serves to think about the historical dimension of fascism and to reflect on the chronology, nature and features of the phenomenon.
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Jankowski, P. F. "'Fascism' in Marseille, 1936-1944." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384791.
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Paci, Deborah. "Il mito del Risorgimento mediterraneo : Corsica e Malta tra politica e cultura nel ventennio fascista." Thesis, Nice, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013NICE2012.
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Loin d’être une nouveauté, les revendications fascistes autour de « l’italianité » de la Corse et de Malte prennent la suite des campagnes irrédentistes de l’époque crispienne. A partir de 1923, les mêmes arguments d’ordre géographique, historique, linguistique ou ethnographique, tout comme les supposés liens culturels entre les élites italiennes, corses et maltaises du XIXe siècle, furent à nouveau au coeur du débat. Cette défense d’une l’italianité corse et maltaise, tout comme le mythe du Risorgimento méditerranéen, ne constitue cependant qu’une réactualisation de la politique impérialiste de la Rome antique dans le Lebensraum italien qui se concrétise autour du concept de Mare Nostrum.Cette recherche a ainsi permis de combiner l’étude des structures de sociabilité culturelle et scientifique liés à la valorisation linguistique avec une nouvelle l’analyse de la politique méditerranéenne de l’Italie fasciste, tout en gardant une approche sociale et politique des réseaux et vecteurs internes de l’autonomisme corse et du nationalisme maltais. En abordant la question de l’irrédentisme en Corse et à Malte émerge alors le problème de la proximité linguistique des idiomes locaux avec la langue italienne. Dans les deux cas, nous nous heurtons à une des plus délicates questions de l’histoire corse et maltaise: le désir d’autonomie et indépendance. Les fascistes, en s’appuyant sur des arguments d’ordre culturel et en faisant appel aux revendications des populations issues des mauvaises conditions économiques, ont cherché à rallier à la cause irrédentiste les plus fervents opposants aux gouvernements français et anglais: les membres du Parti Corse d’Action (PCA) et du Parti Nationaliste Maltais. Ce problème linguistique qui aurait dû se cantonner à un débat purement scientifique, a ainsi été dévoyé sur le terrain politique au profit des irrédentistes fascistes et des nationalistes corses et maltais<br>In 1923 the Fascist regime began a propaganda campaign by claiming the territories of Corsica and Malta, held by France and Great Britain, that were deemed to be Italian lands. The Fascist regime produced literature on Corsica and Malta that justified that both islands were Italian lands based on historic, ethnic, and linguistic grounds. The Fascists quoted historical, geographical, linguistic, ethnographic and cultural relations between the Italian peninsula and the island elite during the nineteenth century, in order to present evidence of the Italianità of Corsica and Malta. The Fascist regime activate cultural institutions and the majority of the Italian intellectuals in order to justify, on the ideological level, the irredentist and imperial ambitions in the Mediterranean basin. This research aims to investigate the myth of the Risorgimento Mediterranean, a myth that was created in order to explain to Italian public opinion the Mussolini's foreign policy regarding Corsica and Malta. The myth of the Risorgimento Mediterranean created a strong link between the imperial mission of ancient Rome and the "Mediterranean destiny" of the House of Savoy. It gradually became a prevalent subject in Fascist publications and writings of personalities of the Italian cultural life. This study aims to examine the distance and the convergence between the mythological construction of the Risorgimento Mediterranean and the reality of the Fascist territorial claims in the Mediterranean, in particular on Corsica and Malta
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Mendes, Marília Silva Martins. "Manifestações do conservadorismo e do fascismo no Brasil contemporâneo: análise de propagandas políticas." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/47/47131/tde-13112018-151951/.
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A presente pesquisa de mestrado procura analisar o conteúdo de discursos de lideranças políticas de direita, com o intuito de averiguar seu potencial de mobilização nos espectadores. O que inclui investigar se as técnicas utilizadas atualmente se assemelham, de alguma forma, com as quais Adorno menciona em seu texto \"As Palestras Radiofônicas de Martin Luther Thomas\". Além de Theodor W. Adorno, também se utilizou da teoria de Sigmund Freud e Siegfried Kracauer. Um segundo objetivo, que contribui com o primeiro, é a análise da montagem, edição e decupagem desses vídeos, justamente para ver como esses processos e os enquadramentos contribuem com essa mobilização. O método utilizado é a análise de estímulos. Os materiais são vídeos de propagandas políticas atuais de políticos que ocupem um lugar no imaginário do povo brasileiro. A escolha por vídeos se deu por conta da propaganda conservadora utilizar, principalmente, da imagem e da propaganda. Ou seja, o objeto é intrínseco ao objetivo e ele faz parte do método<br>The present master\'s research seeks to analyze the content of speeches of political leaders of the right wing, with the intention of ascertaining their potential of mobilization in the spectators. This includes investigating whether the techniques currently resemble, in some way, with what Adorno mentions in his text, \"The Martin Luther Thomas Radio Lectures.\" In addition to Theodor W. Adorno, it was also used the theory of Sigmund Freud and Siegfried Kracauer. A second objective, which contributes to the first one, is the analysis of the editing and decupage of these videos, precisely to see how these processes and the frameworks contribute to this mobilization. The method used is the analysis of stimuli. The materials are videos of current political propaganda of politicians who occupy a place in the imaginary of the Brazilian people. The choice for videos was due to conservative propaganda mainly using image and advertising. That is, the object is intrinsic to the goal and it is part of the method
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Mottais, Noël. "Les acteurs fascistes du dialogue Indo-Italien : l'exemple de Giuseppe Tucci (1922-1944)." Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LORR0332/document.
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Peu connu aujourd’hui en France en dehors des cercles orientalistes, le nom de Giuseppe Tucci est en revanche en Italie toujours associé à l’Orient. Sa figure apparaît ainsi comme celle d'un médiateur entre l’Italie et l’Orient, objet de définitions concurrentes. Agent de la politique extérieure italienne en Inde, organisateur des séjours en Italie des nationalistes indiens, mis en scène par le régime fasciste, intellectuel instrumentalisé par le fascisme de Mussolini, théoricien reprenant des idées conformes à celles des intellectuels fascistes ? La question est de savoir dans quelle mesure Tucci s’est rallié au régime, dans quelle mesure il l’a soutenu. L’orientalisme tourné vers l’Inde a en outre été le terrain d’instrumentalisations particulières, liées aux théories « racistes ». Une bonne part de ce courant entretient avec l’antisémitisme nazi et fasciste des liens complexes. L’approche historique de l’itinéraire de Tucci ne se limite pas à ses actions au service du régime, telles que l’organisation du voyage de Gandhi, elle implique une analyse des textes qui font allusion aux questions raciales. La question de la quête de l’origine est bien présente dans sa démarche de voyageur et de savant. L’intérêt précoce pour les langues anciennes comme l’hébreu et le sanscrit confirme le caractère central de cette quête dans la démarche de Tucci. Fut-il porteur des théories racistes cherchant dans la linguistique des arguments opposant les peuples « aryens » aux peuples « sémitiques » ? A cet égard, il importe d’étudier précisément ce qui peut rapprocher et différencier Tucci de Julius Evola (1898-1974), en se fondant sur leurs écrits respectifs et sur leurs prises de position publiques et privées<br>Hardly known today in France except among Orientalist circles, Giuseppe Tucci is in Italy associated with the Orient. He still appears as a mediator between East and West. Indeed, as an actor of Italian Foreign Policy in India, he organized travels to Italy for leading nationalists Rabindranath Tagore and Mahatma Gandhi, in propagandist action in favor of Fascist Italy. Was he really a supporter of the Regime ? Was he only motivated by opportunistic reasons ? As a matter of fact, Indian Orientalism has been linked to racial theories that display complex links with Nazi and Fascist Anti-Semitism. An historical approach of Giuseppe Tucci’s life does not only deal with political actions for the regime, it implies to some extent an analysis of writings linked to “Race” as a topic of investigation. The Quest for the Origin was to be seen in his travels and in his scholarly approach of the East which shows his interest for old languages such as Hebrew and Sanskrit. Was he in favor of Race Theories seeking in linguistics, arguments opposing “Aryans" against "Semitic" people ? Did he share any common points with esoteric philosopher Julius Evola (1898-1974) ?
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Krueckeberg, John Christian 1966. "Fighting the fascist option in the Great Depression: Raymond Swing, Dale Carnegie and the cultural history of the specter of fascism in the 1930s' United States." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282368.
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American fascism is an underdeveloped topic in American history and it often rests in the pale of narratives focused upon, respectively, American extremism, protest movements, and assimilation processes. This informal dismissal is due, in part, to an historiographical misunderstanding of the work of Raymond Swing. Swing, an intellectual to whom all historians of "native" American fascism have turned, pioneered studies of the fascist tendencies extant in specific organizations and politicians of the 1930s; yet, no study of Swing's antifascist life exists. Unrecognized by the scholars who have appropriated small amounts of Swing's writings is that he changed his definition of fascism over the decade, placing the locus of fascism in three different discursive formations: economic, political, and then cultural. Perceiving American fascism in the early thirties to be more than simply the nationalistic politics of demagogues and their followers, Swing first defined the phenomenon as economic: a calculus of expenditure that tolerated the death of Americans deemed superfluous or dangerous by those who expunged them. In the middle thirties Swing perceived fascism to be the political phenomenon of a dictatorship that operated within the calculus. Swing moved towards a cultural definition of fascism as the United States experienced a "red scare" and Germany and Italy both expanded their territory and supported dictatorships emerging elsewhere. By the end of the decade, Swing committed himself to a definition of fascism as a "culture of barbarism" and he presented it to his radio audience of millions as the antithesis of American culture. He had moved far from his 1933 conception of American culture being inherently fascist. Swing's thought is understandable when considered in its contexts. To understand Swing's biographical context this dissertation places him in the history of his family of reformers and elicits the "progressive" theme to his life story. To understand the context of the Great Depression that informed Swing's changing definitions, this dissertation studies Swing's work in conjunction with the decade's popular culture. Special emphasis is placed upon Dale Carnegie, political films of 1933, and the Federal Theatre Project's, It Can't Happen Here.
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Pasero, Annalisa. "Fascism and the Bedouin of Cyrenaica." Thesis, University of Reading, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241352.
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Miranda, Gustavo Felipe. "O poder mobilizador do nacionalismo: integralistas no Estado Novo." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2010. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=1684.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>Esta dissertação tem como objeto a militância integralista atuante no Rio de Janeiro durante o Estado Novo. Referenciado nos pressupostos marxistas de viés gramsciano, procuro refletir sobre o papel desempenhado pelo movimento no contexto ditatorial. Após o fechamento do partido, em dois de dezembro de 1937, o integralismo sofreu um tremendo retrocesso em suas ações. Inconformados com o desprestígio junto aos dirigentes do novo Estado, a ala mais miliciana do movimento organiza duas tentativas de golpe de Estado, por sinal, fracassadas. Reagindo a ação golpista, o governo desenvolve uma avassaladora repressão aos integralistas, sobretudo, do Rio de Janeiro, centro articulador das revoltas. Muitos camisas-verdes são presos, julgados e condenados, outros, porém, continuam na oposição clandestina. Mais tarde, ainda na capital federal, fruto de um arrefecimento da repressão, uma expressiva ala do movimento inicia um processo de reorganização. Dezenas de entidades de caráter nacionalista são fundadas por integralistas. Baseado em documentos policiais, privados e administrativos, em processos e fragmentos da imprensa do período procuro pensar a especificidade de cada uma dessas trajetórias, relacionando-as as ações do regime. Dessa forma, o texto trata da resistência a implantação do novo Estado por parte dos integralistas, bem como da incorporação destes as fileiras do Estado Novo. Reporta-se também ao projeto do regime voltado ao integralismo, que incluía repressão e complacência a organização integralista e as disputas inerentes ao jogo político em que se moviam ambos os grupos.<br>This dissertation focuses the militancy integralista active in Rio de Janeiro during the Estado Novo. Referenced in the assumptions of Marxist bias Gramscian, try thinking about the role played by the movement in the dictatorship. After the closure of the party in December 1937, the integralism suffer a tremendous setback in its actions. Compliance with the discredit with the leaders of the new state, the more militiaman wing of the movement organizes two attempts of coup of State, by the way, failed. Reacting to share coup, the government develops an overwhelming repression to integralism, especially in Rio de Janeiro, center articulator of revolts. Many "camisas-verdes" are arrested, tried and sentenced, others, however, remain in opposition illegal. Later, still in the federal capital, the result of a cooling of repression, a significant wing of the movement started a process of reorganization. Dozens of bodies in nature are based on national integralistas. Based on police documents, private and administrative, process and fragments in the press of time trying to think of each of these specific paths, linking them to the actions of the regime. Thus, the text deals with resistance to deployment of new state by integralism, and the incorporation of the ranks of the Estado Novo. It refers also to the design of the system back to integralismo, which included repression and the organization full and compliance disputes inherent in the political game as it moved both groups.
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Thomas, Ashley James. "Fascism and three modernists : an examination of the fascism of Ezra Pound, Wyndham Lewis and T.S. Eliot /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1999. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09art545.pdf.
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Marmentini, Paulo Afonso Lovera. "O fascismo para os colonos: Il Giornale Dell’Agricoltore e a divulgação do fascismo entre italianos e seus descendentes no Rio Grande do Sul." Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2014. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/3966.
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Previous issue date: 2014-04-28<br>CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo principal analisar a divulgação e a representação do fascismo nas páginas do Il Giornale dell’Agricoltore, periódico de circulação semanal entre os anos de 1934 e 1938, com sede no município de Caxias, Rio Grande do Sul. Procurou-se identificar alguns atributos estruturais do fascismo que possam, intencionalmente, ter sido explorados com mais ênfase que outros no intuito de divulgar e propagandear a ideologia fascista entre colonos, pequenos proprietários de terra de origem italiana no Rio Grande do Sul. Buscou-se ainda estabelecer um paralelo entre a política externa italiana com relaçao a seus cidadãos no exterior, bem como a política dos consulados italianos e demais órgãos de difusão do fascismo no exterior, como fasci all’estero, dopolavoro, associações e escolas, e o noticiário do jornal, de modo a identificar também as manifestações do fascismo na região da serra gaúcha. Com isso, pode-se estabelecer que o eixo da propaganda fascista no jornal girava em torno da divulgação de uma imagem idealizada de uma Nova Itália, modernizada e unida em torno de seu líder; do reforço da italianidade, associada diretamente ao fascismo; e da representação do agricultor como elemento catalisador das qualidades relacionadas à italianidade. Pode-se identificar também o período relativo à questão ítalo-abissínia como o auge da propaganda do fascismo, apresentando a Itália de Mussolini como país símbolo da civilização em contraponto à barbárie africana.<br>The present research aims to analyze the divulgation and the representation of Fascism on the pages of Il Giornale dell’Agricoltore, a weekly periodic which was published from 1934 to 1938 in Caxias do Sul, in the State of Rio Grande do Sul. With this purpose, it was tried to identify some structural attributes of Fascism that could, intentionally, have been explored with more emphasis than others, with the purpose of spreading the fascist ideology among local settlers, owners of small properties in Rio Grande do Sul who had come from Italy. It was also tried to establish a parallel between the Italian foreign policy regarding Italian citizens living abroad, and the policy of Italian Consulates and other agencies that diffused Fascism abroad, like fasci all’estero, dopolavoro, associations and schools, and the news from the newspaper, in order to identify the manifestations of Fascism in the Northeast of the State of Rio Grande do Sul. With this, it could be confirmed that the target of fascist publicity in the newspaper was to propagate an idealized image of a New Italy, modern and united around its leader; the strengthening of the Italian patriot feeling, directly associated with Fascism; and the representation of the farmer as a catalyst of the qualities related to the Italian patriot feeling. It was also possible to identify the period related to the Italian-Ethiopian War as the pinnacle of fascist publicity, presenting Mussolini’s Italy as the country symbol of civilization, in a counterpoint to the African barbarism.
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Franchini, Fernanda. "Entre Vargas e Mussolini: a nacionalização do Instituto Médio Ítalo-Brasileiro \"Dante Alighieri\"." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-17122015-110056/.
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Durante o Estado Novo, muitas instituições escolares e professores foram intensamente vigiados. Como a educação escolar se constituía como um dos mais importantes pilares do projeto de construção de uma nacionalidade brasileira, tudo que pudesse romper com esse ideal deveria ser contido. Este trabalho versa sobre o processo de intervenção para a nacionalização e de acusação de disseminação do credo político fascista proferido a professores, funcionários e diretores do Instituto Médio Ítalo-Brasileiro Dante Alighieri, localizado nos arredores da Avenida Paulista em São Paulo, que ocorreu após a declaração de apoio do governo brasileiro aos Aliados no decorrer da Segunda Guerra Mundial. Para isso, são consideradas as primeiras fases da história da instituição que antecedem o período de intervenção, as cerimônias e os símbolos cultivados pela comunidade escolar, as acusações e táticas de defesa contidas nos prontuários policiais e, por último, as ações relativas aos livros que compunham a biblioteca. Ao longo dos capítulos, são abordadas as formas de identificação do projeto educativo da instituição, destacando o momento em que passaram a se contrapor duas propostas nacionais: de um lado, a Itália de Mussolini e a propaganda fascista; e, de outro, a política de Vargas na tentativa de construção da nacionalidade brasileira.<br>During the New State (Estado Novo), many educational institutions and teachers were intensely surveilled. Once school education constituted one of the most important pillars of the project of construction of a Brazilian nationality, everything that could be able to break this ideal should be refrained. The following work describes the process of intervention for the nationalization as well as the accusation of fascism dissemination suffered by the teachers, the employees and the principals of the Instituto Médio Ítalo- Brasileiro Dante Alighieri, institution located in the surroundings of Paulista Avenue, in the city of Sao Paulo. Such things happened after the statement of support made by the Brazilian Government to the Allies throughout the Second World War. The discussion held in the present work is based on the first phases of the history of the institution which precede the intervention period the ceremonies and the symbols cultivated by the scholar community, the accusations and the defense tactics present in the police reports, and finally the actions related to the books that composed the library. Throughout the chapters, the ways of identification of the educational project are addressed, highlighting the moment the two national proposals started to oppose one another: on the one hand the Italy of Mussolini and the fascist propaganda, and on the other, Vargas policies, in an attempt to build the Brazilian nationality.
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Pedroso, Gustavo Jose de Toledo. "A realidade como ideologia: sobre o problema da ideologia na obra de Theodor W. Adorno." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-05122007-144402/.
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A tese propõe-se explicar as peculiaridades do conceito de ideologia na obra de Adorno, entendo-o como conceito central na filosofia adorniana. Para tanto, procura-se em primeiro lugar apresentar uma reinterpretação da articulação entre mito e Aufklärung tal como exposta no livro Dialektik der Aufklärung, a fim de se caracterizar o quadro histórico geral em que se coloca o problema para Adorno. A partir disto, são então analisados os fenômenos principais da reversão da Aufklärung em mito: o antisemitismo e a indústria cultural. Quanto ao primeiro, discutem-se os textos de Adorno produzidos no âmbito do Projeto de Pesquisa sobre o Anti-Semitismo e os Elementos do Anti-Semitismo buscando-se obter as bases psicológicas e sócio-econômicas do fenômeno e, através disto, o diagnóstico adorniano da contemporaneidade. Os resultados deste trabalho são então utilizados na análise da indústria cultural como forma por excelência da ideologia no capitalismo tardio.<br>The thesis proposal is to explain the peculiarities of the concept of ideology in Adorno s works, understanding it as a central concept in the Adornian philosophy. To do so, first it is presented a reinterpretation of the articulation between myth and Aufklärung as it is explained in the book Dialektik der Aufklärung, in order to define the general historical frame in which the issue presents itself to Adorno. After this, anti-semitism and culture industry, the main expressions of the reversion of Aufklärung to mythology, are then analyzed. Regarding the former, the texts written by Adorno within the Research Project on Anti-Semitism and the Elements of Anti-Semitism are discussed, in order to search for the psychological and socio-economic basis of both Fascism and anti-semitism and, through this, present the Adornian diagnosis of the contemporaneity. The results of this work are then used in the analysis of the culture industry as the main form of ideology in the late capitalism.
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Caetano, Rosendo da Rosa. "O nazi-fascismo nas páginas do Diário Popular: Pelotas, 1923-1939." Universidade Federal de Pelotas, 2014. http://repositorio.ufpel.edu.br:8080/handle/prefix/3390.
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Previous issue date: 2014-04-30<br>Sem bolsa<br>A presente dissertação se propõe analisar como o Diário Popular, de Pelotas, entre 1923 e 1939, comportou-se em relação às ideologias fascistas, especialmente em relação ao nazismo alemão. Apoiada em pesquisa documental e na historiografia sobre o tema, buscou-se traçar a trajetória do periódico durante o recorte cronológico estabelecido em relação a seus posicionamentos ideológicos. O Diário Popular foi fundado no último quartel do século XIX, ligado ao Partido Republicano Rio-Grandense (PRR), e constituiu-se representante das classes conservadoras da cidade, sendo órgão oficial da municipalidade até os anos 1930. Após a Revolução de 1930, passou por um longo período de reformulação, desvinculando-se do PRR e opondo-se ao governo varguista. Por fim, após a implantação do Estado Novo, buscou conciliar-se com o regime e aliou-se a concepção estado-novista. O jornal tomou contato com o ideário fascista nos anos 1920, noticiando-o através de sua seção internacional. Posteriormente, a medida que o noticiário deu ênfase a vitória eleitoral de Adolf Hitler e a Coordenação da Alemanha, o nazismo tornou-se tema de capa. Inicialmente o jornal manteve relações cordiais com os representantes fascistas na cidade, especialmente com o Partido Nacional Fascista italiano e, posteriormente, também com a Seção do Partido Nazista. Contudo, após a implantação do Estado Novo, firmou o distanciamento iniciado já em meados de 1936.<br>The present dissertation aims to analyze how the newspaper Diário Popular, from Pelotas, between 1923 and 1939, behaved in relation to fascist ideologies, especially towards German Nazism. Supported by documentary research and historiography about the subject, it attempted to trace the trajectory of the journal over the chronological clipping established in relation to its ideological positions. The Diário Popular was founded in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, connected to the Partido Republicano Rio-Grandense (PRR), and it became representative of the conservative classes of the city, being the official organism of the municipality until the 1930s. After the Revolution of 1930, it went through a long period of reformulation, becoming detached from the PRR and opposing to Vargas government. At last, after the implementation of the Estado Novo, it sought to conciliate with the regime and allied with the Estado Novo conception. The newspaper made contact with the fascist ideology in the 1920s, reporting it through its international section. Later, as the news emphasized the electoral victory of Adolf Hitler and the Germany Coordination, the Nazism became cover topic. At first, the newspaper maintained cordial relations to the fascist representatives in the city, especially with the Italian National Fascist Party and, later, also with the Section of the Nazi Party. However, after the implementation of the Estado Novo, it established the detachment already started in mid-1936.
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Ronayne, Anne. "Close encounters : surrealism, women and anti-fascism." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.414911.
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Gottlieb, Julie V. "Women and fascism in inter-war Britain." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272407.
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Susser, Leslie. "Fascist and anti-fascist attitudes in Britain between the wars." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.480715.
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Bernardo, João 1946. "Labirintos do fascismo." [s.n.], 1998. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/252375.
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Previous issue date: 1998<br>Doutorado<br>Doutor em Educação
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Simao, Saldanha Ana-Maria. "O antagonismo entre o herói individual e o protagonista colectivo : o imaginário português através da sua História e da literatura após a Revolução de abril." Thesis, Grenoble, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011GRENL035.
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Avec cette thèse nous prétendons, à travers quelques textes de la culture historique portugaise et du roman portugais, montrer la présence de la confrontation entre les deux régimes de l'imaginaire (diurne et nocturne) décrits par Gilbert Durand dans son œuvre Les structures anthropologiques de l'imaginaire. Nous avons alors vérifié qu'à chacun de ces deux régimes correspond un imaginaire précis. Ainsi, chacun des deux imaginaires que nous avons identifiés regroupe des schémas, des archétypes et des symboles de l'un des deux régimes durandiens. Nous avons nommé l'imaginaire qui regroupe des schémas, des archétypes et des symboles du régime diurne « imaginaire du héros individuel » tandis que l'imaginaire qui regroupe des schémas, des archétypes et des symboles du régime nocturne a été qualifié d' « imaginaire du protagoniste collectif ».L'imaginaire du héros individuel est un imaginaire dans lequel le peuple, les masses, se soumettent à l'autorité d'un chef (d'un guide) héroïsé, acceptant la destinée comme une fatalité de l'aventure humaine. A l'inverse, nous considérons que l'imaginaire du protagoniste collectif est un imaginaire qui inverse les schémas et archétypes typiques du régime diurne, en valorisant la féminité et les profondeurs intimes de l'homme dans une attitude dialectique où les masses, se rebellant contre leurs oppresseurs, s'assument comme le sujet historique par excellence. Un nouveau sujet-héros est ainsi née, non plus individuel, mais collectif.Nous considérons ainsi que dans l'Histoire comme dans la Littérature nous trouvons le conflit majeur entre deux imaginaires qui s'opposent. En 1383-1385 et lors des deux Révolutions du XXe siècle (instauration de la République, en 1910, et Révolution des Œillets, en 1974), le héros individuel est supplanté par le protagoniste collectif. Le Roi solaire de Durand n'est plus le dirigeant de la nation puisque le peuple s'assume comme le protagoniste de l'Histoire. L'imaginaire dominé par le mythe sébastianiste et impérialiste, défendu au XVIIe siècle par António Vieira, n'est plus l'imaginaire prédominant, étant donné que l'imaginaire du protagoniste collectif va finalement s'affirmer collectivement<br>The aim of this thesis is, through some texts of Portuguese historical culture and from Portuguese novel, to confront the two regimes of the imaginarium (diurnal and nocturnal) described by Gilbert Durant in his work Les structures anthropologiques de l'imaginaire. So, we have verified,, that to each one of the two regimes corresponds oneprecise imaginarium, that is to say, each one of the two imaginaria that we identified assembles schemes, archetypes and symbols of one of the two durandian regimes. We called the imaginarium that assembles schemes, archetypes and symbols of the diurnal regime Imaginaryium of Individual Hero, while the imaginarium that assembles schemes, archetypes and symbols of the nocturnal regime was called Imaginarium of the Collective Protagonist.In the imaginarium of the individual hero the People, the masses, are subjugated to the authority of a leader (guide) looked up as a hero, therefore accepting the destiny as a fatality of the human adventure. We considered, on the contrary, that the imaginarium of the collective protagonist reverses the diurnal regime schemes and typical archetypes, valorizing feminity and the intimate depths of Mankind in a dialectical attitude in which the masses, rebelling against their oppressors, assume themselves as the historical subject. A new hero-subject is (re)born, not individually anymore, but collectively.The novels studied by José Cardoso Pires (Balada da Praia dos Cães and AlexandraAlpha), by José Saramago (Levantado do Chão), by Mário Ventura (Vida e Morte dosSantiago) and by Lídia Jorge (O Dia dos Prodígios) allowed us to confirm the mythological deconstruction of the Portuguese dictatorial period (1926-1974) by these authors. This way we are literally revealed the reality of the oppression and the violence as well as the imaginarium (virile, imperial and heroic) that underlines that reality.The colonial empire - parallel to a situation of unlimited exploitation in the colonies and in Portugal - is attacked in its archetypism, blooming the April Revolution as an imagistic counterpoint to a regime based on the exploitation, fear, violence, oppression, and imposing of submission. The characters depicted in the five novels studied go through the dictatorial years (only the characters of Balada da Praia dos Cães are not acquainted with the Carnation Revolution) to, finally, get in touch with a New World that is born with the 25th of April of 1974.We considered that, both in Literature and in History, we can find the conflict -major between two opposing imaginaria. In 1383-1385 at the time of the two XX century-Revolutions (Instauration of the Republic in 1910, and the April Revolution in 1974), the individual hero is overshadowed by the collective hero. The durandian Solar King is no longer the ruler of a nation, as the people assume themselves as the protagonist of the History. This way the imaginarium controlled by the sebastianist and imperial myth, defended in the XVII century by the priest António Vieira, ceases to be predominant and the collective struggle carried on by the People as the major-protagonist of the History affirms itself imagistically
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Kharazmi, Sam. "Svarta skjortor och svarta kjolar : En undersökning om fascistiska suffragetter och British Union of Fascists kvinnosyn." Thesis, Jönköping University, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-51772.
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Denna uppsats ämnar finna de faktorer som drev före detta suffragetter till att ansluta sig till den fascistiska organisationen British Union of Fascists (BUF), samt redogöra för organisationens syn på kvinnors och kvinnors roll i samhället. BUF grundades 1932 och var den största och mest framstående fascistiska gruppen i Storbritannien under mellankrigstiden. I samband med att organisationen nådde sin höjd i mitten av 1930-talet blev den ökänd för sina våldsamma möten och konfrontationer med politiska motståndare. De våldsamma metoderna som fascisterna använde skulle alienera dem från den breda brittiska politiken. När BUF proklamerade sitt stöd för Adolf Hitlers Nazityskland kom organisationen att fördömas av både den brittiska allmänheten och de etablerade partierna. British Union of Fascists skulle motsätta sig andra världskriget och uppmanade regeringen att förbjuda organisationen och arresterade många högtuppsatta medlemmar 1940. Fascismen var känd för att ha en patriarkal, traditionalistisk och reaktionär syn på kön och kvinnor. Men trots detta lyckades organisationen attrahera tidigare suffragetter. Så hur kunde de som tidigare kämpat för jämställdhet gå med i en rörelse som motsatte sig jämställdhet? Vilken syn hade BUF på kvinnan och kvinnorollen? För att svara på detta har jag studerat och analyserat ideologisk text skrivna av organisationens grundare och ledare Oswald Mosley samt andra fascistiska medlemmar. Jag har också använt mig av tillgänglig forskning från etablerade professorer och historiker för att nå en slutsats. Resultatet visar att British Union of Fascists hade en mycket traditionalistisk och reaktionär syn på kvinnan och kvinnorollen. Svaghet betraktades och beskrivs som feminint och manlighet betraktades och beskrivs som styrka. BUF ansåg att kvinnan rent naturligt föredrog hemmet framför arbete och att moderskapet var kvinnans högsta kallelse i livet. Fascisterna betraktade kvinnors framgångar i kampen för jämställdhet som samhällets degeneration och förfall. Resultaten visar även att det fanns många faktorer som drev de tidigare suffragetterna till British Union of Fascists. Vilka faktorer som var avgörande beror på suffragetten i fråga. I min forskning har jag hittat tre exempel på tidigare suffragetter som gick med i BUF. Dessa var Norah Dacre Fox, Mary Sophia Allen och Mary Richardson. De faktorer som fick Norah Dacre Fox att ansluta sig till BUF var primärt möjligheten för sig och sin partner att få politiska karriärer. Fox hävdade att BUF var suffragettrörelsens arvtagare men jag har inte hittat några bevis för att detta var en primär faktor som fick henne att gå med i organisationen. De faktorer som fick Mary Sophia Allen att gå med i BUF var sannolikt krigsutbrottet 1939. Allen var sedan tidigare en beundrare av Adolf Hitler vilket troligtvis fick henne att motsätta sig ett krig mot dennes regim. Hon tjänstgjorde även under första världskriget och var troligtvis väl medveten om krigets fasor, något som kan ha bidragit till att hon motsatte sig ett nytt krig. De faktorer som fick Mary Richardson att gå med BUF var att hon ansåg att organisation och fascismen som ideologi var det enda som kunde rädda landet från stagnation. Richardson såg också mycket i BUF som påminde henne om suffragettrörelsen, och som en militant suffragett i sin ungdom kan BUFs militarism och paramilitära aktioner ha varit attraktiva. Det är därför troligt att de faktorer som fick Richardson att gå med i fascisterna var en kombination mellan att tro på dem som en politisk kraft såväl som deras militanta tillvägagångssätt. Richardson lämnade organisationen efter interna bråk och kom att anklaga organisationen för att i själva verket motarbeta kvinnors rättigheter. Strävan efter jämlikhet kan därför mycket väl ha varit en bidragande faktor till att hon anslöt sig till fascisterna, men jag har inte hittat några bevis som uttryckligen pekar på detta.<br>This essay revolves around the fascist organization British Union of Fascists (BUF) and their view on women and women’s role in society. It also examines former suffragettes who joined the organization, with the goal of establishing which factors contributed to them seeking membership in the organization. Founded in 1932, the BUF was the largest and most prominent fascist group in the United Kingdom during the interwar period. Reaching its peak in the mid-1930s, the organization would become infamous for violent rallies and clashes with political opponents. The violent methods of the fascists would alienate them from mainstream British politics. And the organization would be condemned by both the British political establishment and British public after pleading their allegiance to Adolf Hitlers Nazi Germany. The British Union of Fascists would oppose the second world war, prompting the government to ban the organization and arresting numerous high-ranking members in 1940. Fascism was known for having a patriarchal, traditionalist and reactionary view on gender and women. But despite this fact, the organization managed to attract former suffragettes. So how come that those who fought for equality between the sexes would join a movement that opposed the same? How did British Union of Fascists view women and the female role? To answer this, I have studied, and analysed ideological text written by the organizations founder and leader Oswald Mosley, alongside other fascist members. I have also used available research by established professors and historians to reach a valid conclusion. The result shows that the British Union of Fascists had a highly traditional and reactionary view on women. Weakness was viewed and described as feminine, while masculinity was viewed and described as strength. The group regarded the home as women’s natural habitat, and childbirth as their highest calling in life. The fascists viewed women’s recent achievements in the struggle for equality as the degeneration and downfall of society. The results also shows that there were numerous factors that drove the former suffragettes, each depending on the suffragette in question. In my research I have found three examples of former suffragettes who joined the BUF. These were Norah Dacre Fox, Mary Sophia Allen and Mary Richardson. The factors that made Norah Dacre Fox join the BUF was primarily the possibility of herself and her partner to gain political careers through the organization. Fox did argue that she viewed the BUF as successors to the suffragette movement, but I have not found any evidence that proves that this was a primary factor for her joining the BUF. The factors that made Mary Sophia Allen join the BUF were most likely the outbreak of the second world war. She was an admirer of Adolf Hitler which probably made her oppose a war against his regime. She also served during the first world war, something that might have contributed to her opposing a new war due the horrors of warfare. Mary Richardson joined the BUF because she believed that the organization and the ideology of fascism were needed to save to country from its downfall. Richardson also saw a lot in the BUF that remined her of the suffragette movement, and as a militant suffragette in her youth the BUFs militarism and paramilitary actions might have been attractive. It is therefore likely that the factors that made Richardson join the fascists were a combination between agreeing with their views on the degeneration of British society as well as their militant actions. Richardson did leave the organization after a falling-out with its leader, and she would accuse the group of working against women’s rights. The pursuit of equality might very well have been a contributing factor for joining, but I have not found any evidence that explicitly points to this.
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Kothé, Marc U. "Brown fascism and red fascism : analogies, schemas, and the transfer of the Nazi image onto the Soviet Union, 1940-1946." The Ohio State University, 1997. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1269526984.
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Héry-Montanes, Emilia. "Fascisme imaginaire : imaginaire du Fascisme dans l'art italien contemporain (1945-2015)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA01H027.
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Pendant soixante-dix ans, de 1945 à 2015, les artistes italiens ont, à travers leurs œuvres, mené un travail de mémoire. Entre une génération née avant le Fascisme, une alors qu'il est à l'apogée de sa puissance impérialiste, une autre après la guerre et enfin une génération de jeunes artistes nés trente ans après la fin du conflit, les mémoires singulières et collectives se bousculent. L'objectif de cette recherche est de reconstruire l'histoire de ces témoignages sur un passé vécu ou pas, et de donner les outils pour comprendre les conditions de leur genèse. Parler de la mémoire à travers des œuvres d'art est une expression intime, singulière, mais également un acte éminemment politique. Les manipulations de la mémoire du Fascisme influencent-elles tout au long de la période la création sur le sujet ? Quelles postures les artistes adoptent-ils face aux problématiques soulevées par une redéfinition du danger fasciste alors que la dictature est officiellement terminée ? Quelles formes plastiques sont données à ces remémorations et réactualisations ?<br>Over a period spanning 70 years, 1945 through 2015, ltalian artists carried out a "memory" endeavour for those generations that were bom before the fascist era, during the period of its highest imperialistic aims, during the aftermath of the war, and even for the generation of those artists bom 30 years after the end of the war. As a result, a multitude of individual and collective memories had emerged. This work aims to reconstruct and track the history of these memories (whether or not actually experienced by the artist), and to provide the tools to understand the genesis ofthese memories. Analysing "memory" through art pieces is an intimate, singular, and political act. To what extent fascist memory manipulations affect artistic creations? How do the artists react and position themselves, once confronted with the problems of re-defining "Fascism", after the dictatorship fell? Which new "plastic forms" emerge from these new adaptations of individual and collective memories?<br>Durante settant'anni, dal 1945 al 2015, gli artisti italiani, attraverso le loro opere, hanno svolto un lavoro di memoria. Fra una generazione nata prima del Fascismo, una nata quando questo è al culmine della sua potenza imperialista, un'altra nata dopo la guerra e infine una generazione di giovani artisti nati trent'anni dopo la fine del conflitto, le memorie individuali e collettive si affollano. L'obiettivo di questa ricerca è di ricostruire la storia di queste testimonianze su un passato, vissuto o no, e di fomire gli strumenti per capire le condizioni della loro genesi. Parlare della memoria attraverso le opere d'arte è un'espressione intima, singolare, ma allo stesso tempo un atto eminentemente politico. Nel periodo preso in esame, le manipolazioni della memoria del Fascismo influenzano la creazione su questo tema? Quai è la posizione degli artisti di fronte alle problematiche nate da una ridefinizione del pericolo fascista, sebbene la dittatura sia ufficialmente caduta? Quali forme plastiche son date a queste rimemorazioni e riattualizzazioni?
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Bastarache, Martin J. "Nishida Kitaro and the Question of Japanese Fascism." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20203.
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There has been considerable debate within the field of Japanese intellectual history with respect to the influence of Nishida Kitarō (1870-1945) on the ideological foundations and philosophical justification of Japanese fascism. One of the most influential Japanese thinkers of the twentieth century and widely considered to be the father of modern Japanese philosophy, his contemporary relevance is considered to be at risk should these accusations be true. As such, contemporary scholars have attempted to show how Nishida’s philosophy was decidedly anti-fascist, and that he was in fact opposed to the actions of the wartime regime. However, as this thesis will argue, by considering Nishida’s philosophy within the larger historical context of global modernity one can see that his contemporary relevance lies in just that which allows one to consider his thought as fascist, his critique of modernity. Nishida was reacting to the transforming social and cultural landscapes that had followed the modernization of Japan initiated by the Meiji Restoration (1868). As a result, he attempted to posit a transhistorical ideal of Japanese culture, embodied concretely in the Emperor that could withstand the social abstractions of modernity. However, it was ultimately his failure to grasp his own conditions of possibility in the very modernity that he was critiquing that pushed his thought increasingly to the right, helping to fuel and legitimize the emerging fascist ideology.
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Longo, S. "Culture, tourism and fascism in Venice 1919-1945." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2005. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1416334/.
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The thesis engages with recent debates surrounding the relationship between culture, ideology and politics in Venice under Italian Fascism. It aims to establish if the Fascist project for the 'nationalization of the masses' through culture was successfully promoted in Venice, or whether local economic interests were afforded a higher priority by the town authorities. It argues that local elites were not primarily concerned with the endorsement of Fascist ideology through cultural politics but considered exhibitions, plays, concerts and festivals to be the route to boosting economic growth through the development of the tourist industry. The thesis examines the ways in which the Venetian municipality was able to work with the Fascist regime, co-operating with national political directives provided these did not contradict the primary objective of restructuring and reviving the Venetian economy. Cultural policies in Venice were thus less a vehicle for Fascist ideology than a pragmatic means of injecting new life into the flagging post-war economy through the development of new forms of 'cultural tourism'. Festivals, exhibitions and traditional events were placed at the service not of the Fascist programme of mass cultural mobilisation, but of local business and political elites whose interests ultimately depended upon the revitalization of commercial tourism and the economic and social rejuvenation of the Veneto region. The familiar image of a 'totalitarian' state penetrating deep into all aspects of society is in need of serious qualification and a more realistic interpretation of Fascism in Venice must take account of the complex and sometimes ambiguous relationship between the national interest, as constructed by ideologically-driven Fascist organs and agencies, and the requirements of institutions and elites at the local level.
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Arvidsson, Adam. "Marketing modernity : Italian advertising from fascism to postmodernity /." London : Routledge, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb401228431.
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Bevington, Oliver David. "David Jones's contemporary response to fascism, 1938-1941." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/3f2ed792-ac3b-40e6-9ef4-408ada6cc6f8.
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Faramelli, Anthony. "Revolution, fascism and resistance : from Fanon to Zapatismo." Thesis, Kingston University, 2014. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/32216/.
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This thesis explores the relationship between revolution and fascism. While subjectivities produced by revolution are assumed to be inherently antifascist, through a sustained analysis of contemporary theories of revolution and the theory and praxis of Frantz Fanon, this thesis will argue that revolution's bio- politics, Prometheanism and accelerated temporality inevitably cause revolutionary projects to reproduce the very fascistic structures they intended to dismantle. This thesis will conclude with an analysis of zapatismo, the theoretical praxis of the zapatistas in Chiapas, Mexico. Arguing against reading zapatismo as a classic Marxist revolutionary system or Orientalizing it within anthropological terms, this thesis will demonstrate how zapatismo functions as what Felix Guattari terms a “metamodel”, and opens up a system of revolutionary change that is achieved through a practice of constant resistance. As it is used in this thesis, fascism is explicitly not limited to statist manifestations of totalitarian regimes, what will be termed “macro” fascisms. Rather fascism represents any form of domination of one group over another. This is explicitly not limited to totalitarian states, but also located within smaller social groups and individuals, what Deleuze and Guattari termed “microfascisms”. The term fascism is intended to have an affective response and through its use this thesis intends to illicit a critical reading that would make an internal diagnostic mechanism, a mechanism for movements to analyse the ways in which power operates within the movement, integral to all revolutionary projects.
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Blohmé, Erik. "Nordic Fascism : Investigating the Political Project Behind Bollhusmötet." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444542.
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This thesis investigates the political project behind the infamous tennis hall meeting, commonly referred to as Bollhusmötet, that took place in February of 1939 in Uppsala, Sweden. Gathering in the local tennis hall, the members of the Uppsala Student Union decided to send a resolution to the Swedish king protesting the reception of Jewish refugees into Sweden in the wake of the 1938 November Pogrom. The protest was widely influential, spurring similar resolutions at other universities and arguably influencing Swedish refugee policy on a national level. The event itself was orchestrated by a group of nationalist students as part of a political project aiming to establish a Nordic power bloc with Sweden as the central power. This political milieu rejected the geopolitics of both England and Germany to promote a specific form of Nordic fascism. Antisemitism was a central part of their ideology, both regarding short- and long-term goals, and antisemitism was also the ultimate motive behind the tennis hall meeting. The architects of these events joined the mainstream conservative milieu in 1940 as part of a strategy to abolish the Swedish political system from within and restructure the Swedish state according to a fascist model bearing many similarities to national socialism.
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Jordan, Jason L. "On the Merits of Fascism: A Manifesto Novel." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1458597083.
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