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1
Zien, Katherine. "Sounding sovereignty: performance and politics in the 1999 Panama Canal handover." Identities 21, no. 4 (2013): 412–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1070289x.2013.828625.
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Tieben, Hendrik. "Urban Image Construction in Macau in the First Decade after the “Handover”, 1999–2008." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 38, no. 1 (2009): 49–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810260903800104.
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This paper describes the transformation of Macau's urban image in the first decade after the “handover” of the Portuguese enclave to the People's Republic of China (PRC). In the pre-handover years and the first years of the newly established Macau Special Administrative Region (MSAR), urban interventions created an image thought to assure the continuity of Macau's Eurasian identity along with future financial stability. In 2002, with the governmental decision not to renew the local gambling monopoly, Macau's urban image was radically transformed. The liberalization of the gambling industry after Macau's return to the PRC was combined with the deregulation of building heights, developer-friendly land sales, a growing number of migrant workers, and the liberalization of travel restrictions for mainland visitors. These deregulations were based on decisions by the MSAR and the PRC governments, respectively, and led to the exponential growth of Macau's GDP within only six years. This paper describes how, through these decisions, Macau's urban image and space have been transformed.
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Taylor, Bruce. "Macau in Transition: From Colony to Autonomous Region. By Herbert S. Yee. [Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001. xxiii+208 pp. ISBN 0-333-75009-8.]." China Quarterly 173 (March 2003): 214–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443903340124.
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The date chosen for Macau's handover to Chinese administration, 20 December 1999, was so close to the onset of Y2K hoopla that it virtually guaranteed Macau would vanish from the world's consciousness once the ceremonies were over. Thankfully, in this volume Herbert Yee pierces this obscurity with a carefully researched, insightful study of the social and political dimensions of Macau's transition from “Chinese territory under Portuguese administration” (the status defined for it after the 1974 Portuguese revolution) to Chinese Special Administrative Region.
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Semenova, О. О., А. О. Semenov, and О. О. Voitsekhovska. "USING A NEURAL NETWORK FOR THE VERTICAL HANDOVER PROCEDURE." Information technology and computer engineering 49, no. 3 (2020): 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31649/1999-9941-2020-49-3-14-21.
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Baum, Richard. "Enter the dragon: China's courtship of Hong Kong, 1982–1999." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 32, no. 4 (1999): 417–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(99)00019-7.
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From 1982, when the Chinese government first signalled its intention to take back Hong Kong, to the actual transfer of sovereignty in 1997, the PRC engaged in a long-term campaign to “win friends and influence people” in the British colony. Hoping to prevent a large-scale flight of capital and manpower, and wishing to cultivate a core group of sympathetic local notables as future political leaders, Beijing issued frequent pledges of non-interference in Hong Kong's affairs and adopted classic “united front” tactics — flattering, cajoling, and otherwise wooing potential supporters while snubbing (and sometimes smearing) outspoken critics. Despite intensely negative local reaction to the 1989 “Tiananmen Massacre”, over the long haul Beijing largely succeeded in disarming public fears of a heavyhanded Chinese takeover. Consequently, the handover itself was an extremely calm, tranquil affair. And in the first 2 years of Hong Kong's new status as a “Special Administrative Region” of China, the PRC earned generally high marks for honoring its pledge to uphold the principle of “one country, two systems”.
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Simpson, St J. "Christians at Nineveh in Late Antiquity." Iraq 67, no. 1 (2005): 285–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002108890000139x.
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The mound of Kuyunjik contains the longest known archaeological sequence of occupation in Mesopotamia, spanning all periods from the sixth millennium BC until at least the thirteenth century AD. The prehistoric periods have been comprehensively studied by Gut (1995, 2002) and the general sequence of excavation, occupation and principal architectural finds reviewed by Reade (2000), yet despite a few exceptions (Curtis 1976, 1995; Reade 1998, 1999, 2001; Simpson 1996), the pottery and other finds from the Seleucid period onwards have thus far attracted surprisingly little study. For these periods though, the material culture is characterised by a strong mixture of Classical and Oriental traditions; thus, first-century AD graves contained gold face-coverings and the remains of diadems, both hinting at the eastern extension of practices more commonly found in the eastern Roman provinces, but Western lamps, glassware, ceramics and even a Roman military badge also occur at the site. Some of these betray direct political and military control, whereas others reflect a mixture of imports and local imitations; an appreciation of this rich cultural mix is important for the clearer understanding of Nineveh in Late Antiquity.Nineveh almost certainly held a Roman garrison at the extreme eastern limit of its empire but following the humiliation of the apostate Julian's Mesopotamian campaign of 363, it must have been ceded as part of the handover of five trans-Tigridian Roman provinces containing Nisibis, Singara, Castra Maurorum and fifteen unnamed forts to Shapur II (309–379). Thereafter the material culture from Nineveh finally acquires an Iranian character and, until its capture in 637/38 or 641/42 by an Arab army generally believed to have been commanded by ‘Utba bin Farqad, it flourished as a Sasanian town, bridgehead and fortress on the east bank of the Tigris (cf. Robinson 2000, 36–7). The datable finds of this period include four hoards of silver and bronze coins (Simpson 1996, 95–6); several personal seals, bullae and elaborate cutlery of Sasanian type (Simpson 1996, 97–8; 2003, 362–3, Fig. 3); a range of plain, mould-blown and cut glass (Simpson 2005); and four helmets, the latter hinting at the military component of the settlement referred to in the Arab sources (Simpson forthcoming, b).
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Lam, Wai-man. "Promoting Hybridity: The Politics of the New Macau Identity." China Quarterly 203 (September 2010): 656–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741010000640.
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AbstractThis article traces the unique process of reconstructing the identity of the Macau Special Administrative Region and its people after the political resumption to China in 1999, and the political and economic significance of the reconstruction. As in other postcolonial contexts, identity is an arena of political contest where various discourses that embody re-appropriation of political traditions and legacies criss-cross. In Macau, the post-handover identity comprises the local, the national and the international components, with Macau characterized as a historical, colonial/cultural hybrid and economic object. In fact, the Macau identity after 1999 represents a re-appropriation of the image of colonial Macau propagated by the Portuguese administration since the 1980s. Also, identity making has been a process of incorporating instead of repressing or eliminating the identities of “the other,” and building a stand-alone national identity is not the prime task in the reconstruction of an identity. Rather, multiple identity components are deliberately incorporated and promoted. The success of the process has fabricated Macau's relatively smooth reintegration with China and enhanced the legitimacy of its new government.
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Chung, Thomas. "Valuing Heritage in Macau: On Contexts and Processes of Urban Conservation." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 38, no. 1 (2009): 129–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810260903800107.
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This paper examines the evolving values of urban heritage in Macau in terms of the various conservation approaches and mechanisms employed, and the shifting emphases on heritage and development within the context of continuity and change in Macau. Accumulated over four centuries of cultural interchange, the richly layered Historic Centre of the former Portuguese-administered outpost attained World Heritage status in 2005. After situating the problem pertaining to the multifaceted nature of heritage valorisation, the city's trajectory of urban conservation leading up to the 1999 retrocession will be traced, and germane issues concerning heritage management vis-à-vis effects of post-handover urban developments assessed. As the latest culmination of value imbalances and conflicts arising from urban change, the Guia Lighthouse controversy will be critically appraised to speculate on a timely re-evaluation of Macau's heritage conservation process.
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Pan, Hanting, and Meifang Zhang. "Translating for a healthier gaming industry." Culture and Society 5, no. 2 (2016): 163–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ts.5.2.01pan.
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This article conducts a corpus-based critical discourse analysis of keywords and their translations in Macao’s gaming discourse, with an aim to explore the impact of translation on the construction of gaming discourse and the development of the gaming industry in Macao from 1999 to 2011, the first decade following the region’s sovereignty handover. The corpus consists of texts from 2000 to 2011 concerning three public sectors in Macao: local government, academia and the media. The study finds diachronic as well as synchronic changes in the distribution and translation of certain keywords in the corpus. It argues that shifts in the keyword terminology being used, such as from ‘gambling’ to ‘gaming,’ aim at framing the Macao gaming industry in specific social developmental ways. It also argues that translation plays a crucial role in the construction of a new gaming discourse.
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Simas, Monica. "Macau: A Plural Literature?" Asian Diasporic Visual Cultures and the Americas 2, no. 1-2 (2016): 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23523085-00202011.
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The return of Macau to the People’s Republic of China was nearly fifteen years ago but only recently have researchers been interested in studying the impact of the handover. This article reflects on the literature of Macao, focusing on texts exploring the displacement of poets from Portugal, Australia, and China to Macau. Poetry has been a crucial form of production that has showcased the social changes of this multicultural place. Although it is difficult to characterize a specific Macao way of life, during the transition period between 1987 and 1999, many poets sought to show the conflicts that occurred in the development of this special administrative region. This article attempts to analyze and characterize literary representations of recent Macao poetry published in Chinese, English, and Portuguese languages in order to define differences as well as a common sensibility.
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Simpson, Tim. "Macao, Capital of the 21st Century?" Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 26, no. 6 (2008): 1053–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d9607.
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After nearly 450 years of colonial administration, Portugal returned the territory of Macao to the People's Republic of China in 1999. Following the handover, Macao's postcolonial government dismantled the forty-year-old local gambling monopoly and opened Macao to investment by gaming companies from North America, Australia, and Hong Kong. These companies are collectively spending $25 billion to tap the increasingly affluent and mobile market of tourists just across the border in mainland China. This investment has prompted remarkable economic development in the tiny city as well as a phantasmagoric transformation of the cityscape and a concomitant transmutation of Macao's social landscape. Understanding contemporary Macao requires attending to how the legacies of Portuguese colonialism and fascism and Chinese communism and market socialism merge in the spaces of the city today. Drawing inspiration from Walter Benjamin's dialectical analysis of the obsolete commodities of mass culture, this paper meditates through text and photographs on four copresent moments of Macao—socialist fossil, colonial ruin, capitalist dream, and Utopian wish. A form of physiognomic urban ‘dream analysis’ rescues these multiple contradictory meanings of Macau and investigates the city's crucial role in both China's economic reforms and its Utopian desires.
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Adhikari, Saroj, and Man Kumar Dhamala. "Community forestry and livelihood linkages: A case of Kamalamai community forest, Dolakha, Nepal." Nepal Journal of Environmental Science 4 (December 5, 2016): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/njes.v4i0.22722.
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As a result of institutional failure of the nationalization of forest in 1957 A.D., a newer concept of participatory forest management was introduced in Nepal and local people got their space created in forest management during 1970s with a view to mitigating forest cover loss. Under this scheme Kamalmai Community Forest (129.59 hectares) located in Laduk VDC of Dolakha District was handed over to the community in 2000 A.D. The present study was conducted during February, 2014 to assess the status of forest management strategies and impact on livelihood of forest dependent people. Management aspect of the forest was assessed based on field observation, Key Informant Interview and Focus Group Discussion, whereas judgmental scoring method was used to assess the impact on livelihood; the questionnaire for which was prepared on the basis of Sustainable Livelihood Framework Guidance Sheet developed by Department for International Development (DFID), 1999. All the forest management practices including control of composition and structure of growing stock, and harvesting and distribution of forest products were strictly implemented. The total average scores for human, physical, social, financial and natural capitals, which were used to assess the livelihood, were found to be 2.5862, 1.4310, 2.5689, 0.2068 and 2.6896 respectively. The result illustrated that the forest under study had contributed to enhance the condition of human, social and natural capitals. The contribution was noticeable in terms of physical capital, but financial capital was not found satisfactory. Since the handover, there has been a notable change in greenery and landscape as well as on livelihood of forest dependent people.
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Kelen, Christopher (Kit). "Going Begging: Casino Culture and its Contrasts as Revealed in the New Macao Poetry." Culture Unbound 1, no. 2 (2009): 273–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.09118273.
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Among the key themes of contemporary Macao poetry, chance and luck loom large, along with their figuration in Macao life through sites such as casinos and temples, through personae such as those of the gambler, the beggar, the prostitute. Macao as dot-on-the-map is likewise conceived as a site for all kinds of portal semiotics, as paradigm for cultural crossing and cultural shift. Macao may be regarded as a work enduring (in Brechtian terms) because it is unfinished. While this is a formula that could be notionally applied to any city, this view seems particularly apt given both the extraordinary pace of change in post-handover Macao (i.e. since 1999), and the present bubble-bursting effect of the 2008 “financial tsunami”.
 Relating Augé’s conception of “non-places” to Eco’s notion of open (as opposed to closed) text, this paper observes that consciousness of place in contemporary Macao poetry appears to be dominated by two kinds of space, glossed here as “Macao space” and “anywhere space”. Macao space is uniquely of an historical moment and place, something culturally positioned; in anywhere space (e.g. inside of a casino or an airport) subjects are hailed by consumption-oriented reifications of putative universal value. The contemporary Macao poetry typically values Macao space and sees it as under threat from the “non-negotiable” space of culture that could be anywhere.
 Interested in the paradoxes, ironies and hypocrisies inherent in the present-day culture, politics and international position of Macao, the new Macao poetry reveals a place-based poetics deeply concerned with Macao identity, its evolution and potentials.
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CHUI, ERNEST, SANDRA TSANG, and JOSHUA MOK. "After the Handover in 1997." Asia Pacific Journal of Social Work and Development 20, no. 1 (2010): 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21650993.2010.9756075.
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Hyland, Ken. "Language Attitudes at the Handover." English World-Wide 18, no. 2 (1997): 191–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.18.2.03hyl.
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Britain's 150 year colonial administration of Hong Kong came to an end in June 1997 when the territory reverted to Chinese sovereignty. Because the fate of languages is closely related to the power of different groups in a society, this constitutional transition raises important issues of language and identity. At present English continues to play an important role in business and administration while Cantonese is the lingua franca of a highly cohesive and independent community. However, the extent to which the colonial language is a component of the Territory's identity, and the prospect of it retaining an influential role, remains to be seen. Reunification is likely to have a considerable impact on language attitudes and use with Putonghua, the official language of mainland China, emerging to challenge English and Cantonese as a high status language in public domains. This paper builds on previous studies by Pierson et al. (1980) and Pennington & Yue (1994) to examine the changing language attitudes brought about by the handover. A questionnaire was administered to 900 Hong Kong undergraduates to discover students' perspectives on language and cultural identity, social, affective and instrumental attitudes and general predictions for language use with a view towards the political transition.
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Ho, Louis. "From ‘no cultural policy’ to ‘centralised market orientation’: The political economy of Hong Kong cultural policy (1997–2015)." Global Media and China 2, no. 1 (2017): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2059436417693007.
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This study examines changes in the cultural policy in Hong Kong amid the transformations of political economy in the 1990s, following the handover in 1997, and under the administration of three Chief Executives (and their teams) up to 2015. When reviewing the literature on cultural policies in Hong Kong, this study examines the interaction the policies have with the political-economic development in Hong Kong (within the scope of this study) and subsequently explores changes in the principles of the policies. In other words, this study attempts to understand the conditions under which cultural policies were formulated in Hong Kong (the conditions of the production of local culture). The analytical framework of this study is based on two observations of the political and social changes occurring in Hong Kong (1997–2015): (1) changes in the government’s governance attitude since the handover in 1997, and (2) a series of economic blows Hong Kong has endured since 1998. Differing from the ‘descriptive literature’ defined by Schuster, this study understands that these changes are a result of the influence of a postcolonial state and neo-liberalism on public policy formulation. It is argued that the Hong Kong cultural policy framework has shifted from checks-and-balances towards centralised market orientation.
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Chong, Eric King-man. "Nationalistic education in the Hong Kong and the Macao SARs of China." Asian Education and Development Studies 7, no. 4 (2018): 395–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-07-2017-0064.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to compare and analyse the role and implementation of nationalistic education in Hong Kong and Macau special administrative regions (SARs) since their respective handover of sovereignty to China in the late 1990s. Both SARs face the educational need to cultivate a Chinese national identification among the students after the sovereignty changes. While Macau SAR has enjoyed a relatively smooth implementation of nationalistic education towards which Macau’s schools and students are largely receptive to nationalistic programmes since its handover in 1999, Hong Kong SAR Government’s nationalistic education was met by reservation from some parents, students and civil society’s groups under allegations of “political indoctrination” and “brain-washing”. The Hong Kong civil society’s resistance to National Education culminated in the anti-Moral and National Education protest in Summer 2012 and then Hong Kong schools and society. This paper attempts to provide an overview and analysis on the development of nationalistic education in both Hong Kong and Macao SARs, and to give some possible explanations on the factors that lead to differences of perceiving and responding to the nationalistic education between both places. Design/methodology/approach After conducting a literature review, this study utilises different sources of data such as curriculum guidelines, previous studies and other scholarly findings in examining the development of civic education and national education policy in both SAR societies, as well as in discussing the possible developments of nationalistic education in both SARs by making references to previous studies of citizenship and nationalistic education. Findings This study found out that different relationships between the two SAR Governments and their respective civil society, the extent of established socio-political linkages with China, as well as the introduction of a core subject of Liberal Studies in Hong Kong secondary schools, which emphasises on multiple perspectives and critical thinking skills, are some plausible factors that explain different stories and developments of implementing nationalistic education in Hong Kong and Macao SARs. Research limitations/implications For giving suggestions for a nationalistic education in both Chinese SARs, first, there should be an exploration of multiple citizenship identities. This will allow people to choose their identities and thus facilitate their belongingness in terms of local, national and global dimensions. In addition, there should be an exploration of a Chinese national identification with different emphases such as knowledge orientation and critical thinking so as to cater for youth values. Promoting the idea of an informed and reasonable-in-thinking patriot could also be a way to ease the concern that building a national identity negates a person’s freedom of thinking. Originality/value This paper attempts to compare and analyse the different responses to the same policy of enhancing nationalistic education development in both Hong Kong and Macao SARs of China. Some plausible explanations were given based on political, social and educational factors, as well as youth value oritentations. This paper would be an attempt to show that a top-down single-minded orientated nationalistic education may not work well a society such as Hong Kong, where civil society and youth values are quite different than that can be found in China.
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Gao, Yihong, Xinchun Su, and Lei Zhou. "Pre-handover language attitudes in Hong Kong, Beijing, and Guangzhou." Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 10, no. 1 (2000): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.10.1.08gao.
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In May 1997, a matched guise test was conducted on 304 college students in Hong Kong, Beijing, and Guangzhou. The stimulus material was presented in 4 guises: Cantonese, English, Putonghua, and Putonghua with Cantonese accent. Major findings: (1) What distinguished Hong Kong subjects’ sociolinguistic identity was not Cantonese, English or Putonghua as found in previous studies, but Putonghua with Cantonese accent. In light of Brewer’s (1991) optimal distinctiveness theory, this would suggest parallel needs of “being Chinese” and “being Hongkongers.” (2) Guangzhou was closer to Beijing rather than to Hong Kong in language attitudes. The cutting boundary appeared between the mainland and Hong Kong, not between Cantonese-speaking and non-Cantonese-speaking communities.
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Fong, Brian C. H. "One Country, Two Nationalisms: Center-Periphery Relations between Mainland China and Hong Kong, 1997–2016." Modern China 43, no. 5 (2017): 523–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700417691470.
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According to the Sino-British Joint Declaration and Basic Law, Hong Kong was to exercise a high degree of autonomy under the framework of “one country, two systems” after the British handover of its sovereignty to China in 1997. In the initial post-handover period, Beijing adopted a policy of nonintervention in Hong Kong, but the outbreak of the July 1, 2003 protest triggered a subsequent change of policy. Since then, Beijing has embarked on state-building nationalism, adopting incorporation strategies so as to subject Hong Kong to greater central control over the political, economic, and ideological arenas. Ironically, instead of successfully assimilating Hongkongese into one Chinese nation, Beijing’s incorporation strategies are leading to a rise of peripheral nationalism in the city-state and waves of counter-mobilization. This article analyzes mainland–Hong Kong relations on the eve of the twentieth anniversary of the handover and offers insights from an emerging case study that builds upon the nationalism literature.
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CHONG, TERENCE TAI-LEUNG, and LILY LOK. "THE IMPACT OF THE 1997 HANDOVER ON THE EFFICIENCY OF THE HONG KONG STOCK MARKET." Singapore Economic Review 52, no. 01 (2007): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0217590807002543.
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On the first of July 1997, the formerly British colony of Hong Kong was returned to China. This paper compares the profitability of various trading rules on the Hang Seng Index both before and after the handover. Our work extends that of Coutts and Cheung (2000), whose study focuses on pre-1997 Hong Kong, in terms of both the data collection period as well as the number of trading rules studied. The authors find that, among the trading rules examined herein, the Trade Range Breakout rule generates the highest returns. We also conclude that, in general, the handover of Hong Kong to China does not affect the efficiency of the Hong Kong stock market.
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Ching, Frank. "Book Reviews : Alan KNIGHT and Yoshiko NAKANO, eds., Reporting Hong Kong: Foreign Media and the Handover. Surrey: Curzon Press, 1999. 223 pp., includes index. ISBN 0-7007-1042-6 (pbk), 0-7007-1041-8 (hc). Price: £14.99 (pbk), £40.00 (hc)." China Information 15, no. 1 (2001): 271–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x0101500133.
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Peng, Mike W., Canan C. Mutlu, Steve Sauerwald, Kevin Y. Au, and Denis Y. L. Wang. "Board interlocks and corporate performance among firms listed abroad." Journal of Management History 21, no. 2 (2015): 257–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmh-08-2014-0132.
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Purpose – This paper aims to explore the interlock-performance relationship among mainland Chinese firms listed in Hong Kong by taking advantage of a relationship-intensive context whereby such a link is likely to be especially important. Although strategic networks such as interlocking directorates have been found to affect a number of strategic behaviors, the link connecting board interlocks and corporate performance has remained ambiguous. Considerable light has been shed on the strategic networks of firms whose shares are listed abroad, which have been under-studied despite their rising importance in the global economy. Design/methodology/approach – Data come from a particularly interesting historical period – the early 1990s prior to Hong Kong’s 1997 handover to China. Both quantitative and qualitative research have been used. Findings – Empirically, it was found that good performance in an earlier period helps draw outside directors in a later period, and that network centrality and certain types of interlocks help improve performance, albeit with varying degrees. Overall, our results answer the question whether strategic networks such as interlocks matter for corporate performance with a qualified “yes”. Originality/value – Taking advantage of a relationship-intensive context, this article explores the interlock-performance relationship among mainland Chinese firms listed in Hong Kong. Focus is specifically on the two years, 1993 and 1995, due to their specific historical importance because these two years represent the beginning of Chinese firms’ listing in Hong Kong.
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Wong, Yi-Lee. "How Middle-Class Parents Help their Children Obtain an Advantaged Qualification: A Study of Strategies of Teachers and Managers for their Children's Education in Hong Kong before the 1997 Handover." Sociological Research Online 12, no. 6 (2008): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.1638.
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It is well-documented for most industrial-capitalist societies that despite educational expansion, class differentials in educational attainment persist. This paper seeks to understand mechanisms maintaining the class differentials by examining how two groups of middle-class parents – teachers and managers – help their children obtain an advantaged qualification. Qualitative data were collected in Hong Kong between 1996 and 1997. Given a changing employment structure, teachers and managers anticipated that their children would need at least a bachelor's degree in order not to become disadvantaged in the future labour market and therefore used economic, cultural, and social resources to enable their children to obtain such a qualification. However, despite their strategies, whether respondents will succeed in achieving that remains uncertain. In addition, the evidence also indicated that their strategies could be counter-productive. This points to a need for researching into possible negative impacts of strategies of middle-class parents on their children's academic performance and emotion. As Hong Kong is then under the Chinese rule after the 1997 handover, this study documenting strategies of middle-class parents for their children's education under the British rule could serve as a reference for future comparisons.
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Chu, Yun-han. "The Challenge of the 1997 Hong Kong Handover for Taiwan." Pacific Affairs 72, no. 4 (1999): 553. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2672397.
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Hung, Ho-fung, and Iam-chong Ip. "Hong Kong's Democratic Movement and the Making of China's Offshore Civil Society." Asian Survey 52, no. 3 (2012): 504–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.3.504.
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Abstract Hong Kong's civil society has remained vibrant since the sovereignty handover in 1997, thanks to an active defense by the democratic movement against Beijing's attempts to control civil liberties. Hong Kong is becoming mainland China's offshore civil society, serving as a free platform for information circulation and organizing among mainland activists and intellectuals.
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Kong, Qingjiang. "Enforcement of Hong Kong Sar Court Judgments in the People's Republic of China." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 49, no. 4 (2000): 867–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300064691.
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On 1 July 1997 Hong Kong entered a new era when it was transformed from a British colony into a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the People's Republic of China (PRC). The impact of the handover of Hong Kong cannot be overstated but, for the time being perhaps, may lie more in the sphere of ideology than in institutions.
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Li, Yulong, and Daibo Xiao. "MANDARIN DISCRIMINATION IN HONG KONG: FOUR MAINLAND CHINESE SOJOURN TEACHERS’ EXPERIENCE OF SYMBOLIC VIOLENCE." Journal of Education Culture and Society 11, no. 2 (2020): 499–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs2020.2.499.520.
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Thesis. After the handover of Hong Kong’s sovereignty to China in 1997, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region government stipulated a trilingual (English, Cantonese, and Mandarin) and biliterate (English and Chinese) policy, in order to include Mandarin as an additional co-official language together with the original English and Cantonese. Until the handover, the use of Mandarin was restricted in British colonial Hong Kong. Since the handover, however, Mandarin and its users have experienced some resistance by local Hong Kong people.
 Method. In an attempt to better understand this resistance and its implications, this study adopts Pierre Bourdieu’s field, habitus, and capital theory, to analyse the anti-Mandarin discourse that has prevailed in the ensuing two decades. Via narrative inquiry, this study explains the habitus of four Mandarin speaking teachers, while especially noting their clashes with the anti-Mandarin discourse, and the symbolic violence they suffered in the field.
 Conclusion. The study concludes with a reflection on the clash between the teachers’ struggles with the discourse from a postcolonial perspective, and it also considers the legal issues involved in protecting mainland Chinese as a minority in Hong Kong.
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McKenna, Lisa, and Kerryn Walsh. "Changing handover practices: One private hospital’s experiences." International Journal of Nursing Practice 3, no. 2 (1997): 128–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1440-172x.1997.tb00085.x.
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Jackson, Jane. "In search of a home: identities in transition in post-colonial Hong Kong." English Today 18, no. 2 (2002): 39–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078402002067.
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Excerpts from the cultural identity narratives and follow-up interviews of a group of ethnic Chinese majors in English at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, identifying recurrent issues and metaphors.IN HONG KONG, how have recent political events such as the Handover (change of sovereignty from Britain to China) in 1997 impacted on young people's sense of self? What cultural groups do they now identify with and why? What self-labels do they prefer? This article reports on a qualitative, sociocultural investigation that took place at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, a bilingual English/Chinese institution. Hong Kong have had a significant impact on shaping and sometimes changing students' cultural identities. The Handover, in particular, caused them to reflect on and even question their place in the world. Just before the change of sovereignty, many applied for passports whose nature sometimes brought them into conflict with their parents and grandparents.
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Yau Shuk-ting, Kinnia. "A Study of the Post-Handover Hong Kong Action Cinema 1997-2007." Asian Cinema 20, no. 2 (2009): 114–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ac.20.2.114_1.
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Baum, Richard. "Democracy Deformed: Hong Kong's 1998 Legislative Elections – and Beyond." China Quarterly 162 (June 2000): 439–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000008201.
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Electoral democracy has been defined as “a system of government in which the principal positions of effective government power are filled, directly or indirectly, through meaningful, regular, free and fair… elections.” By this criterion, Hong Kong today falls short of being an electoral democracy. There are periodic elections, and there is a 60-seat Legislative Council (LegCo), at least some of whose members are chosen by universal adult suffrage. There are also a number of organized, highly articulate political parties whose legislative members are frequent, outspoken critics of the government and its policies. And there is a system of transparent electoral laws and procedures administered by a professionally neutral civil service, ensuring that elections remain free and fair. Yet for all its manifest electoral virtues, democracy in post-handover Hong Kong is highly constrained and confined, as noted in the previous article by Suzanne Pepper.
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Wong, Yi-Lee, and Anita Koo. "Is Hong Kong no Longer a Land of Opportunities after the 1997 Handover?" Asian Journal of Social Science 44, no. 4-5 (2016): 516–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04404004.
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A belief that Hong Kong is a land of opportunities for the talented and the hardworking makes many speculate that an increasing involvement of younger generations in politics in recent years results from their blocked social mobility. What remains unclear is whether new generations are indeed deprived of mobility opportunities in nowadays Hong Kong. We seek to address this issue empirically by analysing two datasets collected in 1989 and 2007. Situating our discussion against the context of the study of social mobility, we discuss our analysis from two perspectives of social mobility: absolute mobility (mobility due to structural changes) and relative mobility (mobility due to changes in social fluidity). Against a changing class structure over the set period, structural opportunities for upward mobility are actually available to the younger generations; but, seemingly, whether they could grasp such opportunities to get ahead has become more strongly dependent on their class background.
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KARADENİZ, Yılmaz. "Handover of Iran’s independence to Curzon: 1919 England-Iran treaty and Hasan Vusuk (Vusukuddavla)." Journal of Turkish Studies Volume 6 Issue 3, no. 6 (2011): 1011–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7827/turkishstudies.2457.
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Bridges, Brian. "Hong Kong and Japan: Commerce, Culture and Contention." China Quarterly 176 (December 2003): 1052–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741003000614.
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This article analyses the nature of contemporary Hong Kong–Japan relations in their economic, political and cultural dimensions, setting the relationship within the broader context of Sino-Japanese relations, concerns about identity and nationalism within Hong Kong, and changing Japanese commercial priorities. While the commercial and popular cultural ties between Japan and Hong Kong remain dominant, since the mid-1990s political issues have become more visible in Hong Kong–Japan relations. Changing moods within Hong Kong about the handover and, after 1997, about the nature of the redefined relationship with China have had an important influence on the political economy of Hong Kong–Japan relations.
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Ngok, Ma. "State–Press Relationship in Post-1997 Hong Kong: Constant Negotiation amidst Self-Restraint." China Quarterly 192 (December 2007): 949–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741007002111.
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AbstractTen years after the handover, Hong Kong's media faced multiple pressures. There were few cases of outright prosecution of the media, but there were subtle political and economic pressures. Co-optation of media bosses, fear of losing advertising revenue and media takeovers by pro-Beijing figures brought some of the media into line. This brought editorial shift and self-censorship, as the media systematically shied away from stories that might antagonize Beijing, underplayed negative news for the government and gave the democrats less favourable coverage. Interviews with journalists showed little evidence of ostensible intervention from government officials or media bosses, but newsroom socialization and editorial gatekeeping are effective constraints. The constitutional guarantee of freedom of the press and the moral force of professional ethics lent the media the room to defend and negotiate their freedom, but the pervasive fear induced by the political environment invariably overpowered the resistance and constrained press freedom in Hong Kong.
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Kirsal, Yonal, Enver Ever, Altan Kocyigit, Orhan Gemikonakli, and Glenford Mapp. "A Generic Analytical Modelling Approach for Performance Evaluation of the Handover Schemes in Heterogeneous Environments." Wireless Personal Communications 79, no. 2 (2014): 1247–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11277-014-1929-2.
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Ma, Xuefei. "HerStory (2007): Falling with Hong Kong in women’s writing and dance." Journal of Contemporary Chinese Art 8, no. 1 (2021): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jcca_00038_1.
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This article analyses Hong Kong-based choreographer Helen Lai’s work HerStory (2007) in the context of Hong Kong’s handover in 1997 and its impact on modern dance and women’s writing. I examine HerStory’s innovation of a gesture ‐ falling ‐ in multiple registers and argue that the gesture of falling enacts a potential field to articulate the unspeakable, unrecognizable bodily experience. I show the ways HerStory, through falling, undid the boundaries of the rural and urban space, the past and the present, the individual and the collective; and expressed the tensions between women’s corporeal experience and gendered social inscriptions. In the end, I discuss why revisiting these relations can help us better understand Hong Kong’s historical moment.
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ERLINGS, Esther. "Don’t Ask, Do(n’t) Tell: Homeschooling in Hong Kong." Asian Journal of Law and Society 6, no. 2 (2018): 307–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2018.13.
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AbstractHong Kong’s history of compulsory schooling (as opposed to education) commenced under colonial rule and has been maintained by the local government following the 1997 Handover. Beyond the exception of “reasonable cause,” homeschooling, or elective home education, is in principle prohibited under the laws of Hong Kong. However, there is evidence of a growing homeschooling community in Hong Kong that relies on loopholes in the law and an apparent de facto government policy to operate. This article sets out the background, legal framework, and homeschooling practice in Hong Kong. It criticizes the current situation from the perspectives of legal certainty and children’s rights. The author suggests that the government should take action to devise clear laws and public policy in relation to elective home education.
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Tsoi, Ling Yu Debbie, and Fung Ming Christy Liu. "Translation, culture and politics." Translation Spaces 8, no. 2 (2019): 280–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ts.18009.tso.
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Abstract This article analyzes the election slogans of Hong Kong chief executives and the titles of their policy addresses since Hong Kong’s handover to mainland China in 1997, from the point of view of translation methods, cultural implications and reader responses. It finds that literal translation dominates in the translation of election slogans and policy address titles, that translated slogans and titles portray Hong Kong as a collectivist society with low power distance, and that choices between domestication and foreignization are dependent upon individual chief executives (or nominees). The article discusses the growing importance of the role of readers and proposes an inductive framework of interactive responses to represent the reality of political translation in the new era brought about by digitalization.
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Lecours, André, and Jean-François Dupré. "The emergence and transformation of self-determination claims in Hong Kong and Catalonia: A historical institutionalist perspective." Ethnicities 20, no. 1 (2018): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796818785937.
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Using a historical institutionalist framework emphasizing the importance of transformative events, this paper seeks to explain the sudden emergence of self-determination claims in Hong Kong and their transformation into separatist ones in Catalonia. The paper argues that the inflexibility of the state in addressing moderate demands for regional autonomy has played a major role in the emergence and radicalization of these demands. In Hong Kong, the 1997 Handover from British to Chinese sovereignty was originally presented as an opportunity for self-governance under the principle of “Hong Kong People ruling Hong Kong” and the “One Country, Two Systems” formula. If Hong Kong nationalism was practically unheard of in the early years of the Handover, the unconciliatory attitude of the central government towards moderate demands for the actualization of the autonomy and democratization frameworks vested in Hong Kong’s Basic Law has directly contributed to the formation of today’s emerging self-determination movement. In Catalonia, the 2010 decision of the Spanish Constitutional Court to annul some articles of the reform to the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia and to interpret others narrowly represented a transformative event that took Catalonia onto the pathway of secessionist politics. The secessionist turn was then further fed by the on-going refusal of the central government to negotiate with the Catalan government, notably on the notion of a popular consultation on the political future of the Autonomous Community.
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Lam, Chi Chung. "The New Junior Secondary School Geography Curriculum in Hong Kong: The Impact of the 1997 Handover." International Research in Geographical and Environmental Education 7, no. 1 (1998): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10382049808667557.
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Frisch, Nicholas, Valerie Belair-Gagnon, and Colin Agur. "Media capture with Chinese characteristics: Changing patterns in Hong Kong’s news media system." Journalism 19, no. 8 (2017): 1165–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884917724632.
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In the Special Administrative Region of Hong Kong, a former British territory in southern China returned to the People’s Republic as a semi-autonomous enclave in 1997, media capture has distinct characteristics. On one hand, Hong Kong offers a case of media capture in an uncensored media sector and open market economy similar to those of Western industrialized democracies. Yet Hong Kong’s comparatively small size, close proximity, and broad economic exposure to the authoritarian markets and politics of neighboring Mainland China, which practices strict censorship, place unique pressures on Hong Kong’s nominally free press. Building on the literature on media and politics in Hong Kong post-handover and drawing on interviews with journalists in Hong Kong, this article examines the dynamics of media capture in Hong Kong. It highlights how corporate-owned legacy media outlets are increasingly deferential to the Beijing government’s news agenda, while social media is fostering alternative spaces for more skeptical and aggressive voices. This article develops a scholarly vocabulary to describe media capture from the perspective of local journalists and from the academic literature on media and power in Hong Kong and China since 1997.
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Evans, Stephen. "The Long March to Biliteracy and Trilingualism: Language Policy in Hong Kong Education Since the Handover." Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 33 (March 2013): 302–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0267190513000019.
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Since the handover, policymakers in Hong Kong have faced the daunting task of determining the educational roles of two major international languages (Putonghuaand English), as well as a vibrant local language (Cantonese), which is the mother tongue of around 90% of the city's predominantly Chinese population. Their response to this unprecedented challenge has been to set the ambitious goal of developing students’ ability to read and write Chinese and English and to speak Cantonese,Putonghua, and English. At the same time, however, they are pursuing policies that in some respects run counter to this commendable if ill-defined aim. This article examines the background to and rationale for the promotion of biliteracy and trilingualism and reviews recent research into the government's major language-in-education initiatives since 1997, namely, the adoption of a compulsory mother-tongue policy at junior secondary level, the recent fine-tuning of this controversial policy, and the use ofPutonghuaas the medium of instruction in Chinese subjects at primary and secondary levels.
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Stern, Rachel. "Unpacking Adaptation: The Female Inheritance Movement in Hong Kong." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 10, no. 3 (2005): 421–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.10.3.q67572r37257vx66.
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In 1994, after a year of intense activism by indigenous women and their urban supporters, indigenous women in the New Territories of Hong Kong were legally allowed to inherit land for the first time. In pushing for legislative change, the female inheritance movement adopted key ideas—gender equality, human rights and a critique of patriarchy—from a global vocabulary of feminism and human rights. This article examines this rights frame to understand how, if at all, activists modified international conceptions of discrimination and rights to fit Hong Kong. Overall, the ideology was not fundamentally altered or adapted, but indigenized by local activists through the use of local symbols. More deep-rooted change was not necessary for two reasons: First, in the pre-handover moment, rights arguments derived political currency from their association with an international community. Also, critical movement participants, here termed translators, helped encompass the indigenous women's individual kinship grievances within a broader movement based on rights.
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Dharma, Ken Bagus Setya. "Pelaksanaan The Sino-British Joint Declaration 1984 oleh Otoritas RRT Mengenai Pemberian Hak-Hak Otonomi bagi Wilayah Hong Kong." Jurist-Diction 4, no. 4 (2021): 1509. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jd.v4i4.28484.
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AbstractHong Kong, a special autonomous region within the PRC's constitutional hierarchy, has a long history behind its privileges. It started with the defeat of the Qing Dynasty in a series of Opium Wars which ended with the 156-year rule of Hong Kong by the British which ended in 1997. However, the handover did not come easily. Based on The Sino-British Joint Declaration 1984, an international agreement made by Britain and China regarding the re-acceptance of Hong Kong, it promised Hong Kong to be an autonomous region for 50 years post-1997 except in the field of defence and cooperation with foreign powers. This article seeks to examine the implementation of The Sino-British Joint Declaration 1984 with a literature review method based on the rights it gives to the people of Hong Kong and the reality in daily life. Keywords: Implementation; The Sino-British Joint Declaration 1984; Hong Kong; Autonomy; International Agreement.AbstrakHong Kong yang merupakan sebuah wilayah otonomi khusus dalam hierarki ketatanegaraan RRT memiliki sejarah yang panjang yang melatarbelakangi keistimewaannya. Dimulai dari kekalahan Dinasti Qing dalam rentetan Perang Candu yang berakhir dengan penguasaan Hong Kong oleh Inggris selama 156 tahun yang berakhir pada 1997. Akan tetapi, penyerahan tersebut tidak terjadi dengan mudah. Berdasarkan The Sino-British Joint Declaration 1984, sebuah perjanjian internasional yang dibuat oleh Inggris dan RRT mengenai penerimaan kembali Hong Kong, ia memperjanjikan Hong Kong menjadi wilayah otonom selama 50 tahun pasca-1997 kecuali pada bidang pertahanan dan kerja sama dengan kekuatan asing. Artikel ini berusaha mengkaji penerapan The Sino-British Joint Declaration 1984 dengan metode kajian kepustakaan berdasarkan hak-hak yang diberikannya kepada rakyat Hong Kong dan kenyataannya dalam kehidupan sehari-hari.Kata Kunci: Pelaksanaan; The Sino-British Joint Declaration 1984; Hong Kong; Otonomi; Perjanjian Internasional.
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Mak, Chun Nam. "Multilingualism in Hong Kong’s Formal and Informal Settings: A Brief Historical Review of The Development from The Early 1900s To the Late 2010s." JOURNAL OF ADVANCES IN LINGUISTICS 11 (April 3, 2020): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jal.v11i.8691.
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This article aims at tracing back the making of multilingualism in Hong Kong from a socio-historical viewpoint. It primarily illustrates the linguistic profiles of Cantonese, English, and Putonghua in official domains throughout the colonial period and after the 1997 handover, secondarily describing their roles in Hongkongers’ daily life. The situation of other minor languages is mentioned in passing. The snapshots reveal that a) Cantonese has developed to be a powerless lingua franca of Hongkongers, b) English has become a powerful second language with high economic value that hugely outweighs Cantonese, and that c) Putonghua has been similar to a foreign language despite its official status on the mainland. Other heritage languages of ethnic minorities have existed since the early colonial period, but they have never entered the mainstream or vastly impacted the three dominating languages. The discussion concludes that Hong Kong has yet to be a typical multilingual metropolis where citizens are fluent or native in multiple languages. It is still fluctuating in between monolingualism and multilingualism, however, showing an inclination to the latter.
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Ku, Agnes S. "Toward Critical Patriotism: Student Resistance to Political Education in Hong Kong and China. By Gregory P. Fairbrother. [Hong Kong University Press, 2003. x+218 pp. £26.95. ISBN 962-209-622-0.]." China Quarterly 178 (June 2004): 521–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004290294.
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Fairbrother's Toward Critical Patriotism is a timely publication in the “Hong Kong Culture and Society” series: political squabbles and conflicts over the idea of patriotism in the context of the national security legislation in Hong Kong are inflamed following the spectacular mass demonstration by 500,000 people on 1 July 2003. As the author points out, patriotism and nationalism are relatively recent historical phenomena in China. In mainland China, Marxist-Leninism became the guiding ideology after 1949. Yet, from the early 1980s, in the face of a legitimacy crisis, the leadership shifted toward patriotism as a unifying and justificatory ideology while professing ultimate objectives in line with Marxist principles. In Hong Kong, civic education had been de-emphasized under the ideology of de-politicization by the colonial government until the handover in the 1990s. The book rejects the typical characterization of Hong Kong students as simply having a weak sense of patriotism and nationalism, and of mainland students as patriotic dupes under the state and presents a more nuanced analysis.
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Chan, Catherine S. "The Currency of Historicity in Hong Kong: Deconstructing Nostalgia through Soy Milk." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 44, no. 4 (2015): 145–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261504400407.
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In the 1980s, as the end of the millennium approached, the production of nostalgia exploded all around the world. For Hong Kong, nostalgia became a reminder of the golden age that had transformed the city into one of the “Four Asian Tigers” in the decades following the end of the Second World War. While yearning for the better days of the past, Hong Kong coincidentally experienced destabilisation. As the rest of the world, especially the “baby boomers,” mourned the end of a productive era, Hong Kong locals were disturbed by the affirmation of the handover to China in 1997. In the context of these events, a creative rush to nostalgia in cultural manufacturing swept across the city. In the hope of highlighting the uniqueness of nostalgic production in Hong Kong, this study analyses two sets of TV commercials produced by local beverage company Vitasoy. Through the deconstruction of selected historical events, Vitasoy successfully reinvented its brand and, in contrast to general criticism of the concept, generated a positive connotation for nostalgia on the path towards Hong Kong's search for an identity.
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Fahriyah, Fahriyah. "Implementasi Peraturan Serah Simpan Karya Cetak serta Karya Rekam pada Dinas Perpustakaan dan Kearsipan Provinsi Jawa Timur dalam Upaya Mewujudkan Karya Koleksi Nasional." Tibanndaru : Jurnal Ilmu Perpustakaan dan Informasi 4, no. 1 (2020): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.30742/tb.v4i1.904.
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RI Law No. 4 of 1990 updated with RI Law No. 13 of 2018 is very strategic to be used as an instrument in realizing the work of national collections and preserving the work of national culture of children from all regions of Indonesia from Sabang to Merauke. East Java people, publishers, record works producers, universities, local governments, private institutions/ institutions, information users are classified as active and support the Handover and Save Policy of Print and Record Works managed by the East Java Province Library and Archives Service as a deposit/ storage center East Java area collection. Good collaboration and continuity between the East Java Province Library and Archives Service with related parties have shown an increasing number of deposit collections each year and has contributed to the number of Regional Bibliographic Collections and the Indonesian National Bibliography Collection and the Number of Book Publications in Indonesia, meaning that it has succeeded in realizing the work of national collections and has the work of national culture, especially publications from the East Java region.Keywords: implementation of public policies, deposit collections, public libraries
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Lai, Mee Ling. "Exploring Language Stereotypes in Post‑colonial Hong Kong through the Matched-guise Test." Journal of Asian Pacific Communication 17, no. 2 (2007): 225–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/japc.17.2.05lai.
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After the change of sovereignty in Hong Kong from Britain to China on July 1st, 1997, the status of Putonghua (the language of the new Chinese ruler) has been formally recognized in addition to Cantonese (the vernacular language) and English (the international and ex-colonizer’s language). Four years after the political handover, a Matched-guise test was conducted on a total of 1048 local Hong Kong Secondary 4 students. The aim of this study was to ascertain the respondents’ subjective reactions towards the three languages when the city was undergoing significant political and socio-economic changes. The results showed that the Cantonese guise was rated the highest on traits of solidarity, the English guise the highest on traits of power, whereas the Putonghua guise was rated the lowest in both dimensions. Although the study started from a micro perspective investigating the attitudes of the respondents towards the three target languages and their speakers, the research results helped to reveal the vitality of the three target languages in post-colonial Hong Kong and suggest directions for language education.