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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Hans dynasty

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Academic literature on the topic 'Hans dynasty'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Hans dynasty"

1

Meyer, Alicia. "Sovereignty at Bridewell Palace: Gender in the Architectural Designs of Hans Holbein the Younger." Explorations in Renaissance Culture 46, no. 1 (June 24, 2020): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23526963-04601005.

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This essay examines the representation of gender and sovereignty in a little examined design for a royal fireplace created by Hans Holbein the Younger during the reign of Henry viii. When Henry sought to divorce Catherine and to establish the Church of England, the Bridewell precinct became a site for political upheaval. As Holinshed’s Chronicle details and William Shakespeare and John Fletcher’s 1613 All Is True or Henry viii would later dramatize, Bridewell and the neighboring Blackfriars staged the divorce trial and removal of Catherine’s sovereignty as Queen. By examining Holbein’s design that Bridewell palace became a palimpsest upon which the crown continually cultivated its dynastic desires –desires that Holbein’s design prove to be imbricated with questions of gender and sovereignty. Gender, sex, and reproduction are central to Holbein’s representation of the Tudor dynasty. Yet, alongside this gendered discourse is a legal one. Holbein depicts the law and justice as mechanisms which can redefine a sovereign woman’s subjectivity and curb her agency in submission to her King and husband. Thus, from Holbein’s fireplace emerges an ideology of familial dynasty and imperial aspirations built atop the legal subjection of women.

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Kiss, László. "A „negyedizigleni” orvos – Selye János felvidéki gyökerei." Orvosi Hetilap 157, no. 33 (August 2016): 1331–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/650.2016.30544.

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Hans Selye regarded himself as the fourth generation of medical dynasty, but in his books he did not name his ancestors. Based on facts from archives and contemporary literature the author demonstrated that the grandfather of Hans Selye was called Schlesinger and he worked in Pruszka (county Trencsén; (today: Pruské, county Trenčín, Slovakia) as a district physician. Orv. Hetil., 2016, 157(33), 1331–1333.

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Lohr, Eric. "Russian Economic Nationalism during the First World War: Moscow Merchants and Commercial Diasporas." Nationalities Papers 31, no. 4 (December 2003): 471–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599032000152924.

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While accounts of the end of the Ottoman and Hapsburg empires have often stressed the rise of Turkish and German nationalisms, narratives of the Romanov collapse have generally not portrayed Russian nationalism as a key factor. In fact, scholars have either stressed the weaknesses of Russian national identity in the populace or the generally pragmatic approach of the government, which, as Hans Rogger classically phrased it, “opposed all autonomous expressions of nationalism, including the Russian.” In essence, many have argued, the regime was too conservative to embrace Russian nationalism, and it most often “subordinated all forms of the concept of nationalism to the categories of dynasty and empire.”

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Hutchinson, Ben. "The Echo of ‘After-Poetry’: Hans Bethge and the Chinese Lyric." Comparative Critical Studies 17, no. 2 (June 2020): 303–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ccs.2020.0364.

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The publication, in 1908, of Hans Bethge's Die chinesische Flöte marked a highpoint in the reception of Chinese poetry in modern Europe. Bethge's ‘Nachdichtungen’ (‘after-poems’) of poems from the Tang dynasty through to the late 1800s were extraordinarily popular, and were almost immediately immortalized by Gustav Mahler's decision to use a selection from them as the text for Das Lied von der Erde (1909). Yet Bethge could not read Chinese, and so based his poems on existing translations by figures including Judith Gautier, whose Livre de Jade had appeared in 1867. This article situates Bethge's reception of Chinese poetry – and in particular, that of Li-Tai-Po (Li Bai) – within the context of European chinoiserie, notably by concentrating on his engagement with a recurring imagery of lyrics and Lieder. Although he was deaf to the music of Chinese, Bethge was extremely sensitive to the ways in which Li-Tai-Po's self-conscious reflections on poetic creation underlay his ‘after-poems’ or Nachdichtungen, deriving his impetus from images of the rebirth of prose – songs, birdsong, lyrics, Lieder – as poetry. The very form of the ‘lyric’ emerges as predicated on its function as echo: the call of the Chinese flute elicits the response of the European willow. That this is necessarily a comparative process – between Asia and Europe, between China, France, and Germany – suggests its resonance as an example of the West-Eastern lyric.

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Lim, Ki Hwan. "A Study on Agreement by Chunchu Kim and the Emperor Taizong of Tang Dynasty and ‘Iltong-Samhan(Unification Three Hans)’." Critical Review of History 131 (May 31, 2020): 248–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.38080/crh.2020.05.131.248.

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Zamboni, Alice. "Making contact." Netherlands Yearbook for History of Art / Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek Online 70, no. 1 (November 16, 2020): 62–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22145966-07001005.

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This article explores the intersection between friendship and artistic collaboration through a focus on the engraving production of a group of itinerant Netherlandish artists who, in the wake of the Dutch Revolt, lived and worked in Munich, seat of the court of Wilhlem V. The first part of this contribution introduces Joris Hoefnagel, several printmakers from the Sadeler dynasty and other artists active in Munich. An analysis of the artistic gifts which the Netherlanders exchanged in Munich suggests that they enjoyed membership of an egalitarian circle sustained by friendship and artistic aspirations. The second half of the article examines the engraved series Salus Generis Humani (1590): the co-creation of Joris Hoefnagel, Aegidius II Sadeler and Hans von Aachen. Through a collaborative working practice, the three artists conceived engravings that self-reflectively alluded to their composite facture and which constituted another expression of the humanist friendship underpinning their professional and personal contacts.

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Golas, Peter J. "Christine Moll-Murata, Song Jianze and Hans Ulrich Vogel (eds.), Chinese Handicraft Regulations of the Qing Dynasty. München: IUDICUM Verlag, 2005, 559 pp." East Asian Science, Technology, and Medicine 27, no. 1 (July 5, 2007): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669323-02701008.

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吉田文子, 吉田文子. "漢朝民間歌謠之修辭技巧." 語文與國際研究期刊 28, no. 28 (December 2022): 053–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.53106/181147172022120028004.

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<p>樂府詩之起源為民間流傳歌謠，初期樂府歌辭皆是為了配樂吟唱而作。因此漢朝樂府歌辭中除了音樂符號等特色外，亦多呈現各種修辭技巧，例如：疊字、疊句、對偶、頂真、排比、層遞等。此些修辭技巧共同特色為形式與意義上的「重疊反覆」，在歌辭中亦蘊含著獨特的節奏感。其中的「頂真格」即如接龍遊戲，「對偶」則上下對照相似兩句，作者從研究中認為這兩項修辭技巧在配樂而吟唱的樂府詩中扮演重要的角色。據此，本文研究範圍為「鼓吹曲辭」、「相和歌辭」中的漢朝民歌，探討其中獨特的修辭技巧。主要針對民歌中的「頂真格」在釀造節奏感的作用中對詩意產生的影響，以及在六朝時期已普遍化的「對偶」在漢朝民歌中又曾是如何的角色，這兩大部分進行分析與探討。</p> <p> </p><p>Yue-fu poetry originated from folk songs, and most of the early days of Yue-fu poetry were accompanied by music. For this reason, not only musical symbols can be seen in the lyrics of Yue-fu poetry in the Han Dynasty, but also various rhetoric are frequently used. These rhetoric have in common that they repeat in form and meaning with a slight change in font and content, creating a unique rhythm in the lyrics. Among them, the ding-zhen that resembles Japanese word chain game and the antithesis that contrasts two similar phrases play an important role in characterizing Yue-fu poetry as a song. This paper study the characteristic rhetoric of folk songs in the Han dynasty, which are found in "Gu-chui quci" and "Xiang-he geci". The second chapter explores the effect of the ding-zhen on poetry, and the third chapter explores aspects of the antithesis.</p> <p> </p>

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王(wang), 莎(sha). "两汉艺术观念的融通性研究." Culture and the World Review 2, no. 1 (May 30, 2021): 57–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.18327/cwr.2021.5.2.1.57.

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Vojvodic, Dragan. "From the horizontal to the vertical genealogical image of the Nemanjic dynasty." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 44 (2007): 295–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0744295v.

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Sometime in the XIV century, towards the end of the second or beginning of the third decade, the 'horizontal genealogical image' of the Serbian rulers gave way to a new depiction of their genealogy. We find the earliest surviving Nemanjic family tree, painted in a vertically arranged composition in the narthex of Gracanica, followed by those in Pec, Decani, Mateic and Studenica. The appearance of the new type of image presenting the Serbian dynastic genealogy was, on the one hand, due to the problems caused by the ever lengthening series of rulers' portraits. They led to the deformation of the thematic programmes and did not correspond to the dynamic spirit of 'Palaeologan renaissance' art. On the other hand, from the mid-XIII century there was a obvious intention to link the idea of a 'chosen people' and the genealogy of Christ with the Nemanjic dynasty. This process unfolded simultaneously in literature, royal charters and visual art. It was facilitated by the fact that presentations of Christ's genealogy - the Tree of Jesse - were introduced in the programmes of Serbian churches from the second half of the XIII century. A correspondence had already been established between the presentations of Christ's genealogy and the portraits of the Nemanjic family included in the broader thematic ensembles inspired by dynastic ideology, in Sopocani and, subsequently, in Moraca, Arilje and the King's Church in Studenica. Even in the description of the family tree of the Serbian dynasty itself, the notions of 'pious lineage', 'the holy root', 'the branch of good fruit', 'the blessed shoots' etc. were used in the written sources. In this way, a process gradually matured along the path towards creating a dynastic picture of the house of Nemanjic that was iconographically coordinated to the Tree of Jesse. However, the 'vertical' family tree of the Nemanjici was not a simple transposition of the 'horizontal genealogy' into the structure of the new iconographic scheme. It is possible to notice significant contextual differences between the two types of the Serbian dynastic picture, especially regarding the presentation of the rulers' wives or the rulers' daughters, or male relatives from the lateral branches. A number of questions that had earlier been of particular importance, such as the order of succession to the throne through the direct bloodline, became submerged in a multitude of new messages and slowly lost significance. The 'vertical' family tree of the Nemanjici focused far more on the proclamation of general dynastic messages. As a more developed and complex picture than the 'horizontal' genealogy, it was able to convey more carefully nuanced details about what effect dynastic history had on the awareness of the court. Apart from that, in contrast to the presentations of XIII century 'horizontal genealogies' that illustrated Nemanja and his direct successors as monks, the new type of dynastic picture quite clearly stressed the 'imperial' nature of the ruler's family. A similar change of meaning can also be noted in contemporaneous royal charters. One should view this interesting phenomenon through the prism of the increasingly tangible influences of Byzantine imperial ideology on Serbian dynastic thought. The distinct influence of Byzantine perceptions can also be recognized in the motive of the ruler's investiture being performed by God himself, depicted at the top of the Nemanjic family tree. Therefore, the new Serbian genealogical picture reflected much more clearly than its predecessor, the Byzantine teachings about power, which blended the 'dynastic principle' with dogma regarding the providential election of the ruler. In later monuments, where a composite family tree was depicted, linking the Nemanjic dynasty to the Byzantine and the Bulgarian royal families (Mateic, and perhaps even Studenica), the concept of the 'new Israel' was redefined in Serbian imperial ideology, according to the universalistic views adopted from Byzantium. Although all the essential iconographic details of dynastic genealogy in the form of the family tree were of Byzantine origin, no credible testimonies were found in scientific research that the theme itself was designed in artistic form in Byzantium. Hence, one cannot exclude the possibility that the Nemanjic family tree was an authentic, iconographic creation devised in Serbia. With the necessary caution, here, we should stress that the Serbian environment was quite singular because it had a long lasting and, moreover sacred dynasty. For that reason it was particularly absorbed in dynastic issues and the idea of 'a new chosen people'. That environment traveled the path to a 'vertical' dynastic picture slowly, following the evolutionary logic of its own culture and art.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Hans dynasty"

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Schinköthe, Ailika [Verfasser], and Hans Ulrich [Akademischer Betreuer] Vogel. "Liu Zhiji's Shitong and its Revival in Ming Dynasty—Pacing Historiography Anew / Ailika Schinköthe ; Betreuer: Hans Ulrich Vogel." Tübingen : Universitätsbibliothek Tübingen, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1196701156/34.

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Chia-Jui, Yu, and 游家瑞. "The Development of Han's Villages at Suao during the Ching Dynasty.（1796~1895）." Thesis, 2003. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/58241308333205192916.

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Xie, Jia Xiang, and 謝家祥. "Study on Hand Prints on Agreements in Taiwan during the Rule of the Cing Dynasty." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/89422684956982395144.

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碩士
逢甲大學
歷史與文物研究所
101
In order to have a complete and accurate understanding of the hand print’s history concerning agreements, the researcher examined 354 agreements and found some interesting new facts. The first hand print on agreement in Taiwan was discovered in 1719 (the 58th year of Kangxi Emperor, the Cing Dynasty); it was an exchange contract signed by indigenes in May in Tunxiao. Some agreements were found during the Qianlong and Guangxu periods, but fewer during Japanese colonial rule. Most agreements were made in the Northern region, followed by the Central and then the Southern area. Hand prints on the official agreements were generally signed between local people and authorities; others signified confessions, plaints, plaint conclusions, etc. Printed on the private agreements, it usually dealt with land or personal contracts. Most land contracts were made by people of the Pinpu tribe or personal contracts by the Han Chinese. Hand prints were mostly printed by contractors, followed by witnesses, agents and loaners. Hand prints are printed under the signed year, followed by ‘before the signed year’, or on the other page, or on the back side of the agreement. Usually there is one hand print, followed by two, three, four, five, and up to ten prints. Fewer hand prints are normal; more numerous hand prints are rare. There are hand prints with words or without words. Most words identify the contractors. The words were often written among fingers, followed by the palm or around the fingers.

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Huang, Chia-kang, and 黃家康. "A Study of "The Regular and Running-Hand Styled Calligraphies of Qianziwen" by Zhi-yong of Sui Dynasty." Thesis, 2001. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/11288861329748217824.

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碩士
華梵大學
東方人文思想研究所
89
In Chinese history, the political split in the Dynasty of South and North has also caused the division of writing styles of Chinese calligraphy into two different modes, the so called “the Southern Writing and the Northern Stone.” Later, the Sui Dynasty integrates the political break, an act which enables the two different writing modes in the South and the North to merge and re-formulate their styles and strokes. This merging has paved the way for the next outshining dynasty, Tang, in its development into the highest stage in the history of Chinese calligraphy. The famous writer for calligraphy, Chi-yun, a monk with the secular name as Fa-chi Wang, is the seventh generation heir of the calligraphy Master, His-chi Wang. Living through the Dynasty of Liang, Chang, and Sui, Chi-yun is known for his calligraphy, which is embodied in his excellent work, The Regular and Running-Hand Styled Calligraphies of Qianziwen. This great work occupies a significant place both in the teaching of calligraphy and the study of “minor learning,” the learning of etymology and phonetics. Chi-yun’s work also affects the development of the writing styles of the Buddhist texts. This study includes six chapters. The first chapter, the prologue, introduces the study purpose and the applied methods in accomplishing this thesis. The second chapter unfolds the developing phases of calligraphy in this particular period, as well as the historical and social background of the South and North Dynasty. Chapter three explores the characteristics of Chi-yun’s calligraphy writing and the commentary of his writing from the later critics. Chapter four is a comparison of Chi-yun’s two different writing strokes, the regular and the running-handed. Besides, Chi-yun’s writing is compared to other calligraphy writers of his contemporary. The comparing is extended to a historical trace to both the previous and the following dynasties, with the purpose to delineate the development of Chinese calligraphy. The fifth chapter epitomizes Chi-yun’s contribution and influence to Chinese culture, art, and society in terms of his monumental work, The Regular and Running-Hand Styled Calligraphies of Qianziwen. The final chapter is a summary of the previous chapters.

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Jean, Su-Jye, and 簡素節. "The Research of The Hand-Down Experience and Change of Tongue Diagnosis Theory in Chinese Medicine Before Ching Dynasty." Thesis, 1995. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/59711371436048517026.

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碩士
中國醫藥學院
中國醫學研究所
83
Tongue diagnosis was an unique diagnosis in Chinese medicine. It is one of the most important Chinese medicine theory systems. Tongue diagnosis is under the distruction of a complete Chinese medicine theory and the mutual influence of different schools from many generations. The theory was handed down and changed for the better by each school and through a long term clinical experiment and gradually became a systematic rule. From the history of tongue diagnosis in Chinese medicine, many books were written such as Hwang Di Nay Gin, Shang Harn Tzar Bin Luen, et al. All these books were written before Ching Dynasty, they can be a blueprint for the researches of tongue diagnosis. The main research results are listed as below: 1) The theory of tongue diagnosis in Chinese medicine, the reports of the physiology of a tongue and its change: 1.The relationship of a tongue, the pulse and the organs. 2.Organs and the tongue surface. 3. The structure of a tongue and its function. 4.The original color of the tongue. 5.The principal of the tongue coat being formed. 6.The red and shinny tongue coat. 2) The theory of tongue diagnosis in Chinese medicine, the reports of the pathology of a tongue and its change: a. Check the tongue texture. 1. The shape of a tongue. (There are 45 kinds) 2.The colors of a tongue. (There are 16 kinds) b.Check the tongue coat 1.One color coat. 2. More than one color coat c.Check the tongue feeling 1. The feeling of taste. 2. The feeling of dumb or pain. 3.The feeling of warmth. I hope this thesis can raise the attenrion for researchers on tongue diagnosis that they can base on complete, com-prehensive researches and design a better way of research methods and work for the promotion of tongue diagnosis in Chinese medicine

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HSIU-HSIANG, LEE, and 李秀香. "The Methods, Materials and Conservation of Chinese Style Hand Scroll －A Case Study of Ink Painting by Daixi of Qing Dynasty." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/50002620213069042548.

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碩士
國立臺南藝術大學
古物維護研究所
95
Abstract Wdthways long is the one of the hand-roll’s characters. It puts the artist's idea in this widthways long space,and direct both to right and left side. A special way of the hand-roll's appreciation is open by left hand and roll up by right hand at the same time,there will be short distant between work and viewer. It not aim to be public,but partlly display.(Of course,if there have enough space,it's completely possible to open it for exhibition.) A downcast way can contain more detail in the limited space and make much more imagination.Becourse the special mounting form,it needs to put on table for appreciation.But it's very easy slip off table and make dirty or crease.unperfectly collection will also course to crease and the edge's abration. This thesis will talking about the hand-roll's making,mounting form,damage amd conservation,in order to looking for the better way on conservation and restoration. The thesis treat about the mounting form of hand-roll,history of material and technique,analyis of construcion,to found out the hand-roll's damage reasons. Try to set up an suitable conservation principle for hand-roll,and practice on a turly cas

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7

HSIU-TSUN, CHIU, and 邱秀春. "A Study of the Relationship betwween the Classic Book "Bair Huu Tong Yih"and the Development of Jing Shyue in Dong Hann Dynasty." Thesis, 2000. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/70032475672838287780.

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Tyler, John. "A Pragmatic Standard of Legal Validity." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2012-05-10885.

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American jurisprudence currently applies two incompatible validity standards to determine which laws are enforceable. The natural law tradition evaluates validity by an uncertain standard of divine law, and its methodology relies on contradictory views of human reason. Legal positivism, on the other hand, relies on a methodology that commits the analytic fallacy, separates law from its application, and produces an incomplete model of law. These incompatible standards have created a schism in American jurisprudence that impairs the delivery of justice. This dissertation therefore formulates a new standard for legal validity. This new standard rejects the uncertainties and inconsistencies inherent in natural law theory. It also rejects the narrow linguistic methodology of legal positivism. In their stead, this dissertation adopts a pragmatic methodology that develops a standard for legal validity based on actual legal experience. This approach focuses on the operations of law and its effects upon ongoing human activities, and it evaluates legal principles by applying the experimental method to the social consequences they produce. Because legal history provides a long record of past experimentation with legal principles, legal history is an essential feature of this method. This new validity standard contains three principles. The principle of reason requires legal systems to respect every subject as a rational creature with a free will. The principle of reason also requires procedural due process to protect against the punishment of the innocent and the tyranny of the majority. Legal systems that respect their subjects' status as rational creatures with free wills permit their subjects to orient their own behavior. The principle of reason therefore requires substantive due process to ensure that laws provide dependable guideposts to individuals in orienting their behavior. The principle of consent recognizes that the legitimacy of law derives from the consent of those subject to its power. Common law custom, the doctrine of stare decisis, and legislation sanctioned by the subjects' legitimate representatives all evidence consent. The principle of autonomy establishes the authority of law. Laws must wield supremacy over political rulers, and political rulers must be subject to the same laws as other citizens. Political rulers may not arbitrarily alter the law to accord to their will. Legal history demonstrates that, in the absence of a validity standard based on these principles, legal systems will not treat their subjects as ends in themselves. They will inevitably treat their subjects as mere means to other ends. Once laws do this, men have no rest from evil.

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Books on the topic "Hans dynasty"

1

Shu fan yu jian min: Qing dai Taiwan de zhi li bu shu yu kang zheng zheng zhi = Cultivated aborigines and the unruled Hans : governance deployment and contentious politics in Qing Taiwan. Taibei Shi: Guo li Taiwan da xue chu ban zhong xin, 2021.

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Xian Qin Qin Han shi qi ling nan she hui yu wen hua kao suo: Yi kao gu xue wei shi jiao. Guangzhou: Ji nan da xue chu ban she, 2014.

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Yokoyama, Mitsuteru. Shiki. Tōkyō: Shōgakkan, 1994.

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Bo, Sun, Tong Jiemei, and Liu Zhen, eds. Hua shuo Shi ji. 2nd ed. Beijing Shi: Hua yi chu ban she, 1997.

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translator, Gu Shanshan, ed. Qin Han di guo: Zhongguo gu dai di guo zhi xing wang. Beijing Shi: She hui ke xue wen xian chu ban she, 2017.

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Qin Han shi yan jiu wen ji: QinHanshi yanjiu wenji. Beijing Shi: Ren min chu ban she, 2015.

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Wang Jian Han Tang shi lun gao: Wang Jian's essays on Han and Tang China. Beijing Shi: Beijing da xue chu ban she, 2017.

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Zhongguo da yi tong: Qin huang Han wu de fen dou. Beijing Shi: Zhonghua shu ju, 2010.

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Qin Han shi wen cun. Nanchang Shi: Jiangxi ren min chu ban she, 2016.

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1940-, Wu Shuping, ed. Wen bai dui zhao quan yi shi ji. Beijing Shi: Xin shi jie chu ban she, 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "Hans dynasty"

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Koo, Telly H. "THE CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE WESTERN HAN DYNASTY." In The Constitutional Development of the Western Han Dynasty, 170–93. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463230159-001.

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Jian, Gong. "Evolution of the “Crescent Guard” in Chinese Swords." In Martial Culture and Historical Martial Arts in Europe and Asia, 151–82. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2037-0_5.

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AbstractIron and steel arms appeared in China during the late Warring States while guards on Han dynasty jian (double-edged sword) mainly continued Warring States designs. Single-edged ring-pommel sword (huanshoudao) which appeared during the same period did not have a guard. During the Jin dynasty, a type of V-shape sword guard appeared, which continued into the Southern and Northern dynasties. In the Tang dynasty, on the one hand, arms design continued Northern Zhou and Sui trends; at the same time, it absorbed Turkic and Sassanid influences from the west, which gave rise to a unique Tang sword aesthetic. From then on, V-shape guards started to gain popularity in China. Developments of this style were to have a major influence on sword guard designs during the Song, as well as among the Mongols and Tibetans until it finally attained the familiar form of zoomorphic guard during the Ming and Qing dynasties.

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Xiaojun, Hu. "Rediscovering Ancient China’s Sword-Making Techniques: Insights from Reconstructing a Han-Dynasty Ring-Pommel Dao." In Martial Culture and Historical Martial Arts in Europe and Asia, 201–38. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2037-0_7.

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AbstractSunzi said, “Warfare is pivotal to the state. [It is] a milieu where life and death are decided, [it holds] the path to survival or extermination and cannot be neglected.” In like manner, the Commentary of Zuo (Zuozhuan) states, “Rituals and warfare are of vital importance to the state.” From this we see that besides ritual matters, such as ancestor worship and maintaining the temples, rulers in ancient China considered warfare and military training to be of utmost importance. Consequently, much attention was paid to sacrificial implements and weapons of war. The production and maintenance of arms was an integral part of this effort as it impacted state security as a whole. The study of ancient arms therefore not only teaches us about ancient weaponry and methods of combat but also yields unique insights into the technology and organization of war. The principal short-range weapons during the Han dynasty were jian (double-edged sword)and dao (single-edged sword), while the latter gradually replaced the jian in military use as the dynasty wore on, partly as a result of the rise of cavalry. This paper contains three parts: iron smelting and weapon production in the Han dynasty; the ancient techniques of iron smelting in shaft furnace; and reconstructing the Han ring-pommel dao with ancient methods.

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Xu, Xiaoqun. "The Best of the Chinese and of the Western." In Heaven Has Eyes, 101–17. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190060046.003.0005.

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Chapter 4 introduces the conflicts arising in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries between the Qing dynasty and Western powers over Chinese law and justice that contributed to the Opium Wars and the resultant unequal treaties. It explains how, compelled by Western pressure and modeled after Western systems, the Qing dynasty, not foreseeing its own demise in ten years, began a far-reaching legal-judicial reform to modernize law codes and judicial institutions and practices. Guided by the principles of the rule of law, judicial independence, and due process, the reformers set out ambitious reform goals that would result in some concrete changes in laws and institutions, and more importantly, the goals would outlive the Qing dynasty to be pursued and implemented in the Republican era (1912–1949).

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Davis, Richard L. "The Hand of History." In Fire and Ice. Hong Kong University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888208975.003.0005.

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Chapter 5 is about the ascension of Li Siyuan, Cunxu’s fictive brother on the throne. The chapter also details the ensuing battles with Cunxu’s sons that cement Siyuan’s rule as successor to the Later Tang Dynasty.

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Xu, Xiaoqun. "Five Punishments and Beyond." In Heaven Has Eyes, 7–39. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190060046.003.0002.

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Chapter 1 discusses the intellectual foundations of Chinese law and justice, such as the notions of Heaven, the Mandate of Heaven, Heaven-human interactions, and yin and yang as two primal forces constituting the underlying dynamics of the cosmos and human society. It traces the evolution of penal codes from the Qin dynasty to the Qing dynasty, showing how morality, governance, social order, justice, and wrongdoing were defined and how conceptions of criminal offenses and their punishments evolved. It makes clear that the imperial law and justice were designed to uphold the imperial system and the patriarchal family system as a coherent political-social-moral universe, which was underpinned by the notion of balance between yin and yang and was corresponding to “Heavenly reason.”

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"Chapter 6. Dynastic and Caretaker Trusts." In Dead Hands, 111–24. Stanford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780804771085-007.

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Carrico, Kevin. "The Manchu in the Mirror." In Great Han. University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520295490.003.0006.

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“The Manchu in the Mirror” examines the extremely elaborate network of conspiracy theories promoted by Han Clothing Movement participants to explain the disillusionment of the present: the distinction between the real, actually existing China and their image of “the real China.” According to movement enthusiasts, the formerly powerful Manchus who ruled over China in the Qing Dynasty continue to exercise power in the present, and are portrayed within movement conspiracy theories as dedicated to exterminating the Han majority and destroying China. Unravelling these paranoid theories of minority domination and majority persecution, conspiracy theory and identity are shown to be two sides of the same coin, with conspiracy theory serving as the final narrative guarantor of the processes of identity stabilization described in the preceding chapters.

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Sabattini, Elisa Levi. "War economy during the Western Han Dynasty." In The Political Economy of the Han Dynasty and Its Legacy, 115–31. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315162911-7.

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Fettweis, Christopher J. "The Tang Dynasty." In The Pursuit of Dominance, 49—C3.P83. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197646649.003.0003.

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Abstract The next case shifts the focus to the other side of the world, where a great dynasty rose as Europe slipped into a centuries-long economic depression. China’s relative power has waxed and waned over time, but it was indisputably dominant under the Tang Dynasty, which ruled between roughly 618 and 907. These emperors led their country to heights unmatched before or since, a golden age when the arts and economy flourished throughout East Asia. Tang China was different from all the other cases in this book because it could not depend on the greatest military of its time. The empire’s strengths instead rested largely on economics and “soft power,” or cultural leadership. Relying on such tools entails rather substantial risk, which the Tang emperors generally handled with admirable skill. Eventually a bloody rebellion crippled their ability to wield both hard and soft power, but until then they enjoyed an extraordinary level of regional dominance. As it turns out, a martial culture is not a prerequisite for national security and prosperity.

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Conference papers on the topic "Hans dynasty"

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Sun, Ming. "The Han Dynasty-Xiongnu Relationship in the Early Western Han Dynasty: The Peace between the Enemies." In 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.244.

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Man, Li. "Integrated geophysical methods for detecting archaeological Han Dynasty tombs." In SEG Technical Program Expanded Abstracts 2016. Society of Exploration Geophysicists, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1190/segam2016-13865143.1.

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Lu, Jiachuan. "Folklore Thoughts in the Tomb Murals of Han Dynasty." In Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference on Culture, Education and Economic Development of Modern Society (ICCESE 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iccese-19.2019.92.

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Chen, Dalei. "The Design Aesthetics of Lacquerware in the Han Dynasty." In International Conference on Education, Language, Art and Intercultural Communication (ICELAIC-14). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icelaic-14.2014.133.

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Beibei, Han. "Analysis of Agricultural Development in Hexi in Han Dynasty." In Proceedings of the 2018 International Conference on Economy, Management and Entrepreneurship (ICOEME 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icoeme-18.2018.91.

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"Research on Economic Center of Gravity based on Western Han Dynasty." In 2020 Conference on Economics and Management. Scholar Publishing Group, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.38007/proceedings.0000524.

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Man*, Li, Zhang Zhiyong, Xie Shangping, and Yang Jun. "Integrated Electric Methods for Detecting the Archaeological Tomb in Han Dynasty." In Near-Surface Asia Pacific Conference, Waikoloa, Hawaii, 7-10 July 2015. Society of Exploration Geophysicists, Australian Society of Exploration Geophysicists, Chinese Geophysical Society, Korean Society of Earth and Exploration Geophysicists, and Society of Exploration Geophysicists of Japan, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1190/nsapc2015-109.

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Chang, Yan. "Three interpretations for 'three mountains crown' decorative graphic in Han Dynasty." In 2013 International Conference on Advances in Social Science, Humanities, and Management. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/asshm-13.2013.86.

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Chen, Liling, Jinsheng Kang, Leilei Zhang, Mengcheng Wang, and Ding Wang. "The application of Han Dynasty cultural elements to modern product design." In 2014 20th International Conference on Automation and Computing (ICAC). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iconac.2014.6935464.

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Yang, Zhenming. "Study of Female Images in Pre-Qin and Han Dynasty Literature." In 2017 2nd International Conference on Education, Sports, Arts and Management Engineering (ICESAME 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icesame-17.2017.18.

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Reports on the topic "Hans dynasty"

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Gundacker, Roman. The Descent of Kawab and Hetepheres II. Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, December 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/erc_stg_757951_r._gundacker_the_descent_of_kawab_and_hetepheres_ii.

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According to the communis opinio, prince Kawab is a son of Cheops. This assumption is primarily based on G. A. Reisner’s conclusions about the location of mastabahs and queen’s pyramids in the East Field and on three relief fragments from mastabah G 7110/20, which W. S. Smith ingeniously assigned to a scene naming Kawab and his mother Meretites. Early after G. A. Reisner had published the first part of his view on the history of the royal family of the Fourth Dynasty, substantial critique was brought forward by W. Federn. Following the latter, Kawab should be considered a grandson of Sneferu because, apart from mastabah G 7110/20 in Gizah, another mastabah at Dahshur bears witness of him. Even though it is now safely determined that the two are neither one and the same person nor contemporaries, W. Federn’s review has been taken as a starting point for further critical investigation by some scholars who came to the conclusion that Kawab was rather a son of Sneferu.

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Wüthrich, Annik. L’expression de la filiation à la XXIe dynastie: reflet d’une réalité historique ou simple effet de mode? L’exemple du Livre des Morts. Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/erc_stg_757951_a.wuethrich_l_expression_de_la_filiation_a_la_xxie_dynastie:_reflet_d_une_realit_historique_ou_simple_effet_de_mode_l_exemple_du_livre_des_morts.

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The study of expressions of filiation has already been the subject of several articles, which were limited to periods prior to the Third Intermediate Period. The aim of this article is to evaluate these expressions within the specific framework of the Books of the Dead from the 21st and 22nd Dynasties. These periods are marked by a significant increase in the variety of expressions employed, whereas the New Kingdom manuscripts expressed filiation according to a more uniform and rigid scheme. Similarly to what happens with titles and despite the diversity of expressions, one observes a progressive decrease in the mention of filiation which almost disappears from funerary papyri, while long genealogies on temple statues are developing. This contribution attempts to understand the motivations behind the use of these expressions and more generally to grasp their purpose in expressing the identity of the deceased.

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