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Ullman, Michael Thomas. "The computation of inflectional morphology." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/12489.
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Ciucci, Luca. "Inflectional Morphology in the Zamucoan Languages." Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86024.
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Allen, Blake H. "Bayesian models of learning and generating inflectional morphology." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/59429.
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In many languages of the world, the form of individual words can undergo systematic variation in order to express concepts including tense, gender, and relative social status. Accurate models of these inflectional systems, such as verb conjugation and noun declension systems, are indispensable for purposes of both language
research and language technology development. This dissertation presents a theoretical framework for understanding and predicting native speakers’ use of their languages’ inflectional systems. I propose a probabilistic interpretation of the task that speakers face when inferring unfamiliar inflected forms, and I argue in favor of a Bayesian approach to modeling this task. Specifically, I develop the theory of sublexical morphology, which augments the Bayesian approach with intuitive methods for calculating necessary probabilities. Sublexical morphology also possesses the virtue of computational implementability: this dissertation defines all data structures used in sublexical morphology, and it specifies the procedures necessary to use a model for morphological inference. I provide along with this dissertation a Python package that implements all the classes and methods necessary to perform inference with a sublexical morphology model. I also describe an implemented learning algorithm that allows induction of sublexical morphology models from labeled but unparsed training data. As empirical support for my core claims, I describe the outcomes of two behavioral experiments. Evidence from a test of Icelandic speakers’ inflection of novel
words demonstrates that speakers are able to additively make use of information
from multiple provided inflected forms of a word, and evidence from a similar test
on Polish speakers suggests that speakers may be limited to this additive way of
combining such pieces of information. In clear support of a Bayesian interpretation
of morphological inference, both experiments additionally demonstrate that prior
probabilities—understood as reflecting lexical frequencies of different groupings
of words—play a major role in speakers’ use of their inflectional systems. This is
shown to be true even when influence from prior probabilities results in speakers
apparently deviating from exceptionless lexical patterns in those systems.Arts, Faculty of
Linguistics, Department of
Graduate
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Shilson, Giles. "Behavioural, electrophysiological and connectionist studies in inflectional morphology." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0a8005d6-54d0-4abc-8e8c-b9861840240f.
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Theories of generative linguistics hold that language processing occurs by means of the manipulation of symbols by explicit rules. The past 15 years have seen the development of a radical challenge to this view, derived from a form of computational modelling called Parallel Distributed Processing or connectionism. Connectionist linguistic theory holds that language processing takes place at a subsymbolic level, and that the appearance of rule-driven behaviour is formed by the abstraction of patterns from the environment. The English past tense has become a critical arena of dissent between symbolic and subsymbolic theories of linguistics. There are two current dominant theories of past tense inflection: hybrid dual-route theory, championed by Pinker, posits a symbolic, explicit, default rule for the regularisation process, and an associative memory component for irregular exceptions; single-route theory maintains that regular and irregular inflectional morphology may both be accounted for within a single, subsymbolic, associative system which contains no explicit linguistic rules. This doctoral thesis describes a new classification of phonological similarity between verbs ('neighbourhood density'), which is used to develop mutually-exclusive and empirically-testable hypotheses from the two dominant theoretical perspectives of English past tense inflectional morphology. Empirical research is conducted in the domains of experimental psychology, electrophysiology and Connectionist modelling: four novel verb elicitation tasks are performed on adults; two ERP studies investigate brain activity for regular, irregular and novel verb inflection; and five neural network simulations are built in order to compare human data with network performance. Data are reported which have implications for single- and dual-route theories of past tense processing.
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Breadmore, Helen Louise. "Inflectional morphology in the literacy of deaf children." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2008. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/591/.
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Severe literacy impairments are well documented in the deaf population. Morphology provides a source of text-to-meaning associations that should be available to the deaf. In this thesis, different levels of morphological awareness necessary for literacy were tested. Deaf children demonstrated that they associated morphologically related words – the first level of awareness. This was evidenced in a short-term memory task in which words sharing morphological overlap were confused more often than words sharing orthographic or semantic overlap (although these associations may have involved the combined effects of orthographic and semantic overlap). Deaf children also demonstrated knowledge of morphological generalisation (the second level of awareness) by producing predicted plural nonword spellings and over-regularisations. Finally, they demonstrated morpho-syntactic awareness – in a self-paced reading task they revealed sensitivity to subject-verb number agreement. However, deaf children demonstrated limited knowledge of irregular plural nouns and of morpho-syntax. In the self-paced reading task, they were slow to perform syntactic integration and they failed to make explicit use of agreement in a judgement task. Furthermore, even reading-age appropriate morphological awareness represents a substantial chronological delay. The findings therefore suggest that deaf children could benefit from explicit education in morphographic rules and exceptions as well as training in morpho-syntax
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Kim, John J. (John Jongwu). "Inflectional morphology and its interaction with word structure." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/12487.
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Bandelow, Stephen. "Connectionist, behavioural and cross-linguistic studies in inflectional morphology." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.400061.
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Jolly, Helen Rosalind. "Young children's knowledge about inflectional morphology : looking at plurals." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.414149.
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Marcus, Gary F. (Gary Fred). "On rules and exceptions : an investigation of inflectional morphology." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/12492.
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Larsen, Lars Jacob Ege. "The Acquisition of Inflectional Verb Morphology Through Input Enhancement." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1040070794.
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Nekhumbe, Mudivhani Gilbert. "Nominal inflectional categories of Tshivenda." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52961.
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Thesis (DLitt)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores the four nominal inflectional categories which are identified in morphology, i.e. case, noun class, agreement and number in Tshiven~a. This study also examines Determiner Phrase, enclitics and definiteness with regard to Tshivenc1a noun phrases. Chapter one is the introduction of this study. It states the aim of the study which is, firstly, to establish whether case, noun class, agreement and number occur in Tshivencla, and secondly, to examine the form, syntactic distribution and semantics of these categories in Tshiven~a. This chapter also gives the morphological assumptions of the model of lexememorpheme base morphology by Beard (1995) and Aronoff (1994). The theory of lexical semantics of Pustejovsky (1996) and the Minimalist program of Chomsky (1995) are also discussed. Chapter two examines the Determiner Phrase in Tshiven~a. It concentrates on the structure of the OP in Tshivenda. Attention has been 41\ given to the functional categories within the OP such as DET and Agr as well as the various nominal modifiers within the OP. Chapter three explores Case in Tshiven~a. In Tshiven9_a there are seven cases, i.e. nominative, accusative, instrumental, locative, genitive, dative and vocative. This chapter concentrates on the assignment of these cases and their grammatical functions. Chapter four explores the noun class in Tshivenda. It examines the form 1\ and the contribution of the meaning of the noun class prefixes. The morphological structure of the Tshivenda noun is taken as the framework 1\ for this analysis. It has been found that Tshivend,a.. has seventeen noun classes which are still active in this language. These noun class prefixes have 24 different semantic features which contribute to the meaning of the noun. Chapter five discusses agreement and number in Tshivenda. In the case A. of agreement it has been found that it is both dependent and independent of noun class. Subjectival and objectival agreement appear as two functional categories within the inflection phrase. Specific attention has also been given to existential agreement, sentential pronouns, the infinitive as well as problems with agreement with coordinated NPs. Certain cases have also been highlighted where no agreement appears. Lastly, it has been shown that number is not an inflectional category in Tshivenda, but it A is a semantic category. Chapter six is concemed with definiteness in the interpretation of the noun in Tshivenda. In the first place, it has been shown in which cases a noun 1\ phrase may be interpreted as definite or indefinite. Secondly, the contribution of the nominal modifiers with regard to the definiteness of the noun phrase has been investigated. Lastly, it has been shown that proper names have to be interpreted as definite. Chapter seven investigated the three enclitics in Tshivenda, i.e. de, shu '" A and vho. Their meaning and distribution have been explored with regard to their presence on nouns, nominal modifiers and verbs. The distribution of these three enclitics is dependent on their meaning. The enclitic de which A refers to quantifiers may not appear on verbs. Enclitics which are interrogative in nature such as d,..e and shu may not appear with interrogative nominal modifiers.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die vier nominale infleksie kategorieë wat in die morfologie geïdentifiseer is nl. naamval, naamwoordklas, klasooreenstemming en getal in Tshivenqa. Hierdie studie gee ook aandag aan Bepalersfrase, enklitieke en bepaaldheid m.b.t. die Tshiven2a naamwoordgroepe. Hoofstuk een is die inleiding tot die studie. Dit gee die doelstellings van die studie: eerstens moet vasgestel word of naamval, naamwoordklas, klasooreenstemming en getal in Tshivenda voorkom, en tweedens moet die A vorm, sintaktiese distribusie en semantiek van hierdie kategorieë in Tshivenda bepaal word. Hierdie hoofstuk gee ook aandag aan die A morfologiese aannames van die lekseem-morfeem morfologie van Beard (1995) en Aronoff (1994). Die teorie van leksikale semantiek van Pustejovsky (1996) word ook bespreek sowel as die Minimalistiese program in sintaksis van Chomsky (1995). Hoofstuk twee ondersoek die Bepalersfrase in Tshivenda. Dit konsentreer A veralop die struktuur van die Bepalersfrase in Tshivenda. Aandag is veral A gegee aan die funksionele kategorieë binne die Bepalersfrase soos die bepaler en klasooreenstemming asook die verskillende nominale bepalers in die Bepalersfrase. Hoofstuk drie handeloor die naamval in Tshivenda. Sewe naamvalle is in A Tshivend,.a. onderskei nl. nominatief, akkusatief, instrument, lokatief, genitief, datief en vokatief. Hierdie hoofstuk konsentreer op die toekenning van hierdie naamvalle en hulle grammatikale funksies. Hoofstuk vier ondersoek die naamwoordklas in Tshivend,a.. Dit gee veral aandag aan die vorm van die naamwoordprefikse sowel as die bydrae van hierdie prefikse tot die betekenis van die naamwoord in Tshivenda. Hierdie '" analise is gedoen binne 'n raamwerk van die morfologiese struktuur van die naamwoord. Daar is gevind dat Tshivend,a. nog sewentien naamwoordklasse het wat aktief in die taal is. Daarby kon 24 verskillende betekeniskenmerke van hierdie naamwoordprefikse bepaal word. Hoofstuk vyf bespreek klasooreenstemming en getal in Tshivenda. In die A geval van klasooreenstemming is gevind dat dit beide afhanklik en onafhanklik van naamwoordklas is. Klasooreenstemming ten opsigte van die onderwerp en voorwerp is twee funksionele kategorieë binne die infleksiefrase. Verder is spesiale aandag gegee aan eksistensie, sinsvoomaamwoorde, die infinitief sowel as neweskikkende naamwoordgroepe. Daar is ook gevalle aangedui waarin geen klasooreensteming voorkom. Getal is 'n semantiese kategorie in Tshivenda " maar nie' infleksie kategorie nie. Hoofstuk ses handeloor bepaaldheid ten opsigte van die interpretasie van die naamwoord in Tshivend,a.. In die eerste plek is aangedui in welke gevalle naamwoordgroepe bepaald of onbepaald geïnterpreteer kan word, en tweedens is aandag gegee aan die bydrae van nominale bepalers ten opsigte van die bepaaldheid van die naamwoordgroep. Laastens is gewys op die voorkoms van bepaaldheid by eiename. Hoofstuk sewe het die drie enklitieke in Tshivenda ondersoek nl. de, shu ,. J\ en vho. Hul betekenis en distribusie is nagegaan ten opsigte van hul voorkoms by naamwoorde, nominale bepalers asook werkwoorde. Die distribusie van hierdie drie enklitieke is duidelik afhanklik van hul betekenis. So kan de wat verwys na kwantifiseerders bv. nie saam met werkwoorde optree n"ie. Enklitieke wat interprogatief van aard is soos d,..e en shu kan ook dus nie saam met interrogatiewe nominale bepalers voorkom nie.
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Carteret, Cathie. "Regular and irregular verb inflection in the French mental lexicon : a dual-mechanism perspective." Thesis, University of Essex, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.268716.
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Siddiki, Asma Azam. "Developmental and behavioural studies in English and Arabic inflectional morphology." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269485.
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Jong, Jan de. "Specific language impairment in Dutch : inflectional morphology and argument structure /." Groningen, Netherlands : [Rijksuniversiteit te Groningen], 1999. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=008846575&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Wicentowski, Richard. "Modeling and learning multilingual inflectional morphology in a minimally supervised framework." Available to US Hopkins community, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/dlnow/3068229.
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Vinals-Castonguay, Lydia. "Learning, consolidating, and generalising novel morphology." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/274922.
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Despite a central role for morphological knowledge in supporting linguistic generalisation, the neural representations supporting its learning remain largely unexplored. This thesis addressed this gap by exploring the role of memory consolidation in morphological learning and generalisation. In three experiments, adult participants learned an artificial language in which stems (e.g. gleet, shiln) combined with plural affixes (e.g. –aff, -opp; gleetaff, shilnopp) to refer to the occupation of multiple male and female characters. Mimicking properties of morphological systems in natural languages, the plurals varied in their phonological consistency/ambiguity and type/token frequency. Two sets of plurals, distinguished by gender, were trained on two successive days. Experiment 1 revealed that generalisation to novel phonologically ambiguous forms measured on the second day showed a greater influence of token frequency for plurals trained on the previous day, suggesting overnight changes in their underlying representations. Experiment 2 examined this effect further by using fMRI to compare the neural representations underlying plurals learned on the day of scanning or on the previous day. Representational Similarity Analysis revealed increased similarity structure among high type frequency plurals and reduced similarity structure among high token frequency plurals following overnight consolidation in the left superior temporal gyrus (STG). These results are consistent with a Complementary Learning Systems (CLS) model in which overnight consolidation supports the development of overlapping representations among several items sharing the same feature (here, an affix; type frequency) and strengthens item-specific representations for frequently occurring items (token frequency). Additionally, connectivity analyses showed that the functional coupling between the left STG and the left dorsolateral prefrontal cortex was weaker for high type frequency plurals and stronger for high token frequency plurals following overnight consolidation. These results suggest that the engagement of prefrontal control processes in retrieving the newly-learned plurals is subject to overnight consolidation and sensitive to the similarity structure underlying the plurals to be retrieved. However, the overnight changes in similarity structure and functional networks observed in Experiment 2 were not mirrored by changes in generalisation to novel forms as were observed in Experiment 1. Experiment 3 aimed to address the discrepancy in consolidation-related changes in generalisation behaviour between the first two experiments. Type/token frequencies were manipulated to bias learning, consolidation, and generalisation towards high token frequency plurals. Despite this manipulation, no consolidation-related changes in generalisation were observed. Findings from all three experiments are interpreted in the context of the CLS model and a role for overnight consolidation in morphological learning and generalisation is discussed.
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Parker, Jeffrey. "Inflectional Complexity and Cognitive Processing: An Experimental and Corpus-based Investigation of Russian Nouns." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1467904555.
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Thomson, Gregory. "Second language acquisition and comprehension mechanisms, the problem of Russian inflectional morphology." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ59685.pdf.
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Murphy, Victoria A. "Inflectional morphology and second language learning systems : an investigation of the dual-mechanism model and L2 morphology." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36782.
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Pinker and Prince (1988, 1994) propose that there are two separate systems involved in linguistic representation and processing; one system is rule-governed, and incorporates symbolic hierarchical linguistic representations, the other is associative with linguistic information represented in a more distributed fashion. One particular linguistic feature of English said to exemplify the principles of this dual-mechanism model is inflectional morphology. Pinker and Prince (1988; 1994) present a range of evidence showing that native speakers of English process regular inflectional items in ways that are both quantitatively and qualitatively different from irregular inflectional items. This dual-mechanism model has been largely investigated within the context of first language (L1) learning, and has received considerable support from investigations using a number of different research paradigms. Nonetheless, there have been a number of serious criticisms in that the apparent behavioural distinctions between regular and irregular inflectional items can be supported by an alternative associative system (Elman, Bates, Johnson, Karmiloff-Smith, Parisi & Plunkett, 1996). The research presented in this dissertation investigates how knowledge of second language (L2) inflectional morphology might be processed and represented. The research is grounded within the theoretical framework provided by the dual-mechanism model and evaluates whether the claims and assumptions of this model are relevant to how L2 learners process, represent and learn about inflectional morphology. Three experiments are presented which address the issues of: compounding with regular and irregular noun plurals (Experiment 1); past tense generalization with regular and irregular verbs (Experiment 2); and finally, the development of knowledge of a new inflectional paradigm (Old English noun plurals, Experiment 3). Each of these experiments provides findings which are difficult for the dual-mechanism model
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Hayes, Jennifer Anne. "Inflectional morphology and compounding in English : a single route, associative memory based account." Thesis, University of Hertfordshire, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2299/14138.
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Native English speakers include irregular plurals in English compounds (e. g., mice chaser) more frequently than regular plurals (e. g., *rats chaser) (Gordon, 1985). This dissociation in inflectional morphology has been argued to stem from an internal and innate morphological constraint as it is thought that the input to which English speaking children are exposed is insufficient to signal that regular plurals are prohibited in compounds but irregulars might be allowed (Marcus, Brinkmann, Clahsen, Weise & Pinker, 1995). In addition, this dissociation in English compounds has been invoked to support the idea that regular and irregular morphology are mediated by separate cognitive systems (Pinker, 1999). It is argued in this thesis however, that the constraint on English compounds can be derived from the general frequencies and patterns in which the two types of plural (regular and irregular) and the possessive morpheme occur in the input. In English both plurality (on regular nouns) and possession are denoted by a [-s] morpheme. It is argued that the constraint on the use of plurals in English compounds occurs because of competition between these two identical morphemes. Regular plurals are excluded before a second noun because the pattern -noun-[-sJ morpheme- noun- is reserved for marking possession in English. Irregular plurals do not end in the [-s] morpheme and as such do not compete with the possessive marker and consequently may be optionally included in compounds. Interestingly, plurals are allowed in compounds in other languages where this competitive relationship does not exist (e. g. Dutch (Schreuder, Neijt, van der Weide & Baayen, 1998) and French (Murphy, 2000). As well as not being in competition with the possessive structure irregular plurals also occur relatively infrequently in the input compared to regular plurals. This imbalance between the frequency of regular and irregular plurals in compounds also affects the way the two types of plural are treated in compounds. Thus there is no need for an innate mechanism to explain the treatment of plurals in English compounds. There is enough evidence available in the input to constrain the formation of compound words in English.
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Hale, Rebecca O. "POSITION CLASS PRECLUSION: A COMPUTATIONAL RESOLUTION OF MUTUALLY EXCLUSIVE AFFIX POSITIONS." UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/ltt_etds/3.
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In Paradigm Function Morphology, it is usual to model affix position classes with an ordered sequence of inflectional rule blocks. Each rule block determines how (or whether) a particular affix position is filled. In this model, competition among inflectional rules is assumed to be limited to members of the same rule block; thus, the appearance of an affix in one position cannot be precluded by the appearance of an affix in another position. I present evidence that apparently disconfirms this restriction and suggests that a more general conception of rule competition is necessary. The data appear to imply that an affixation rule may in some cases override a rule introducing an affix occupying another, distinct position. I propose that each inflectional rule R carry two indices — the first, as usual, specifying the position of the affix introduced by R. The second, however, specifies the position(s) that R satisfies. By default, these two indices identify the same position. However, where one affix precludes another, the second index of the appearing affix specifies two affix positions: the one in which it appears and the one which it precludes. With both blocks satisfied, no other rules which fill either may be applied.
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Sims, Andrea D. "Minding the gaps inflectional defectiveness in a paradigmatic theory /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1157550938.
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Zimmerman, Lauren Michelle. "A Case Study of Inflectional Morphology, Written Language, and Syntax in a Patient with Conduction Aphasia." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/322101.
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Enger, Hans-Olav. "The classification of strong verbs in Norwegian with special reference to the Oslo dialect : a study in inflectional morphology /." Oslo : Scandinavian university press, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39979991d.
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Al-Shehri, Amira Abdullah. "Regular plural inside English compounds within the theory of base-driven stratification." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9836.
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This literature-based thesis studies the phenomenon of the regular plural inside compounds according to Giegerich’s (1999) stratal model of English morphology. The strata of his model are defined by their bases: stratum 1 is root-based and stratum 2 is word-based. The model overcomes the failings associated with earlier stratal models defined by their affixes (e.g., Kiparsky, 1982). However, assigning compounding and the regular plural to the same word stratum following Giegerich’s (1999) model leaves an open question in terms of what restricts the interaction between both rules to prevent the generation of ill-formed compounds such as *toys box and *trucks driver. Another question emerges: Should the regular plural inflection be assigned to stratum 2? This question is important because the answer affects how we discuss the interaction between the regular plural and compounding. For example, how do we account for the interaction between a stratum-2 rule and a syntactic rule if we are not dealing with an interaction of two lexical rules at the same stratum? This thesis challenges the theory that inflectional morphology is separate from the lexicon (Anderson, 1988, 1982; Perlmutter, 1988) with supporting evidence from the properties of the possessive inflection. This research contributes significantly to the literature in its analysis of a number of compounds within texts extracted from books, which demonstrates that the internal regular plural morpheme has an evident semantic function that restricts it from appearing inside compounds (that is, on stratum 2 of the base-driven stratification model). The study thereby challenges Lieber and Štekauer’s (2009) view that the internal regular plural morpheme is purposeless and therefore should be regarded as a linking element. I also argue that the possessive inflection is assigned to stratum 2 and can interact with compounding to form possessive compounds, but is restricted by the semantic feature of the non-head element.
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Brody, Parker. "INFERENTIAL-REALIZATIONAL MORPHOLOGY AND AFFIX ORDERING: EVIDENCE FROM THE AGREEMENT PATTERNS OF BASQUE AUXILIARY VERBS." UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/ltt_etds/2.
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“No aspect of Basque linguistics has received more attention over the years than the morphology of the verb.” (Trask 1981:1)
The current study examines the complex morphological agreement patterns found in the Basque auxiliary verb system as a case in point for discussion of theoretical approaches to inflectional morphology. The traditional syntax-driven treatment of these auxiliaries is contrasted with an inferential, morphology-driven analysis within the Paradigm Function Morphology framework. Additionally, a computational implementation of the current analysis using the DATR lexical knowledge representation language is discussed.
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Tat, Deniz. "Word Syntax of Nominal Compounds: Internal and Aphasiological Evidence from Turkish." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/311666.
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This dissertation is an analysis of two types of nominal compounds in Turkish, primary compounds and synthetic compounds within the framework of Distributed Morphology. A nominal primary compound is formed by two nouns, and its meaning is largely determined by world knowledge. A synthetic compound, on the other hand, is formed by a noun and a derverbal noun, such that the former is a true argument of the latter. The meaning of such compounds is always compositional. In many languages, the structural difference between these two types of compounds is not immediately observable. However, in Turkish, a primary compound would be obligatorily marked with the compound marker, -(s)I(n) while a synthetic compound would never be marked as such. In this dissertation, I claim that primary compounds in Turkish are underlyingly possessive phrases, a claim that has been previously made by several others. My analysis differs from those previous analyses in that it maintains that -(s)I(n) figures in a morphological component that follows syntax but precedes PF. Such a post-syntactic analysis has a number of advantages as it can account for a wide range of descriptive observations about the behavior of -(s)I(n). I claim that -(s)I(n) and an agreement marker never form a sequence at any stage in the grammar. I test this claim in an experiment conducted with Turkish-speaking individuals with aphasia, and show that only a vanishingly rare number of -(s)I(n)-agreement sequences are attested in aphasic speech. My analysis of synthetic compounds in Turkish is based on three types of nominalizers and the types of categories they can select. I show that only event-denoting nominals can form true synthetic compounds. I also show that nominals that are derived directly from roots can never form true synthetic compounds, which casts doubts on roots as projecting categories. I also consider a third group of seemingly synthetic compounds, which have an overt complex verbal stem, and yet, fail to derive true synthetic compounds. Following Marantz (2013), I claim that such pseudo-synthetic compounds, in fact, have semantically null verbalizing morphemes, and therefore, the root and the nominalizing head are semantically adjacent at LF.
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Da, Tos Martina. "The Intramorphological Meanings of Thematic Vowels in Italian Verbs." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Padova, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11577/3422109.
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Italian verbs are traditionally classified into three major classes called ‘conjugations’. Membership of a verb in one of the conjugations rests on the phonological content of the vowel occurring after the verbal root in some (but not all) word forms of the paradigm. This vowel is called ‘thematic vowel’.
The main feature that has been attributed to thematic vowels throughout morphological literature is that they do not behave as classical Saussurean signs in that lack any meaning whatsoever.
This work develops the claim that the thematic vowels of Italian verbs are, in fact, Saussurean signs in that they can be attributed a ‘meaning’ (‘signatum’), or even more than one (‘signata’). But the meanings that will be appealed to are somehow different from those which have traditionally been attributed to other morphological units, be they stems or endings: in particular, these meanings would not be relevant to the interpretation of a word form; rather, they would be relevant at the ‘purely morphological’ (‘morphomic’, in Aronoff’s (1994) terms) level of linguistic analysis. They are thus labelled ‘intramorphological’, remarking that they serve nothing but the morphological machinery of the language.
The recognition of ‘intramorphological signata’ for linguistic signs strongly supports the claim about the autonomy of morphology within the grammar. If my analysis is correct, the thematic vowels of Italian verbs should be seen as the dedicated loci for such signata.I verbi italiani sono tradizionalmente classificati in tre principali classi di flessione dette ‘coniugazioni’. L’assegnazione di un verbo ad una delle tre coniugazioni dipende dal contenuto fonologico della vocale che segue la radice verbale in alcune forme flesse del paradigma. Questa vocale è detta ‘vocale tematica’. In letteratura, la principale caratteristica delle vocali tematiche è la loro mancanza di significato: per questa ragione, le vocali tematiche non possono essere considerate dei ‘segni’ nell’accezione saussuriana del termine. Nel presente lavoro si rivendica che le vocali tematiche dei verbi italiani sono, di fatto, dei ‘segni’ di tipo saussuriano, in quanto è possibile assegnar loro un significato (‘signatum’), o persino più di uno (‘signata’). I significati a cui si farà riferimento, tuttavia, sono diversi da quelli tradizionalmente attribuiti ad altre unità morfologiche, come le radici o le terminazioni: in particolare, tali significati non avrebbero rilevanza per l’interpretazione di una forma flessa, ma sarebbero decodificati ad un livello di analisi puramente morfologico (‘morfomico’, secondo la terminologia di Aronoff (1994)). Essi sono perciò definiti ‘intramorfologici’, a sottolineare che la loro utilità è riservata al componente morfologico della lingua. L’idea che dei segni linguistici possano avere dei significati intramorfologici è un argomento forte a favore dell’autonomia del componente morfologico all’interno della grammatica di una lingua. Se l’analisi proposta in questo lavoro è corretta, le vocali tematiche dei verbi italiani dovrebbero rappresentare le unità formali dedicate all’espressione di tali significati.
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Fondow, Steven Richard. "Spanish Velar-insertion and Analogy: A Usage-based Diachronic Analysis." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1290438177.
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Lima, Marcos André Ferraz de. "Aquisição da morfologia flexional verbal em português brasileiro - um estudo experimental com dados de compreensão." Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2014. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/7702.
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This study has as objective to investigate the children's sensitivity to the inflectional morphemes of Brazilian Portuguese (BP) in children between 3, 4 and 5 years old, it has taken as fundamental to the acquisition of verbal morphology of this language. Studies about this topic, already realized with children were based mainly on the production of data, which demonstrated that children produce, already very early, inflectional verbal morphemes in their language. These production data follow a pattern in which it reveals the presence of irregular verb forms with regular forms in the early stages of the process. In the second moment, around 3-4 years old, decays the presence of irregular shapes, appearing irregular verbs used as regular phenomenon known as over regularization. In the final stage, there is the return to the initial default. Our study is to investigate, from the data of understanding, if the child, in the stage that produces over regularization forms, would be sensible to the presence, in the input, to irregular verb in the over regularization form. It is assumed as a hypothesis the idea that children in the age between 3 and 5 years, even thy produce phases in the over regularization forms, they are able to identify the ungrammaticality in the these verbs in the sentence produced by someone else. For this, it was mounted a grammaticality judgment the experiment in which controlled , beyond the age of the participants , the type of verb (regular, irregular and over regularization) and invented verbs, it was divided into three lists of 30 stimuli and each one with 4 conditions . For the conditions 3 and 4, the sentences are repeated in the three lists. Thus, we have for the tree lists a total of 54 stimulus.The results support the hypothesis allow assumed here, showing a sensitivity to the grammaticality of the child's verbal forms present in the input.
Este trabalho investiga a sensibilidade infantil aos morfemas flexionais do português brasileiro (PB) em crianças com 3, 4 e 5 anos de idades, tomada como fundamental para a aquisição da morfologia verbal dessa língua. Os estudos sobre esse tópico, já realizados com crianças, basearam-se notadamente em dados de produção, os quais demonstraram que elas produzem, já desde muito cedo, morfemas flexionais verbais em sua língua. Tais dados de produção seguem um padrão no qual se revela a presença de formas verbais irregulares juntamente com formas regulares, nas etapas iniciais do processo. Num segundo momento, por volta dos 3-4 anos de idade, decai a presença de formas irregulares, surgindo verbos irregulares usados como regulares, fenômeno conhecido como superregularização. Na etapa final, observa-se o retorno ao padrão inicial. Nosso estudo vem investigar, a partir de dados de compreensão, se a criança, na fase em que produz formas superregularizadas, seria sensível à presença, no input, de formas verbais irregulares superregularizadas. Assume-se como hipótese a ideia de que crianças com idade entre 3 e 5 anos, mesmo na fase de produção das formas superregularizadas, são capazes de identificar a agramaticalidade desses verbos em sentenças produzidas por outras pessoas. Para isso, foi elaborado um experimento de julgamento de gramaticalidade no qual se controlou, além da faixa etária dos sujeitos, o tipo de verbo (regulares, irregulares e superregularizados) e verbos inventados, distribuídos em três listas com 30 estímulos e 4 condições cada uma, sendo que as sentenças da condição 3 ( verbos inventados) e da condição 4 ( verbo regular) se repetem nas três listas, somando assim, um total de 54 estímulos nas três listas. Os resultados permitem sustentar a hipótese aqui assumida, evidenciando uma sensibilidade da criança à gramaticalidade das formas verbais presentes no input.
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Beniamine, Sacha. "Classification flexionnelles : Etude quantitative des structures de paradigmes." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCC041.
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Dans les systèmes flexionnels, il arrive que des propriétés morphosyntaxiques soient exprimées différemment d’un lexème à l’autre. Pour décrire ces systèmes, il est usuel d’énumérer un petit nombre de classes flexionnelles formant une partition des lexèmes. Les systèmes flexionnels suivent cependant une organisation beaucoup plus complexe, et en raison d’un flou méthodologique, les travaux sont souvent en désaccord sur l’inventaire exact des classes.Cette thèse se place dans la perspective Mot et Paradigme et élabore des outils computationnels permettant d’observer précisément la structure de similarité des systèmes de classes flexionnelles en se fondant sur des lexiques de formes fléchies. Nous étudions les verbes de l’arabe, de l’anglais, du chatino de Zenzontepec, du chatino de Yaitepec, du français, du navajo, du portugais européen, ainsi que les noms du Russe.Dans une première partie, nous proposons de décrire le comportement flexionnel des lexèmes au moyen des alternances entre leur formes. Nous présentons un algorithme pour inférer automatiquement des patrons d’alternances reliant deux formes de surface d’un même lexème. Nous employons ces patrons pour quantifier le problème de remplissage des cases de paradigme. Dans une seconde partie, nous nous interrogeons sur la structure de similarité des systèmes flexionnels. Nous commençons par classer les lexèmes en microclasses, fondées sur l’identité du comportement flexionnel. Celles-ci sont nombreuses, et parfois très similaires entre elles. Nous proposons ensuite un algorithme fondé sur la longueur de description permettant de regrouper les microclasses en un petit nombre de macroclasses correspondant à la notion traditionnelle de classe flexionnelle. Enfin, nous montrons que le modèle le plus fidèle pour décrire les similarités au sein de ces systèmes est un treillis dont chaque nœud constitue une classe flexionnelle. Pour déduire cette hiérarchie à héritage multiple des patrons d’alternances, nous employons l’analyse de concepts formelsIn some inflectional systems, the same morphosyntactic properties can be expressed differently across lexemes. These systems are usually described through the enumeration of a small number of inflection classes partitioning the inventory of lexemes. However, the actual structure of inflection class systems is much more complex, and methodological vagueness leads to contradictory accounts regarding inventories of inflection classes.This dissertation adopts the Word and Paradigm approach and elaborates computational tools to investigate precisely the similarity structure of inflection class systems based on inflectional lexicon. We study Arabic, Yaitepec Chatino, Zenzontepec Chatino, English, French, Navajo and European Portuguese verbs as well as Russian nouns.The first part defines the inflectional behavior of lexemes through the set of all surface alternations between their forms. We describe an algorithm to infer automatically alternation patterns between any two forms of a lexeme. We use alternation patterns to quantify the Paradigm Cell Filling Problem (PCFP). The second part investigates the similarity structure of inflectional systems. We start by classifying lexemes into microclasses, based on identity of inflectional behavior. These classes are numerous, and sometimes very similar. We then describe an algorithm based on minimal description length to gather microclasses into macroclasses which conform to the traditional notion of inflection class. Finally, we show that the most faithful model to describe similarities in inflectional systems is a lattice in which each node is an inflection class. To deduce this multiple inheritance hierarchy from alternation patterns, we use Formal Concept Analysis
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Carson, Robyn. "Processing Grammatical and Notional Number Information in English and French." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/38309.
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Number is a grammatical category found in nearly every language around the world (Corbett, 2000). The syntactic expression of number is referred to as grammatical number. In English and French, two number categories are in use: singular and plural. Nouns that are written more frequently in their singular form are called singular-dominant, while those that are written more frequently in their plural form are called plural-dominant. Several lexical decision and picture naming studies have found that grammatical number and noun dominance interact, resulting in a surface frequency effect for singular-dominant nouns only. Singular-dominant nouns are recognized/named significantly faster in their singular form than in their plural form, while plural-dominant nouns are recognized/named equally fast in both forms (e.g., Baayen, Burani, & Schreuder, 1997; Biedermann, Beyersmann, Mason, & Nickels, 2013; Domínguez, Cuetos, & Segui, 1999; New, Brysbaert, Segui, Ferrand, & Rastle, 2004; Reifegerste, Meyer, & Zwitserlood, 2017). The objective of this thesis is to extend our understanding of the singular-dominant noun surface frequency effect in English and French by adopting three procedures. First, advanced linear mixed modelling techniques were used to improve statistical power and accuracy. Second, the noun dominance ratio technique (Reifegerste et al., 2017) was applied to investigate whether the surface frequency effect remains significant when noun dominance was treated as a continuous variable. Third, a determiner-noun number agreement task was created to determine whether the surface frequency effect could be reproduced in a novel task. Three studies were conducted. In Study 1, two lexical decision tasks (LDTs) were conducted. Results revealed that in both English and French, singular nouns were recognized faster than plural nouns while the noun dominance effect was non-significant. The interaction between grammatical number and noun dominance was significant in French and marginally so in English. The interaction pattern was identical in both languages, singular-dominant nouns demonstrated a surface frequency effect while plural nouns did not. In Study 2, three determiner-noun number agreement tasks (NATs) were conducted. Results revealed that in both English and French, plural nouns were recognized faster than singular nouns. No other effects were significant. Incorporating irregular singular nouns (e.g., bonus) and plural nouns (e.g., mice) as foils produced the same results. In Study 3, two LDTs and one NAT were conducted. Lexical decision results revealed that in both English and French, singular nouns were recognized faster than plural nouns. However, the effects of noun collectivity and animacy were significant in English only; non-collective nouns were recognized faster than collective nouns while inanimate nouns were recognized faster than animate nouns. Number agreement results revealed that in English, plural nouns were recognized faster than singular nouns; no other effects reached significance. Taken together, my studies confirm that a strong surface frequency effect exists during visual word recognition for singular-dominant nouns. However, the surface frequency effect does not extend to the formation determiner-noun number agreement decisions, which were influenced nearly exclusively by grammatical number.
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Remes, H. (Hannu). "Muodot kontrastissa:suomen ja viron vertailevaa taivutusmorfologiaa." Doctoral thesis, University of Oulu, 2009. http://urn.fi/urn:isbn:9789514291500.
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Abstract In my study I have taken a contrastive look at Finnish and Estonian inflectional morphology as evidenced in their literary forms. In its perspective the present study differs from the contrastive linguistic research as it is commonly practiced in Finland, in which the objects of research have usually been the relations between Finnish and a morphologically poorer Indo-European language. The languages now in comparison are both morphologically rich languages, viz., Finnish and Estonian, and they also share a common historical background. The objective of my study is twofold: the primary goal is to obtain theoretical information about the relations of inflectional morphology that pertain between these two languages and, secondly, to acquire pedagogically applicable data for language teaching purposes. In order to achieve these goals, it is essential to find out how and to what extent Finnish and Estonian differ from each other morphologically, where the differences come from and how the changes have affected these languages typologically. The results show that by comparing languages it is also possible to discover such features that would not have been possible to detect by just focusing on one language. Natural morphology and markedness theory have served as the theoretical bases for this study. Even in the common grammatical categories there are differences in the markedness relations between Finnish and Estonian. Contrastive research usually deals with a synchronic comparison of languages. However, in analyses of morphological relations between Finnish and Estonian it has turned out practical to relate the synchronic phenomena to their historical background. By adopting this procedure, we are able to unveil the strategic solutions that have taken the languages in different directions. These solutions are reflected in synchronic differences and they can also be indications of typological differentiation. The reasons underlying morphological divergence between Finnish and Estonian can often be found in the developments that have taken place in Estonian: phonological changes can have led to changes in morphological structures and even to morphological innovations. The complete morphologicalization of consonantal gradation and the birth of internal inflection are two of the important processes that Estonian has undergone. To some extent, differences have also been caused by conscious development and standardization of the two languages. A comparison of inflectional morphology in Finnish and Estonian nouns shows that the singular and plural genitive forms have a more focal position in Estonian than they have in Finnish. I will also show in more detail, both diachronically and from the point of view of markedness, the nature of the relationship between the three plural types of Estonian compared to the two types in Finnish. In verb morphology there are important differences, for example, in the passive construction, the mood system and past tense relations as well as in the selection and morphology of the infinite forms. A characteristic feature of Estonian is the weakening of the category for person: many finite verb forms are without the person suffix altogether, or it is optional. The present analysis shows that the relations between Finnish and Estonian paradigm types are quite complex. For instance, many Finnish two-stem word-types are parallel to an Estonian type that has evolved into a single-stem type. However, Estonian can have developed a secondary consonant stem type, which has no equivalent in the Finnish paradigms. There is also ample evidence for one Finnish paradigm having its parallels in two or more types in Estonian. This is the case, for instance, in the two-syllable e contracted nouns and contracted verbs. In addition, a path of development in Estonian may also have led to merging of two paradigm types, such as the coalescence of us quality terms and action termsTiivistelmä Tarkastelen tutkimuksessani kontrastiivisesti suomen ja viron taivutusmorfologiaa niiden kirjakielisen edustuksen pohjalta. Lähtökohdiltaan työni poikkeaa Suomessa yleensä harjoitetusta kontrastiivisesta tutkimuksesta, jossa kohteina ovat olleet tavallisesti suomen ja jonkin usein morfologialtaan köyhemmän indoeurooppalaisen kielen suhteet. Nyt vertailtavina ovat paljolti yhteisen taustan omaavat läheiset sukukielet, suomi ja viro, jotka ovat morfologialtaan rikkaita. Tutkimukseni päämäärä on kahtalainen: ensisijaisena tavoitteena on saada teoreettista tietoa kielten taivutusmorfologisista suhteista, mutta toiseksi myös pedagogisesti hyödynnettävissä olevaa tietoa kielenopetuksen tarpeisiin. Keskeistä on sen selvittäminen, miten ja missä määrin suomi ja viro poikkeavat toisistaan morfologisesti ja mistä erot johtuvat sekä miten muutokset ovat vaikuttaneet kieliin typologisesti. Tulokset osoittavat, että kieliä vertailemalla niistä voidaan saada selville sellaisiakin seikkoja, jotka eivät olisi havaittavissa vain yhteen kieleen keskittymällä. Tutkimukseni teoreettisena viitekehyksenä on luonnollinen morfologia ja tunnusmerkkisyysteoria. Suomen ja viron välillä ilmenee yhteisissäkin kielioppikategorioissa eroja tunnusmerkkisyyssuhteissa. Kontrastiivisen tutkimuksessa on tavallisesti kyse kielten synkronisesta vertailusta. Suomen ja viron morfologisten suhteiden selvittämisessä on osoittautunut tarkoituksenmukaiseksi synkronisten ilmiöiden suhteuttaminen historialliseen taustaan. Tällöin näkyvät kieliä eri suuntaan vieneet strategiset ratkaisut, jotka nyt kuvastuvat synkronisina eroina ja voivat olla osoituksena typologisesta erilaistumisesta. Suomen ja viron morfologisten erojen syynä on usein etenkin virossa tapahtunut kehitys: äänteenmuutokset ovat voineet johtaa kielen muotorakenteessa muutoksiin, myös morfologisiin innovaatioihin. Tärkeitä prosesseja ovat virossa olleet astevaihtelun täydellinen morfologistuminen ja sisäisen taivutuksen synty. Niin ikään eroja on jossain määrin aiheuttanut kielten tietoinen kehittäminen ja normittaminen. Suomen ja viron nominien taivutusmorfologian vertailu osoittaa, että virossa erityisesti yksikön ja monikon genetiivimuodoilla on järjestelmässä huomattavasti keskeisempi asema kuin suomessa. Esitän myös lähemmin, millainen on viron kolmen monikkotyypin suhde suomen kahteen tyyppiin sekä diakronisesti että tunnusmerkkisyyden kannalta. Verbimorfologiassa kielten kesken on tärkeitä eroja muun muassa passiivissa, modusjärjestelmässä, imperfektityyppien suhteissa sekä infiniittimuotojen valikoimassa ja morfologiassa. Virolle leimallista on persoonakategorian heikkeneminen: monet finiittiset verbimuodot ovat vailla persoonapäätettä tai sellainen on valinnainen. Suomen ja viron paradigmatyyppien suhteet osoittautuvat varsin kirjaviksi. Monia suomen kaksivartaloisia sanatyyppejä vastaa virossa yksivartaloiseksi kehittynyt tyyppi. Toisaalta viroon on voinut syntyä sekundaaria konsonanttivartaloisuutta, jollaiselta suomen paradigmoista puuttuu vastine. On myös useita esimerkkejä siitä, että yhtä suomen paradigmatyyppiä, esimerkiksi kaksitavuisia e-supistumanomineja sekä supistumaverbejä, vastaa virossa kaksi tai useampia tyyppejä. Kehitys on virossa voinut johtaa myös kahden paradigmatyypin, kuten us-ominaisuudennimien ja -teonnimien, yhdistymiseen
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MELI, GIULIA. "IL DIALETTO DEGLI SHINTE ROSENGRE: ESAME DELLE FONTI E ANALISI DELLA MORFOLOGIA TRA SINCRONIA E DIACRONIA." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/694709.
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The discovery of Shinto Rosengro brings about new data to the panorama of old settlement Romani varieties in Italy. Discovered by Leonardo Piasere in the early 90s’ and partly published in 2001, the manuscripts witnessing this Neo-Indo-Aryan dialect were arranged from 1892 to 1911. The author, Sigismondo Caccini, was a man who had a strict contact with the community of Shinte Rosengre and took part to its short-range movements through Central Italy. The wide corpus of texts and grammatical descriptions by Caccini consists of six grammars, eighteen tales and four dictionaries counting about four thousand terms. It shows a Sinti variety carrying some peculiar features, which distinguish it from the other old settlement varieties on the Italian ground (Sinti and Abruzzian Romani). This work aims to the description of the morphology of Shinto Rosengro, and to the discussion and possible explanation of some of its peculiarities. It is divided in three main parts. In the first part, a description of the morphology of the word classes of Shinto Rosengro is given (the described classes are: noun, article, adjective, personal pronoun, possessives, demonstratives and verb). Every chapter of this first part is divided into two sections: the first section presents and, if possible, accounts for the forms given by the grammarian Caccini, and shows the evolution of his description; the second section offers a description of the morphology extracted by the texts in Shinto Rosengro, that are considered as the most proximate example of what had to be the actual use of this language. The second part is a collection of five chapters that focus on some peculiar morphological traits of Shinto Rosengro, in order to offer a possible explanation for their genesis. The topics are: the dative/locative syncretism in the noun inflection; the imperfect marker -esta; the periphrastic future built with avra particle; the participle in -men; the abstract derivatives in -ipen/-iben and their distribution. The third part gives a synthetic analysis of some features of Shinto Rosengro, which are presented in relation to the main diagnostic isoglosses proposed by scholars up to now for the classification of Romani dialects. This part focuses especially on the relation of Shinto Rosengro with the geographically nearest old settlement varieties. As a final appendix, the transcription and translation of some unpublished tales of Caccini corpus is proposed.
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Hamedani, Ladan. "The Function of Number in Persian." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20167.
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This thesis investigates the function of number marking in Persian, within the framework of principles and parameters (P&P), and its relationship to inflectional and derivational number marking. Following the assumption in Distributed Morphology that inflectional and derivational morphology are not distinct, the distribution and properties of number marking in Persian provide evidence for both inflectional and derivational number marking.
Assuming the two parameters of number marking (Wiltschko, 2007, 2008), number marking as a functional head and number marking as a modifier, I propose that number marking in Persian is mainly inflectional while number functions as a functional head; moreover, I propose that number marking in Persian can be derivational while number functions as a modifier. This explains that number morphology in Persian is not split to either inflectional or derivational. Rather, following Booij’s (1993, 1995) claim that inflectional morphology can be used contextually as well as inherently, I propose that number morphology in Persian is inflectional while number is a functional head; however, it has inherent residues as a modifier.
Considering the functions of inflectional plural morphology in Persian, I argue that the functional category Number Phrase (NumP) is projected in Persian, and number is generated in the head of this functional category. Besides, Persian is a classifier language in which classifiers are in complementary distribution with plural marking. Following Borer’s (2005) discussion of the complementary distribution of plural marking and classifiers in Armenian, I argue that the head of NumP in Persian is either occupied by the plural maker or by full/empty classifiers.
Moreover, I show that the presence of bare singulars/plurals in certain syntactic positions in Persian is related to the projection/non-projection of NumP.
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Kriegler, René. "Textbasierte Untersuchungen zur verbalen Flexionsmorphologie in Makunduchi (Hadimu)." Universität Leipzig, 1997. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A32898.
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Der Analyse liegt ein Konzept von verbaler Flexionsmorphologie zugrunde, das die diachrone Entwicklung von Flexionsmorphemen berücksichtigt. Dies wird im Makunduchi insbesondere aufgrund der häufig unscharfen Grenzziehung zwischen Auxiliarkonstruktion und Flexionsmorphemen erforderlich.
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Jobin, Bettina. "Genus im Wandel : Studien zu Genus und Animatizität anhand von Personenbezeichnungen im heutigen Deutsch mit Kontrastierungen zum Schwedischen." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Tyska institutionen, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-56.
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This study investigates, theoretically and empirically, the role of animacy in the development of gender systems. The theoretical background is a grammaticalisation approach to language change. Concerning gender, this presupposes that classifications begin as semantic distinctions in the realm of animacy with flexible, contextually based agreement between the gender-marking elements. This kind of gender is called contextual gender. In the course of time, these classifications will spread into other areas, they become desemanticized and the agreement relation grammaticalizes into one of government where the inherent gender of the head noun controls the gender of the agreeing elements, irrespective of contextual factors When this leads to a great number of violations of the principles of contextual agreement in the realm of animacy, a new cycle of semantic classification will begin, creating layers of classifications. For German and Swedish two different layers are discerned respectively. The empirical starting point of this project was the observation of two opposite developments in the area of female person reference in Germany and Sweden. As a consequence of feminist critique of language, mainly targeted at the use of socalled masculine generics, in Germany the use of female gender-specific nouns increased substantially, the major means being female derivation with –in, so-called motion. Although similar means for female derivation exist in Swedish, i.e. -inna and -ska, the number of derivations used is decreasing. In order to isolate socio-cultural and historical facts from language-internal mechanisms behind the diverging tendencies, a historical sketch of the development of equal rights, of language criticism and of the development of the female suffixes is drawn for the respective countries. It is obvious, that the German strategy to achieve gender-fair language use is established by making women visible by means of motion, while in Sweden the use of gender-neutral forms for a long period of time has been regarded as a sign of equality. This ‘neutral’ use of former masculine and male-specific forms has been made possible by the merging of the two nominal genders masculine and feminine into uter (Sw. utrum). A contrastive study of comparable German and Swedish newspaper texts shows that the lack of motion in Swedish is partly compensated by composition and attribution with gender-specific lexemes. Still, the 64% gender-specific noun phrases in Swedish cannot compare with the 95% in German. But the use of gender-specific forms for well over half of the person references calls into doubt the general opinion shared by most Swedes that Swedish has a gender-neutral person reference system. Linguistic asymmetry persists as long as gender-specification is restricted to one half of the gendered population, whatever the means for specification. The almost exclusive use of gender-specific forms in German is seen as indicative of a grammaticalisation process. Haspelmaths invisible hand explanation of grammaticalisation is used to show how the development of -in in German fulfils just about every requirement on a grammaticalisation process – language-external as well as -internal – while -inna and -ska neither are promoted sufficiently by the speech community nor does there exist a paradigm that could accommodate them. In contrast to Swedish, where the suffixes remain strictly derivational, it is demonstrated that -in is turning into an inflectional marker. The German gender sub-system for person reference is developing into a semantically based system with genderflexible person denominations. A study of the pronouns agreeing with non-personal-agents in a parallel corpus of EU-documents shows that other aspects than purely referential or formal ones impinge on the choice of agreement forms. Non-personal-agents in certain contexts expose both agency and intentionality, which turns them into suitable agreement partners for animate pronouns. In Swedish, all animate pronouns are sexed, leaving a “Leerstelle” for these inanimate but agentive and intentional referents. In German, this problem is covered by the polysemy of the personal pronouns. Non-personal-agents are shown to be one possiblesource for the spreading of a linguistic innovation from the realm of animacy into inanimate contexts via semantic and thematic roles that share important features with animates proper. The last study makes use of different types of German monolingual corpora in order to investigate the agreement between inanimate nouns with female inherent gender – from non-personal-agents and abstracts to concrete nouns – and agent nouns which can potentially expose agreement by female derivation. Although the results are rather heterogeneous, they allow the formulation of the hypothesis that agreement is more likely to occur with nouns for which a metaphorical bridge to stereotypical conceptions of femininity can be constructed and that key collocations with high frequency such as die Kirche als Trägerin or die DNA als Trägerin der Erbinformation contribute significantly to the spread of the agreement pattern.
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Taghipour, Sahar. "LAKI VERBAL INFLECTION." UKnowledge, 2017. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/ltt_etds/22.
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This thesis mainly examines inflectional morphology of verbal paradigms in Laki, which is considered as one of the Southern varieties of Kurdish language. The association of form and content of morphological markings are viewed from a realizational angle, in which exponents (morphological forms) are associated with the morphosyntactic properties via the application of rules of exponence, appealed by paradigm functions (Stump 2001) and ordered into rule blocks (Anderson 1992). In particular, I applied the paradigm linkage theory proposed and fully developed by Stump (2002 and 2016) to account for Laki verbal paradigms. In this study, it is claimed that alignment pattern and the syntagmatic combination of some of the inflectional exponents such as agreement markers are sensitive to preterite property. Hence, I argue in favor of considering two distinct morphotactic patternings in Laki. As the result of this assumption, depending on whether the inflectional markers attach to a preterite or a non-preterite stem, we should define two separate sets of affix position in this language. Moreover, I examine Laki polyfunctional agreement markers through the consideration of the morphotactics of this language. Applying Stump's analysis (to appear) of Swahili verbal concords, I consider two distinct types of content for these agreement markers: intrinsic content, and positional content. Their positional content is what the morphotactics of the language determines.
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Soderstrom, Melanie. "The acquisition of inflection morphology in early perceptual knowledge of syntax." Available to US Hopkins community, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/dlnow/3068215.
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Trommer, Jochen. "Distributed optimality." Phd thesis, [S.l. : s.n.], 2001. http://pub.ub.uni-potsdam.de/2004/0037/trommer.pdf.
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Nishida, Chiyo. "Interplay between morphology and syntax: A lexical analysis of inflection and cliticization in Spanish." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184304.
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The purpose of this study is to propose a lexical analysis of inflection and cliticization in Spanish within the framework of Categorial Grammar, and to show how morphology and syntax interplay with one another in this language. I postulate that inflectional suffixes and clitics are syntactic expressions in their own right; inflectional suffixes are the instantiation of the grammatical relation, subject, whereas certain clitics, i.e. DAT and ACC clitics, are of the object. In this regard, inflection and cliticization can be conceived as functions from one set of syntactic expressions into another. I assume that inflectional suffixes and clitics are stored in the lexicon assigned to categories which specify their syntactic (and semantic) properties. These elements are combined to form complex expressions by two kinds of operations: (1) Function/argument application, and (2) Functional Composition. Three lexical rules are proposed in order to account for the distribution of the morphological properties at issue: (1) Inflection, (2) Cliticization, and (3) Complex Verb Formation. These rules make an explicit statement of what syntactic processes take place as morphologically complex expressions are formed. One consequence of my analysis is the redefinition of nominals commonly referred to as "subject NP" and "object NP" (doubled by a clitic) as elements which mark a referential contrast. This way, the formal variation as to the presence or absence of these nominals in Spanish sentences has a coherent explanation. Two rules of nominal adjunction are proposed in order to account for "clitic doubling" and "subject doubling". These two rules apply under certain conditions. With a lexical treatment of inflection and cliticization proposed, all the word formation processes in the Spanish language are now relegated to one single component, the lexicon. Morphology in Spanish, thus, has a clearly delineated domain of its own as an integral part of the lexicon. Furthermore, inflection and cliticization are morphological processes which, at the same time, construct syntactically complex expressions. This direct interplay between morphology and syntax is what uniquely characterizes the so-called "pro-drop" languages, of which Spanish is one, and distinguishes them from the "non-pro-drop" languages.
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Brown, Dunstan. "From the general to the exceptional : a network morphology account of Russian nominal inflection." Thesis, University of Surrey, 1998. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/994/.
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Guerrero, Aurélie. "Analyse thématique de la flexion en catalan central standard." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014TOU20010/document.
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L’objectif de cette thèse est d’étudier la flexion des verbes, des noms et des adjectifs du catalan central standard. Elle s’inscrit dans une approche inférentielle et réalisationnelle de la morphologie (cf. Stump 2001) et applique une analyse thématique aux paradigmes examinés (cf. Bonami & Boyé 2003). Trois problématiques de la flexion en catalan sont abordées. La première concerne la tendance à réduire, via des règles phonologiques, l’inventaire du matériel mémorisé dans le lexique. La considération d’un nombre important de données montre que certaines analyses sont basées sur des représentations sous-jacentes qui n’apparaissent pas toujours en surface et que certains processus phonologiques postulés ne sont pas systématiques. La seconde problématique renvoie à la répartition des verbes en classes flexionnelles et à leur distinction en réguliers et irréguliers. L’analyse proposée s’oppose aux travaux antérieurs au sens où la répartition en classes émerge des différentes configurations induites par les formes fléchies elles-mêmes et la régularité d’un lexème est déterminée à partir d’un ensemble de relations implicatives par défaut. La troisième problématique concerne l’expression du genre dans la flexion nominale et adjectivale (y compris dans les formes du participe passé des verbes). Dans ce travail, les séquences finales des nominaux sont dissociées de l’expression du genre. Elles sont considérées comme des éléments du thème et participent à définir, en association avec les variations thématiques non prédictibles, un ensemble de classes flexionnelles qui s’éloigne de celui proposé dans les travaux antérieursThe purpose of this Ph.D. is to study verbal, nominal and adjectival inflection in standard central Catalan. It entails an inferential and realizational approach to morphology (cf. Stump 2001) and applies a thematic analysis to the discussed paradigms (cf. Bonami & Boyé 2003). Three issues of Catalan inflexion are addressed. The first concerns the tendency to reduce, from phonological rules, the material inventory stored in the lexicon. Taking into account a large amount of data demonstrates that some analyses are based on underlying representations that do not always appear at the surface level and that some of the postulated phonological processes are not systematic. The second issue refers to verbs division into inflectional classes and to regular and irregular distinction. The analysis we propose is opposed to previous works in that classes division merges from the different configurations induced by inflectional forms themselves and that regularity is determined from a set of default implicative relations. The third issue concerns gender expression in nominal and adjectival inflection (including in the past participle forms of verbs). In this research work, final nominal sequences are dissociated from gender expression. They are considered as stem elements and contribute to define, in association with unpredictable stem variations, a set of inflectional classes deviating from the one proposed in previous works
L’objectiu d’aquesta tesi és l’estudi de la flexió dels verbs, dels noms i dels adjectius en català central estàndard. Segueix una concepció inferencial i realitzacional de la morfologia (cf. Stump 2001) i aplica una anàlisi temàtica als paradigmes estudiats (cf. Bonami & Boyé 2003). En aquest model, l’expressió de les propietats morfosintàctiques, considerades com l’aplicació d’operacions fonològiques a un lexema, són parcialment independents de les unitats que les realitzen. Aquest treball es focalitza principalment en tres problemàtiques fonamentals de la flexió verbal i nominal del català : (1) la tendència a reduir la informació memoritzada a partir de regles fonològiques, (2) el repartiment dels verbs en classes flexionals i (3) l’expressió del gènere dins la flexió nominal i adjectival. La primera problemàtica concerneix la tendència a reduir, mitjançant regles fonològiques, l’inventari del material fonològic i morfològic que cal memoritzar en català. Aquest tipus d’enfocament implica, en alguns treballs precedents, basar les anàlisis sobre representacions subjacents que mai no aparareixen al nivell superficial i postular processos fonològics que no tenen la regularitat esperada. La segona problemàtica abordada és la relativa al repartiment dels verbs en classes de flexió i a la distinció entre verbs regulars i irregulars. Tradicionalment, els verbs del català estan organitzats en tres classes flexionals, dues de les quals estan subdividides. En les anàlisis que no parteixen d’un criteri ortogràfic, aquesta tripartició es basa en la presència d’elements segmentals dins de les formes flexionals. El punt de desacord es troba principalment en el repartiment en subclasses i la identificació dels verbs irregulars de la classe II, que són diferents segons els autors (cf. Mascaró 1983 ; Viaplana 1986). D’acord amb la perspectiva que adopto, l’organització en classes flexionals sorgeix de les diferents configuracions que emergeixen de les formes flexionals. Un lexema regular correspon a un lexema el paradigma del qual es pot deduir completament a partir d’una forma i un conjunt de relacions implicatives per defecte. Com a conseqüència, el repartiment que proposo s’oposa als que ofereixen les gramàtiques tradicionals i els treballs més recents.La tercera problemàtica discutida en aquesta tesi es refereix a l’expressió del gènere dels noms i dels adjectius, incloses les formes del participi dels verbs. Tradicionalment, algunes seqüències finals dels nominals s’han analitzat com a marques de gènere o bé com a marcadores de classes flexionals. Tanmateix, els criteris definits per identificar-les són problemàtics. A més, les seqüències finals no permeten inferir de manera determinista el gènere o la classe d’un nominal. Segons l’anàlisi proposada en aquesta tesi, aquestes seqüències estan dissociades de l’expressió del gènere. Són elements que formen part del tema i que, juntament amb les variacions temàtiques que no són predictibles, permeten establir un conjunt de classes flexionals que s’allunya dels tractaments oferts en els treballs precedents
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Kersten, Kristin. "Verbal inflections in L2 child narratives a study of lexical aspect and grounding." Trier WVT, Wiss. Verl. Trier, 2009. http://www.wvttrier.de.
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Vaičiukaitė, Aušra. "Švenčionėlių šnektos daiktavardis (kalbos dalių kaityba ir kirčiavimas)." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2005. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2005~D_20050629_125936-79619.
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Whereas the noun of Švenčionėliai subdialect was analyzed in my BA paper, this thesis is the continuation of the previous work; therefore, noun is not taken into consideration. In this work more emphasis is given on the inflection and accentuation of other parts of speech in Švenčionėliai subdialect. In addition to this, this subdialect was compared to the standard Lithuanian language as well as much attention was paid on the previous works of the well known linguists (Z. Zinkevičius, A. Pakerys et al). In this study, I used authentic dialectal material which was collected from audio recordings or from notes made wile the communicating with the representatives of this sub dialect. The findings of this research suggest as follows.
· All inflective parts of speech use illiatyvas as frequent as inesyvas.
· Adjectives have dual number which is very rarely used: turε,jæ dù graþù su,nu.
· Plural numbers are not often used, instead, people usually use cardinal numbers. Surprisingly, fractional numbers are not used at all.
· Various particles are very often linked to the personal pronouns àš and tù, for example, αš / a.šei, tù / tùjei .
· What concerns adverbs with the prefix –ai, in Švenčionėliai subdialect most of adverbs are formed from indirect cases.
· A number of particles are used to express specification, contradistinction, interrogation and impeachment.
· Prepositions are used together with 3 cases, that is, genitive (unpe.èÅus pa.dedi # tÀdu ana paru,kstÀ)... [to full text]
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Artés, Cuenca Eduard. "The influence of phonology on inflection. The interplay between syllabification and lexical insertion in pallarese catalan." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/393997.
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En aquesta tesi s’analitzen les restriccions que la fonologia imposa sobre l'exponència del gènere. En concret, s’explora la interacció entre epèntesi i flexió nominal en el sistema clític del pallarès. Atès que la flexió s'esdevé en posició final de mot, s'argumenta que l'epèntesi s'evita en aquesta posició per tal de mantenir una estricta correspondència entre estructura morfològica i estructura fonològica. En canvi, en alguns contextos s'hi poden inserir vocals flexives per tal de facilitar la sil·labificació de la seqüència.
En aquest treball s'assumeix que cada nucli sintàctic funcional projecta una posició temàtica on es realitza el gènere (Oltra-Massuet, 1999). Una aspecte clau de la proposta és la idea que els exponents de gènere són trets flotants i, per tant, la flexió es realitza en dos passos. En primer lloc, en la posició temàtica s’hi insereix una vocal subespecificada (i.e., T ↔ V) i, posteriorment, els trets flotants ([+fem] ↔ [+baix], i.e., -[a]; [–fem] ↔ [+labial,–alt], i.e., -[o]) s’ associen a la V de la posició temàtica. En l’anàlisi, emmarcada en la Teoria de l’Optimitat (TO), s’assumeix que l'ordenació de les restriccions determina la presència o l'absència superficial dels trets flotants. El femení sempre es realitza a causa d'una restricció que afavoreix l'associació del tret [+baix] (fet que implica la inserció de línies d'associació no presents a l’input), mentre que al masculí s’evita la inserció de noves línies a l’output, fet que explica la realització -[Ø] per defecte del masculí. Tanmateix, quan el gènere forma part de la composició morfosintàctica d’un clític, com en el cas del pronom masculí acusatiu de 3a persona del singular, aquests trets flotants es poden acabar associant a la V de la posició temàtica per tal de millorar l’estructura sil·làbica quan es donen certs condicionaments fonotàctics. Aquesta ‘solució morfològica’ és menys costosa que l’epèntesi inicial perquè no necessita crear una nova posició estructural o inserir nous trets.
L’operació d’Empobriment (Bonet, 1991) esborra els tets de gènere del pronom acusatiu de 3a persona del plural i, per tant, els trets fonològics que li corresponen no es poden utilitzar per assolir una sil·labificació apropiada. La posició temàtica amb la vocal subespecificada es manté, però, i els trets epentètics per defecte del pallarès s’insereixen en aquesta posició, motiu pel qual la vocal rep una interpetació temàtica. Aquesta solució es prefereix a l’epèntesi inicial perquè la posició temàtica ja proporciona una posició estructural. El mateix s’aplica a d’altres clítics que no tenen trets de gènere.
Tot i que el pallarès mostra interaccions morfofonològiques complexes pel que fa a l’exponència del gènere, l’anàlisi en TO que es presenta en aquesta tesi fa referència exclusiva a objectes fonològics. L’estructura morfosintàctica del sistema nominal afecta els processos epentètics però es pot continuar mantenint una modularitat estricta del sistema. A més a més, l’assumpció de trets flotants evita l’ús d’al·lomorfs de gènere (Bonet et al. 2007).
Quant als noms i adjectius, el procés general que, d’una banda, realitza una vocal subespecificada i, de l’altra, realitza trets flotants de gènere, és vàlid només per a les terminacions per defecte. És a dir, qualsevol vocal que no sigui -a (femení) o -o (masculí) —si es realitza— no es pot considerar de gènere i ha de ser especificada, en canvi, a la posició temàtica de l’entrada lèxica. Per tant, els noms amb marques no regulars s’han d’emmagatzemar com a representacions complexes i la realització s’ha de fer en un sol pas. Això dóna suport a teories que suposen que un exponent o un conjunt d’exponents poden realitzar constituents morfosintàctics que apleguen més d’un node terminal (e.g., Siddiqi 2009, Caha 2009 or Bermúdez-Otero 2012).This dissertation deals with the constraints that phonology imposes on the exponence of gender. In particular, it explores the interaction between epenthesis and nominal inflection in Pallarese Catalan clitics. Since inflection is located word-finally in Pallarese, I argue that right-edge epenthesis is avoided in order to maintain a strict correspondence between morphological and phonological structure. Inflectional vowels may be used for syllabification purposes in word-final position instead. It is assumed in this thesis that every syntactic functional head projects a postsyntactic theme position (Oltra-Massuet, 1999) where gender is realized. A key aspect of the proposal is the idea that the exponents of gender are floating features, and thus inflection proceeds in two steps. First, the theme position is spelled outwith an underspecified vowel (i.e., Th ↔ V) and, subsequently, the floating features associated with gender ([+fem] ↔ [+low], i.e., -[a]; [–fem] ↔ [+labial,–high], i.e., -[o]) are attached to the V-slot of the theme position. Couched within Optimality Theory, I argue that the constraint ranking determines whether the featural gender exponents surface or not. The feminine is always realized due to a constraint that favors parsing [+low] (which implies adding association lines that are absent in the input), whereas in the masculine the insertion of new association lines in the output is dispreferred and the features associated with [–fem] are not parsed, which accounts for default masculine -[Ø] exponence. If gender is part of the morphosyntatic compositionof a clitic, as in the 3rd person singular masculine accusative clitic, these floating features can nevertheless be attached to the V-slot of the theme position toimprove syllabic structure under certain phonotactic conditions. This ‘morphological solution’ is less costly than (regular) word-initial epenthesis because it does notneed to create a new skeletal position or insert new features. Impoverishment (Bonet, 1991) deletes gender features in the 3rd person plural accusative clitic, and thus the corresponding phonological features associated with gender cannot be used for syllabification purposes. The theme position with the V-slot is maintained, though, and the default epenthetic features of Pallarese are inserted when required by phonotactics, which forces a thematic interpretation of this vowel. This solution is preferred over word-initial epenthesis because the theme position already provides a skeletal slot. The same procedure applies to other clitics that do not bear gender features either. Even though Pallarese shows a complex morphophonological intertwining regarding gender exponence, the OT analysis presented in this dissertation makes exclusive reference to phonological objects. The morphosyntactic structure of the nominal system constrains epenthesis, but strict modularity can be maintained. Furthermore, the use of floating features in the input can dispense with gender allomorphy (cf. Bonet et al. 2007). As for nouns and adjectives, the general process that spells out an underspecified vowel in the theme position, on the one hand, and floating place features for gendervalues, on the other, is only valid for default endings. That is, vowels other than-a (feminine) and -o (masculine) —when it surfaces— cannot be considered gender markers and need to be fully specified in the theme position of lexical entries instead. Therefore, nouns with non-regular endings are stored as complex representations and phonologically realized in one single step. This supports theories that assume that one exponent (or set of exponents) can spell out whole morphosyntactic structures(e.g., Siddiqi 2009, Caha 2009 or Berm´udez-Otero 2012).
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Estivalet, Gustavo Lopez. "Mental Lexicon Architecture and Morphological Processing of French Verbs." Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE1173/document.
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Comment les mots sont-ils reconnus? Comment avons-nous accès à la signification des mots? Ces questions ont été explorées dans des études sur l'accès lexical et la reconnaissance des mots durant le demi-siècle dernier dans les domaines de la psycho-, neuro- et de la linguistique. Le traitement morphologique est un niveau essentiel de traitement pour l'extraction d'information lors de la reconnaissance de mots. A un extrême, les modèles de pleine-entrée proposent le stockage du mot entier dans la mémoire et un traitement morphologique post-lexical paradigmatiques; à l'autre extrême, les modèles décompositionnels proposent une décomposition pré-lexicale et une activation morphologique basée sur des règles; entre les deux, les modèles à double-mécanismes postulent deux voies pour la reconnaissance des mots, une route associative avec les mots entiers et une route combinatoire basée sur des règles. Dans la présente thèse, le traitement morphologique des verbes fléchis en français a été étudié en modalité visuelle dans cinq études. L'étude 1 a recherché à mettre à jour l'organisation du lexique mental en utilisant les effets de fréquences de surface et les effets de fréquences cumulée; l'étude 2 a exploré l'impact des différents processus de formation du radical verbal; l'étude 3 a étudié les opérations morphologiques au travers des suffixes flexionnels; l'étude 4 a testé le traitement morphologique verbal pour des locuteurs de français comme L2; et l'étude 5 a exploré les violations morphologiques verbales via des mesures électro-encéphalographiques. Globalement les résultats suggèrent que tous les verbes français fléchis sont traités par un mécanisme unique avec décomposition morphologique pré-lexicale pour l'accès lexical et la reconnaissance des mots. Il est proposé un traitement différent pour les morphèmes lexicaux et fonctionnels. Les mots sont décomposés en morphèmes atomiques, les représentations morphologiques sont activées dans le lexique mental, et les constituants de mots sont recombinés pour la vérification de motHow words are recognized? How do we process word meaning? These questions have been pursued in lexical access and word recognition studies in the last half century of research in psycho-, neuro-, and linguistics. Morphological processing is an essential level of processing for information extraction during word recognition. In one extreme, full-entry models propose whole word storage in memory and post-lexical morphological processing based on paradigms; in the other extreme, decompositional models posit pre-lexical decomposition and morphemic activation based on rules; between then, dual-mechanism models consider two routes for word recognition, a whole-word associative route and a combinatorial rule-based route. In the present thesis, it was investigated the morphological processing of French inflected verbs in visual modality in five studies. Study 1 researched the mental lexicon organization in function of surface and cumulative frequencies; Study 2 explored different stem formation processes; Study 3 investigated morphological operations in the inflectional suffixes; Study 4 tested the verbal morphological processing in L2 French speakers; and Study 5 tested verbal violations coupled with electroencephalography acquisition. The results suggest that all inflected French verbs are processed by a single-mechanism model with pre-lexical morphological decomposition for lexical activation and word recognition. It is proposed different processing for the lexical and functional morphemes. Words are decomposed in atomic morphemes, morphemic representations are activated in the mental lexicon, and word constituents are recombined for word verification
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Picard, Flore. "Morphologie flexionnelle verbale des langues sames : modélisation de la complexité diasystémique d'un système flexionnel." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL123.
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Cette thèse est une modélisation diasystémique de la flexion verbale de cinq langues sames (famille finno-ougrienne), qui s'inscrit dans le cadre théorique des systèmes complexes. Elle se pose à l'intersection entre la complexité flexionnelle, avec pour but de démêler et modéliser les phénomènes intriqués d'allomorphie paradigmatique, et la complexité dialectale, en comparant cinq systèmes flexionnels de langues formant un réseau dialectal pour déterminer les mécanismes de différentiation et les flux interactifs qui entrent en jeu au sein du diasystème. L'analyse morphologique fait usage du modèle Paradigm Function Morphology, une approche réalisationnelle de la complexité paradigmatique développée par G. Stump, qui permet de modéliser le grand nombre d'alternances thématiques qui font la réputation d'extrême complexité de la flexion same. L'analyse des paradigmes débouche sur une taxinomie des verbes sames, sous la forme de classes flexionnelles, dans chacune des langues étudiées (sames du Sud, de Lule, du Nord, d'Inari et same Skolt), et sur un inventaire détaillé des mécanismes de flexion. À partir de ces modélisations comparables, je développe ensuite une analyse diasystémique de la morphologie verbale same en en interprétant les processus d'intrication, d'auto-organisation et d'émergence au sein du système. La configuration qui en ressort, renforcée par une étude dialectométrique, est celle d'un système dialectal à deux pôles décisionnels majeurs, ouest et est, et au centre une zone de transition et de compromis où se produisent des phénomènes de complexification phonologique et morphologiqueThis thesis analyzes the verbal inflection of five Saami languages (Finno-Ugric family) in a diasystemic modelization, working within the framework of Complex Systems Theory. It deals with both inflectional complexity, aiming to untangle and model the intricacy of paradigmatic allomorphy in Saami, and dialectal complexity, by comparing the inflectional systems of five languages organized in a dialect continuum, in order to highlight the mechanisms of differentiation and interactive flows within the diasystem.The morphological analysis uses Paradigm Function Morphology, a realizational approach to paradigmatic complexity developed by G. Stump. This framework gives me the tools needed to model the great number of stem alternations that makes Saami inflection renowned for its extreme complexity. From the paradigm analysis, I work to build a taxonomy of Saami verbs, in the form of inflectional classes, in each of the studied languages (South, Lule, North, Inari and Skolt Saami), and a detailed inventory of inflection mechanisms. Based on these comparable models, I then develop a diasystemic analysis of Saami verbal morphology by modeling the processes of intrication, self-organization and emergence happening in the system. The resulting configuration, reinforced by a dialectometric study, is that of a system with two major decision centers, western and eastern, and in the center a transitional zone of compromise where phonological and morphological complexification phenomena arise
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Hardymon, Nathan. "THE SHAWNEE ALIGNMENT SYSTEM: APPLYING PARADIGM FUNCTION MORPHOLOGY TO LEXICAL-FUNCTIONAL GRAMMAR'S M-STRUCTURE." UKnowledge, 2015. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/ltt_etds/8.
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Shawnee is a language whose alignment system is of the type first proposed by Nichols (1992) and Siewierska (1998): hierarchical alignment. This alignment system was proposed to account for languages where distinctions between agent (A) and object (O) are not formally manifested. Such is the case in Shawnee; there are person-marking inflections on the verb for both A and O, but there is not set order. Instead, Shawnee makes reference to an animacy hierarchy and is an inverse system. This thesis explores how hierarchical alignment is accounted for by Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG), and also applies Paradigm Function Morphology to LFG’s m(orphological)-structure as most of the alignment system in Shawnee is realized in the inflectional morphology.
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Karatsareas, Petros. "A study of Cappadocian Greek nominal morphology from a diachronic and dialectological perspective." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/240609.
Full textAbstract:
In this dissertation, I investigate a number of interrelated developments affecting the morphosyntax of nouns in Cappadocian Greek. I specifically focus on the development of differential object marking, the loss of grammatical gender distinctions, and the neuterisation of noun inflection. My aim is to provide a diachronic account of the innovations that Cappadocian has undergone in the three domains mentioned above. !ll the innovations examined in this study have the effect of rendering the morphology and syntax of nouns in Cappadocian more like that of neuters. On account of the historical and sociolinguistic circumstances in which Cappadocian developed as well as of the superficial similarity of their outcomes to equivalent structures in Turkish, previous research has overwhelmingly treated the Cappadocian developments as instances of contact-induced change that resulted from the influence of Turkish. In this study, I examine the Cappadocian innovations from a language-internal point of view and in comparison with parallel developments attested in the other Modern Greek dialects of Asia Minor, namely Pontic, Rumeic, Pharasiot and Silliot. My comparative analysis of a wide range of dialect-internal, cross-dialectal and cross-linguistic typological evidence shows that language contact with Turkish can be identified as the main cause of change only in the case of differential object marking. On the other hand, with respect to the origins of the most pervasive innovations in gender and noun inflection, I argue that they go back to the common linguistic ancestor of the modern Asia Minor Greek dialects and do not owe their development to language contact with Turkish. I show in detail that the superficial similarity of these latter innovations’ outcomes to their Turkish equivalents in each case represents the final stage in a long series of typologically plausible, language-internal developments whose early manifestations predate the intensification of Cappadocian–Turkish linguistic and cultural exchange. These findings show that diachronic change in Cappadocian is best understood when examined within a larger Asia Minor Greek context. On the whole, they make a significant contribution to our knowledge of the history of Cappadocian and the Asia Minor Greek dialects as well as to Modern Greek dialectology more generally, and open a fresh round of discussion on the origin and development of other innovations attested in these dialects that are considered by historical linguists and Modern Greek dialectologists to be untypically Greek or contact-induced or both.