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Journal articles on the topic 'Kinship anthropology'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 6 February 2022

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1

Lyon, Stephen M., and Simeon S. Magliveras. "Kinship, Computing, and Anthropology." Social Science Computer Review 24, no. 1 (2006): 30–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0894439305281494.

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2

Andrikopoulos, Apostolos, and Jan Willem Duyvendak. "Migration, mobility and the dynamics of kinship: New barriers, new assemblages." Ethnography 21, no. 3 (2020): 299–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1466138120939584.

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Although kinship has long since been established as a topic in migration research, migration scholars often lacked an analytical concept of kinship and relied on their own ethnocentric understandings and legal definitions. Reconciling insights from the anthropology of kinship and migration studies, we outline how a new theorization of kinship could be suitable and helpful for the study of migration and mobility. First, we need a conceptualization that accounts for kinship’s flexible and dynamic character in changing settings. Second, it is imperative to pay close attention to the intricate way

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3

Silva, Márcio, and Adriana Piscitelli. "Dossier "anthropology and kinship" foreword." Vibrant: Virtual Brazilian Anthropology 8, no. 2 (2011): 68–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1809-43412011000200004.

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4

Sousa, Paulo. "The Fall of Kinship: Towards an Epidemiological Explanation." Journal of Cognition and Culture 3, no. 4 (2003): 265–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853703771818019.

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AbstractKinship used to be described as what anthropologists do. Today, many might well say that it is what anthropologists do not do. One possible explanation is that the notion of kinship fell off anthropology's radar due to the criticisms raised by Needham and Schneider among others, which supposedly demonstrated that kinship is not a sound theoretical concept. Drawing inspiration from epidemiological approaches to cultural phenomena, this article aims to enrich this explanation. Kinship became an unattractive theoretical concept in the subculture of anthropology not simply because of probl

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5

FAUSTO, Carlos. "The kinship I and the kinship other." HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 3, no. 2 (2013): 293–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.14318/hau3.2.019.

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6

GAMMELTOFT, TINE M. "Spectral kinship." American Ethnologist 48, no. 1 (2021): 22–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/amet.13002.

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7

Ball, Christopher. "Language of Kin Relations and Relationlessness." Annual Review of Anthropology 47, no. 1 (2018): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-anthro-102317-050120.

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Language has long been at the center of kinship studies, where there has been a tendency to see the role of language in terms of nomenclature for labeling preexisting relations. Linguistic anthropologists have turned to the constitutive role of language in the formation of kin relations. People enact kin relations through behaviors that include, but are not limited to, the linguistic. Rather than static grids of terminology, linguistic anthropology finds its empirical object in the reflexive practices of speakers as they construct, reformulate, transform, and sometimes undercut cultural norms

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8

WAGNER, Roy. "The chess of kinship and the kinship of chess." HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 1, no. 1 (2011): 165–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.14318/hau1.1.006.

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9

Barnes, Robert H. "Maurice Godelier and the Metamorphosis of Kinship, A Review Essay." Comparative Studies in Society and History 48, no. 2 (2006): 326–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417506000132.

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Once it was thought that kinship was the preeminent subject of anthropology, one about which considerable progress was possible. “Kinship” itself was, for some, fairly unproblematic. Thus Radcliffe-Brown (1952: 46) asserted that, “if any society establishes a system of corporations on the basis of kinship … it must necessarily adopt a system of unilineal reckoning of succession,” and Fortes (1959: 209) announced that, “Kinship, being an irreducible factor in social structure has an axiomatic validity.” However, in the late 1960s and early 1970s one leading figure of anthropology after the othe

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10

Santos, Gonçalo Duro Dos. "The Anthropology of Chinese Kinship. A Critical Overview." European Journal of East Asian Studies 5, no. 2 (2006): 275–333. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006106778869298.

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AbstractThis is a critical overview of the anthropology of Chinese kinship focusing on the twentieth-century Euro-American literature. I first deal with the less well-known early literature of the period before the foundation and closure of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1949. I then show how the thematic and theoretical heterogeneity of this early literature was superseded during the 1960s and 1970s by a powerful but reductive paradigmatic lineage model of Chinese kinship and society, largely derived from documentary-based studies of lineage organisation in the late imperial period a

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11

FEUCHTWANG, Stephan. "What is kinship?" HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 3, no. 2 (2013): 281–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.14318/hau3.2.017.

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12

Leinaweaver, Jessaca B. "Toward an Anthropology of Ingratitude: Notes from Andean Kinship." Comparative Studies in Society and History 55, no. 3 (2013): 554–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417513000248.

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AbstractIn this article I examine gratitude and ingratitude as valuable analytical tools for determining how social inequalities inform kinship practices. Accusing one's kin of ingratitude reveals the edges and fault lines of kinship, as well as closely related expectations about what should be given, how it should be given, and how it should be received. As such, this essay follows in an esteemed anthropological tradition of unifying analyses of the gift and of kinship. It argues that expressions of and talk about gratitude and ingratitude closely index dimensions of social relations such as

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13

Dahal, Kapil Babu. "Book Review: Kinship Studies in Nepali Anthropology." Tribhuvan University Journal 31, no. 1-2 (2017): 275–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/tuj.v31i1-2.25362.

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14

Peletz, Michael G. "Kinship Studies in Late Twentieth-Century Anthropology." Annual Review of Anthropology 24, no. 1 (1995): 343–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.an.24.100195.002015.

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15

Addlakha, Renu. "Kinship Destabilized!" Current Anthropology 61, S21 (2020): S46—S54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/705390.

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16

Wilson, Robert A. "Kinship Past, Kinship Present: Bio-Essentialism in the Study of Kinship." American Anthropologist 118, no. 3 (2016): 570–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aman.12607.

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17

Gregory, Christopher. "Kinship, Networks, and Exchange." American Ethnologist 26, no. 1 (1999): 243–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1999.26.1.243.

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18

O’Toole, Rachel Sarah. "The Bonds of Kinship, the Ties of Freedom in Colonial Peru." Journal of Family History 42, no. 1 (2016): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0363199016681606.

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By contrasting how families who mobilized African-descent networks gained more autonomy than those who relied on slaveholder patronage, this article explores the interplay between kinship and manumission on the northern Peruvian coast from the mid-seventeenth century into the early eighteenth century. For enslaved and freed people, kinship did not constitute a status, but a series of exchanges that required legal or public recognition and mutual acknowledgment. Manumission was embedded in articulated kinships, or announced relations, as well as in silenced kinships that often occurred because

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19

RODGERS, SUSAN. "Batak tape cassette kinship: constructing kinship through the Indonesian national mass media." American Ethnologist 13, no. 1 (1986): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1986.13.1.02a00020.

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20

Lantowa, Jafar. "SISTEM KEKERABATAN MASYARAKAT BALI DALAM NOVEL “TARIAN BUMI” KARYA OKA RUSMINI (KAJIAN ANTROPOLOGI SASTRA)." Jurnal Lingua Idea 8, no. 2 (2017): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.jli.2017.8.2.252.

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This study aims to describe the kinship system of Balinese in novel Tarian Bumi by Oka Rusmini, and uses literary anthropology approach. In analyzing the cultural elements particularly the kinship system of the Balinese in the novel, this study uses descriptive interpretative method by presenting it in description technique. The data were collected from reading and noting technique, and analyzed by using literary anthropology approach with content analysis model. Content analysis was done through inference, analysis, validity and reliability. The results show that the kinship system of Balines

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21

Faubion, James D., and Jennifer A. Hamilton. "Sumptuary Kinship." Anthropological Quarterly 80, no. 2 (2007): 533–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/anq.2007.0024.

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22

Herzfeld, Michael. "Global Kinship: Anthropology and the Politics of Knowing." Anthropological Quarterly 80, no. 2 (2007): 313–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/anq.2007.0026.

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23

El Guindi, Fadwa. "The cognitive path through kinship." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 33, no. 5 (2010): 384–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x10002050.

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AbstractIntegral to the discipline of anthropology are both science and holism. The application of Optimality Theory to two partial kin terminologies narrows analysis to descriptive value, fragments phenomena, and constrains data selection, which precludes significant knowledge. Embedded in this critique is a call to move analysis from fragment to whole and from descriptive features to deeper levels of knowledge underlying kin terms, thereby leading to a cognitive path for holistic understanding of human phenomena.

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24

Asfari, Mitra. "Kinship among the Ġorbat of Babol." Anthropology of the Middle East 12, no. 2 (2017): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ame.2016.120204.

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Abstract The Ġorbat are one of the peripatetic groups in Iran known colloquially as Kowli (Gypsy). In scientific literature, we notice a lack of knowledge about this group. The only image of Ġorbats for urban Iranians consists of begging children at crossroads. As the Ġorbat child plays a crucial role in the social division of tasks, the present study approaches this group from the perspective of the anthropology of childhood. Analysis of childcare practices, the status of children in the group and their duties towards adults reveal specific models of kinship among Ġorbats. In addition, child

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25

Kirchhoff, Paul. "Kinship nomenclatures and kin marriage." HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 10, no. 3 (2020): 1123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/712306.

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26

KAUFMAN, SHARON R., ANN J. RUSS, and JANET K. SHIM. "Aged bodies and kinship matters." American Ethnologist 33, no. 1 (2006): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.2006.33.1.81.

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27

CARSTEN, Janet. "What kinship does—and how." HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 3, no. 2 (2013): 245–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.14318/hau3.2.013.

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28

Denham, Woodrow W., and Douglas R. White. "Multiple Measures of Alyawarra Kinship." Field Methods 17, no. 1 (2005): 70–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1525822x04271610.

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29

Smedal, Olaf H. "New Directions in Anthropological Kinship." American Ethnologist 29, no. 4 (2002): 1052–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.2002.29.4.1052.

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30

MCKINNON, SUSAN. "Kinship with Strangers: Adoption and Interpretations of Kinship in American Culture. JUDITH S. MODELL." American Ethnologist 22, no. 4 (1995): 1069–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1995.22.4.02a01080.

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31

Roy, Arpan. "The returns of life: ‘Making’ kinship in life and death." Anthropological Theory 20, no. 4 (2019): 484–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499619894427.

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This article revisits Marshall Sahlins’s theory of kinship as a ‘mutuality of being’, in which two possible kinship orders are proposed: those that are ‘inherited’ at birth, and others that are ‘made’ in life. Sahlins’s theory is not exactly a reformulation of the classical consanguinity/affinity divide in kinship theory, but instead allows a place for consanguineous ‘blood’ kinship in the first of the two orders alongside a myriad of affinal situations. What then does it mean to ‘make’ kinship in life? Taking kinship and community as related problematics in anthropology and philosophy, respec

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32

Souvatzi, Stella. "Kinship and Social Archaeology." Cross-Cultural Research 51, no. 2 (2017): 172–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1069397117691028.

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Kinship is a most significant organizing principle of human grouping, the basic matter of social categories in archaeological and ethnographic societies, and an important concept universally. However, its significance has rarely been adequately incorporated within archaeology’s theoretical and interpretative practice. This article aims to not only show the potential of bringing kinship into social archaeology, but also argue that archaeology can make important contributions to wider social research. Grounded on prehistoric data, spanning from the 8th to the 4th millennium bc, and drawing on cr

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33

Carsten, Janet. "An Interview with Marilyn Strathern: Kinship and Career." Theory, Culture & Society 31, no. 2-3 (2014): 263–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276413510052.

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The interview was conducted in September 1996 in Cambridge. Marilyn Strathern (MS) and Janet Carsten (JC) had been colleagues at the University of Manchester’s Department of Social Anthropology until September 1993, when Marilyn Strathern left to take up the William Wyse Professorship at the University of Cambridge, where she remained until retirement in 2008. Janet Carsten joined Edinburgh in October of the same year, where she is presently Professor of Social and Cultural Anthropology. (Supplementary questions, reflecting back on the earlier interview, were put to Marilyn Strathern by the ed

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34

Sulochana, N. "தெலுங்கு உறவுமுறைச் சொற்கள்". Shanlax International Journal of Tamil Research 5, № 1 (2020): 84–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/tamil.v5i1.3410.

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Kinship is a fundamental feature, the most universal and basic of all human relationships, and it is based on the ties of blood, marriage, or adoption. Kinship terminologies consist of the terms used to refer to culturally recognized kinship relations between people. Research in the anthropology field has shown that kin terminologies have a complex combinatorial structure, and it varies systematically across all the cultures and traditions. The study examines the kinship terms in the Telugu language spoken in the southern part of Tamil Nadu. The main intention of the article is to bring up the

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35

Mitchell, Alice, and Fiona M. Jordan. "The Ontogeny of Kinship Categorization." Journal of Cognition and Culture 21, no. 1-2 (2021): 152–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685373-12340101.

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Abstract Human kinship systems play a central role in social organization, as anthropologists have long demonstrated. Much less is known about how cultural schemas of relatedness are transmitted across generations. How do children learn kinship concepts? To what extent is learning affected by known cross-cultural variation in how humans classify kin? This review draws on research in developmental psychology, linguistics, and anthropology to present our current understanding of the social and cognitive foundations of kinship categorization. Amid growing interest in kinship in the cognitive scie

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36

Désveaux, Emmanuel. "Dziebel German Valentinovich, The genius of kinship: the phenomenon of human kinship and the global diversity of kinship terminologies." Journal de la société des américanistes 96, no. 96-1 (2010): 312–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/jsa.11417.

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37

Uberoi, Patricia. "Doing Kinship and Gender in a Comparative Context." Indian Journal of Gender Studies 24, no. 3 (2017): 396–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971521517716822.

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Leela Dube (1923-2012) was an Indian social anthropologist / sociologist whose primary interest was in the field of family and kinship studies. This essay traces the zig-zag process of her intellectual evolution over five decades into one of the leading feminist anthropologists of her day – in India, in the Asian region, and indeed globally. Crucial turning points in this evolution were: (i) her self-initiated field study of the accommodation of the matrilineal kinship system of the Lakshadweep islanders with the androcentric legal apparatus of Islam; (ii) her role as the ‘sociologist’ member

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38

Lazar, Sian. "A ‘kinship anthropology of politics’? Interest, the collective self, and kinship in Argentine unions★." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 24, no. 2 (2018): 256–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9655.12809.

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39

TRUEX, GREGORY F. "Two Cheers for Kinship." Reviews in Anthropology 34, no. 2 (2005): 119–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00938150590948595.

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40

Ottino, Arlette. "Revisiting kinship in bali." Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 4, no. 1-2 (2003): 25–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14442210310001706367.

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41

CLARKE, MORGAN. "Islam, kinship and new reproductive technology." Anthropology Today 22, no. 5 (2006): 17–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8322.2006.00460.x.

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42

Hagen, James M. "Reckoning Kinship in Maneo (Seram, Indonesia)." American Ethnologist 26, no. 1 (1999): 173–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1999.26.1.173.

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43

Youngblood, Deborah, and Michelle Rosenthal. "Creating Relatives You Don't Have: Kinship Care, Social Services and Fictive Kin." Practicing Anthropology 27, no. 3 (2005): 20–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.27.3.374813u4184353m5.

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What can we learn about kinship care and the effective delivery of supportive social services when we talk to relative caregivers in San Francisco, California? Practicing anthropology in a social service setting with kinship caregivers raises some interesting questions regarding "fictive kin" and effective social service delivery. Our findings from a four-year mixed methods study of kinship care families illuminate the ways that kinship families rely on a community-based social service program in a familial manner. Furthermore, the perception of social service providers functioning like extend

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44

Abraham, Janaki. "Setting Sail for Lakshadweep: Leela Dube and the Study of Matrilineal Kinship." Indian Journal of Gender Studies 24, no. 3 (2017): 438–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971521517716813.

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In this article I engage with Prof. Leela Dube’s fascinating work on matriliny in Lakshadweep which addressed critical questions in anthropology/sociology and feminist studies. Her discussion about the disjuncture between codified Islamic law and practice in relation to marriage and property devolution, her elaboration on the way law was manipulated strategically, and the image of flexibility in kinship practices are all important for a contemporary understanding of matriliny and kinship in general. Similarly, her discussion of what matriliny meant for women and more broadly the intersections

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45

Hammel, Eugene A., and Richard M. Smith. "Land, Kinship, and Life-Cycle." Ethnohistory 33, no. 3 (1986): 349. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/481828.

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46

Strathern, Andrew, and Pamela J. Stewart. "Kinship and Commoditization." L'Homme, no. 154-155 (January 1, 2000): 373–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/lhomme.38.

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47

Barnard, Alan, and Anthony Good. "Kinship Research Practices." American Anthropologist 89, no. 2 (1987): 442. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1987.89.2.02a00140.

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48

BARLOW, KATHLEEN. "After Kinship:After Kinship." American Anthropologist 107, no. 4 (2005): 717–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2005.107.4.717.

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49

Burling, Robbins. "Burmese Kinship Terminology1." American Anthropologist 67, no. 5 (2009): 106–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1965.67.5.02a00740.

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50

Carter, Anthony T. "After Kinship (review)." Anthropological Quarterly 80, no. 2 (2007): 581–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/anq.2007.0021.

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