Journal articles on the topic 'Knights of the White Camelia'

A historiographer of recent literature on masculinity might be forgiven for assuming that nineteenth-century definitions of Christian manliness were solely the domain of male commentators. The shifting and often conflicting emphases of the manly ideal proposed by critics such as Arnold, Kingsley, Hughes, and Carlyle exerted a prevailing influence upon the Victorian ruling classes – this much is beyond doubt. That codes of manliness were also subject to considerable attention by women, however, is suggested by this preliminary study of the prescriptive writings of the High Churchwoman and leading moral reformer Ellice Hopkins, whose discourse of social purity emerged as a force in the search for regulation of male sexuality during the 1880s and 1890s.

North Carolina has, like most American states, played its (not always positive) part in the struggle against what Clinton, back in 1997 when the U.S. had more domestic concerns on its mind, called “America's constant curse”. But racial discrimination is not, of course, simply America's curse. Europe, for all its self-righteousness of late, has certainly not escaped it. Despite the prevalence of racial discrimination right across the geographic expression of Europe, this paper shall concentrate on a particular set of countries – those termed Central and Eastern Europe – and on a particular group – the Roma, widely acknowledged as the most marginalised and discriminated in Europe today.

This paper addresses the intersection of moral condemnation, national antagonism, and civilizational critique in the images of the Teutonic Order as presented in Polish historical discourse since the early nineteenth century, with references to their medieval and early modern origins. For more than 150 years, the Order played the role of the archenemy in the historical imagination of Poles. This image is typically considered an element of the anti-German sentiment, fueled by modern nationalism. In this paper I argue that the scale and nature of the demonization of the Teutonic Knights in Polish historiography is more complex, and should be interpreted in the contexts of pre-modern religious rhetoric on the one hand, and the critique of Western civilization from a peripheral or semi-colonial point of view on the other. The durability and flexibility of the black legend of the Order, born in the late Middle Ages, and adapted by Romantic, modern nationalist, and communist historians, makes it a unique phenomenon, surpassing the framework of modern nationalism. It is the modern anti-German stereotype that owes much to this legend, rather than the other way around.

In The White Company (1891) and Sir Nigel (1906), Arthur Conan Doyle reconstructed the fourteenth century and explored the culture and visions of chivalry. He created many different knights with the intention of dissecting the mind and conduct of this historical type. He was concerned with his human as well as his romantic aspect, and he addressed the conflicts the divergent obligations of external duty and personal aspirations caused. Doyle’s reflections focused on the dreadful and illusory game played by knights like Sir Nigel Loring, the most curious and significant representative of idealistic and delusional chivalry in his medieval fiction. His youth and adult age show the tensions between the two worlds whose paths he must tread. His life is a long struggle for virtue and honour, oscillating between the responsibilities of a nobleman in the days of Edward III and the Hundred Years War and the pursuit of chivalry.

Phytophthora capsici is a soilborne pathogen of major economic importance in pepper, and of less importance in tomato and eggplant production. As soil fumigation becomes more expensive and limited, and fungicide insensitivity of P. capsici isolates becomes more prevalent, grafting is quickly becoming an industry-favored method to control soilborne diseases. Greenhouse experiments were performed to evaluate an eggplant cultivar (Classic), two eggplant lines (EG195, EG203), a pepper line (CM334), and three pepper cultivars (Paladin, Camelot, and Red Knight) for root rot resistance to 14 P. capsici isolates. The isolates showed various degrees of virulence between pepper and eggplant in both experiments. Both eggplant and one pepper lines showed moderate resistance to the most virulent isolates tested in experiment one. The partially resistant pepper cultivar, Paladin, was significantly more susceptible than CM334 and the eggplant lines, but was still resistant to most isolates. In the second experiment, the eggplant cultivar Classic and the susceptible pepper cultivar Red Knight were both susceptible to most isolates tested, while EG203 and EG195 were resistant to most isolates. The two eggplant breeding lines, EG195 and EG203, showed moderate resistance to all isolates tested in both experiments. This is the first reported evaluation of eggplant resistance to P. capsici. Further research is warranted to test eggplant lines EG195 and EG203 for resistance to a wide range of soilborne pests and to evaluate their usefulness as P. capsici–resistant rootstocks for peppers, tomatoes, and eggplants.

AbstractThis article examines the politics of race, religion and nation in relation to blackface minstrelsy during the first decades of the twentieth century. Having been superseded by more modern amusements, minstrelsy was outdated as a performance genre, yet the minstrel show served as a forum for Neil O'Brien and the Knights of Columbus fraternal society to participate in the invention of a white American Catholic identity. For fraternal society members, estranged from national belonging by religious difference, these performances situated the group as proponents of an old-fashioned American tradition, structured around anti-blackness. At a time of anti-Catholic sentiment, Catholic fraternal society members gathered for minstrel performances, distancing themselves from black people and marking themselves as white Americans.

Teaching Arthurian literature affords a perhaps rare opportunity for medieval specialists to use the medium of film to interest undergraduate students in a period that is otherwise often considered foreign to their cultural world or concerns. The significant number of Arthurian films in the twentieth century reflects the continuous appeal of the Arthurian legend, a legend whose survival can be attributed to its adaptability, shifting throughout the centuries between elite and popular cultures, and disseminated in different forms through visual, oral and textual traditions. While there has always been a ludic dimension to Arthurian tradition, one postmedieval comedic portrayal of Arthur and his knights, Twain's A Connecticut Yankee in King Arthur's Court, has had a significant impact on how Arthurian material has been adapted on the silver screen. One possible consequence of Twain's comic vision and its early transposition into the newly emerging film medium is that, while Bresson's brooding tale of Arthurian ennui may be the hallmark of the twentieth-century cinematic Arthurian corpus, the film that has come to represent the Round Table's cinematic incarnation in the minds of the generations that now fill the postsecondary classroom is Monty Python and the Holy Grail, a comic masterpiece that embodies the spirit of Twain's dismissive coinage, "holy grailing." Student enthusiasm for Monty Python's film contrasts with the noticeably more restrained stance of scholarly opinion which, while rarely omitting to mention the film's existence in discussions of cinematic Arthuriana, has relatively little to say about the actual film. Part of the reason Monty Python's medieval film has not received as much scrutiny as it deserves from medievalists is because it can be perceived as being preoccupied with its own cinematic form. The ubiquity of Kevin J. Harty's comment that Python's film is "not so much a send-up of the Arthurian legend, as it is a send-up of other film versions of that legend" has perhaps refracted scholarly attention away from precisely how Monty Python does deal with a legend which the film itself presents as distinctly literary. By redirecting our attention to the literary scaffolding around which Monty Python and the Holy Grail is built, Arthurian scholars can encounter the hermeneutic dynamism of this film, a quality which also recommends the film as a pedagogical tool.

Functional beverages from lemongrass (Cymbopogon citratus), white ginger (Zingiber officinale Roscoe) and black tea (Camelia sinensis) were developed based on their α-glucosidase inhibitory (AGI) activities and sensory acceptance. The AGI was evaluated using in vitro enzymatic assay, while sensory acceptance was tested using affective sensory tests. The evaluation of their aqueous extracts showed that dried lemongrass and ginger possessed higher extraction yield (3.4 %, 2.7 %, respectively), though not necessarily accompanied with a better AGI activity (IC50 24.50 mg/mL, IC50 16.61 mg/mL) than the fresh lemongrass and ginger (2.1 %, 1.8 %, IC50 17.93 mg/ml, IC50 >47.00 mg/mL, respectively). Meanwhile, the evaluation of the combined extract showed additive and synergistic effects. The extract combination formula was selected based on the sensory acceptance, resulting in the beverages containing 4.29 mg/mL of lemongrass, 0.71 mg/mL of ginger, and 1.05 mg/mL of black tea with a total phenolic content of 636.45 mg/L Gallic Acid Equivalent (GAE). The selected formula showed the stability of AGI activity andthe pH value at 4 °C were in accordance with the growth of microbial count that was lower than those stored at 25 °C in a 50-day period. Changes in color and oBrix value were not significantly observed in the samples stored at 25 °C and 4 °C. Lime juice was selected as the additional flavoring agent, which could increase both the palatability and AGI activity of the beverages.

AbstractTwo sturgeon species are native to the San Francisco Estuary watershed in California: White Sturgeon Acipenser transmontanus and North American Green Sturgeon Acipenser medirostris. The San Francisco Estuary has two main tributaries, the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers. Recent studies have shown that the San Joaquin River is used by Green and White Sturgeon and that at least a small number of White Sturgeon spawn there when environmental conditions allow. However, records of Green Sturgeon in the San Joaquin River and its tributaries are rare and limited to information from angler report cards. In 2006, the National Marine Fisheries Service listed the southern distinct population segment of North American Green Sturgeon as threatened under the Endangered Species Act. Federally designated critical habitat for the southern distinct population segment of Green Sturgeon does not extend upstream of the San Joaquin River's confluence with the Stanislaus River. We recently confirmed an adult Green Sturgeon holding in a deep pool near Knights Ferry, California in the Stanislaus River. We observed and recorded the fish using a GoPro® video camera and used environmental deoxyribonucleic acid sampling techniques to confirm species identification. This paper provides the first confirmed record of Green Sturgeon in any tributary of the San Joaquin River, which is beyond the designated critical habitat area. Future well-designed research focused on the San Joaquin River and its tributaries is expected to improve our understanding regarding the importance of these rivers for the various life stages of North American Green Sturgeon.

The antioxidative activity of Camelia sinensis tea and especially powdered tea extracts on the market, among others used as added value in functional foods, can considerably vary due to not only natural variance, but also adulteration and falsification. Thus, an effect-directed profiling was developed to prove the functional effects or health-promoting claims. It took 3–12 min per sample, depending on the assay incubation time, for 21 separations in parallel. Used as a fast product quality control, it can detect known and unknown bioactive compounds. Twenty tea extracts and a reference mixture of 11-bioactive compounds were investigated in parallel under the same chromatographic conditions by a newly developed reversed phase high-performance thin-layer chromatographic method. In eight planar on-surface assays, effect-directed tea profiles were revealed. Catechins and theaflavins turned out to be not only highly active, but also multi-potent compounds, able to act in a broad range of metabolic pathways. The flavan-3-ols acted as radical scavengers (DPPH∙ assay), antibacterials against Gram-positive Bacillus subtilis bacteria, and inhibitors of tyrosinase, α-glucosidase, β-glucosidase, and acetylcholinesterase. Further effects against Gram-negative Aliivibrio fischeri bacteria and β-glucuronidase were assigned to other components in the powdered tea extracts. According to their specifications, the activity responses of the powdered tea extracts were higher than in mere leaf extracts of green, white and black tea. The multi-imaging and effect-directed profiling was not only able to identify known functional food ingredients, but also to detect unknown bioactive compounds (including bioactive contaminants, residues or adulterations).

The Charlie Hebdo attack and its aftermath was the most significant France had experienced since a 1962 train bombing — related to the war in Algeria — outside Paris. Moreover, it seems altogether foreign and incomprehensible to the relatively liberal standards of our society that the motivation for such atrocious violence was vengeance for the mere act, conflated into a crime, of drawing a cartoon. While it may seem natural to most Westerners, the response to the Jan. 7 attacks looks almost absurd when approached from a different point of view. Rénald Luzier, the figure behind the cartoon that seemed to spur controversy, himself highlights the irony of Western leaders — who more often than not look at satirists like those employed at Charlie Hebdo as “agitators” — declaring the slain satirists “white knights defending free speech”. The definitive characteristic transformed a weekly burlesque, whose parent publication described itself as a “stupid and vicious magazine”, into a hero of modernity. This reflects, quite simply, a feeling throughout the Western world that intrinsic rights are under attack.

Abstract Abstract 1239 Background. Imatinib (IM), a selective BCR-ABL tyrosine kinase inhibitor (TKI), is a treatment of choice for newly diagnosed chronic myeloid leukemia (CML) patients (pts) in chronic phase (CP) as it was shown in the IRIS trial. The treatment strategy and response evaluation is based on NCCN or ELN guidelines. Only limited “real life” data of IM impact on pts outcome as well as ELN (European LeukemiaNet) recommendations applicability in daily practice has been published. In the Czech as well as in the Slovak Republic (15 million inhabitants), the treatment of CML patients is centralized in overall 13 centers, capable carrying on both the treatment and laboratory monitoring. There are two CML prospective projects CAMELIA and INFINITY focused on CML pts analysis. Aims. To analyze the treatment response and long-term outcome in consecutive, unselected patients with CP-CML treated with IM and to evaluate the prognostic role of ELN 2006 and 2009 response evaluation. To analyze molecular response in more detail. Methods. Altogether 458 consecutively included patients in INFINITY (152 pts) and CAMELIA projects (306 pts) were assessed. For the treatment response evaluation the ELN 2006 and ELN 2009 definitions were used. We assessed rates and the cumulative incidences of complete hematologic responses (CHR), complete cytogenetic responses (CCyR), major (MMoR) and complete molecular responses (CMoR). Overall survival (OS) was defined as the time from the start of IM to death from any cause, overall survival CML-related death (OSCML), transformation-free survival (TFS) as survival without evidence of AP or BP or death from any cause, progression-free survival (PFS) as survival without evidence of AP or BP, loss of CHR, MCyR, increasing white blood cell count or death fron any cause while on IM treatment and event-free survival (EFS) –events defined as a progression (the same as in PFS, as described above), loss of CCyR, failure to achieve CHR at 6 months, MCyR at 12 months and CCyR at 18 months, or intolerance of IM as the cause its discontinution. The patient survival according to MMoR achievement and the cumulative incidence of MMoR according to different BCR-ABL ratio within the first 3 months of IM therapy was analysed. Kaplan-Meier cumulative incidence methods and log rank test were used for survival statistic analysis. Results. A total of 458 patients (median age 52 year;17-81) treated with IM between 2003–2009 were analysed.The median follow-up was 33.1 months (1.4-82.1). At 2 and 4 years the cumulative incidence of CHR was 90.9% and 94.7%, CCyR 64.9% and 76%, MMR 52.4% and 68.1% and CMR 24.5% and 43%, respectively. In 4 years estimated OS was 91.1%, OSCML 96.6%, TFS 93.9%, PFS 83.2% and EFS 66%. According to ELN 2006 criteria the optimal response (OR) by 6 months (defined as PCyR) and by 12 months (defined as CCyR) resp. had significant impact on PFS (p=0.04 and p<0.001 resp.). The optimal reponse by 3 months (defined as CHR) had significant impact on TFS (p<0.001). According to actualized criteria in ELN 2009, the new definition of optimal response in the 3rd month - at least minor cytogenetic response (mCyR), did not show any prognostic impact on PFS. The achievement of MMoR was correlated with the significant improvement in PFS in the 3rd month (p=0.039) as well as in the 12th month (p<0.049). There was significant improvement in EFS for patients in MMoR in all timepoints (p<0.003, <0.001, <0.001, <0.005). The BCR-ABL ratio lower than 1% within the first 3 months was associated with MMoR achievement in higher number of patients in comparison to patients with higher BCR-ABL levels (p<0.001) Conclusion. The excellent and long-lasting efficacy of imatinib in the treatment of CP-CML in non-selected group of patients treated in the defined region was confirmed. Our results are comparable to those achieved in IRIS trial. Response criteria and their predictive role defined by ELN 2006 and 2009 seems to be helpful at some time points, but the ELN 2009 modification does not seem to represent significant improvement compared to ELN 2006. On the other hand based on the present analysis the earlier incorporation of molecular response into the evaluation scheme may be beneficial. Supported by: CELL-The Czech Leukemia Study Group for Life, Project INFINITY; Project CAMELIA. Disclosures: Faber: BMS, Novartis: Consultancy, Honoraria.

Research into the feudal status of the rulers of Pomerelia from the Samboride dynasty and the terminology describing it has been engaging scholars already since the 19th century. In 1227 Leszek the White was assassinated and the duke of Gdańsk‑Pomerelia Świętopełk declared himself independent from the state of the Piasts. There is no agreement among researchers on whether before 1227 Świętopełk’s dynasty should be considered governors coming from the Polish knights and promoted by the Piasts during the time of Bolasław III Wrymouth’s conquest of Pomerania, or whether they should be perceived as local Pomeranian dukes coerced into submission. In the hitherto debate for both sides an important role has been played by the term princeps (equivalent of the German Fürst). In this paper the author attempts to reveal the interpretation error consisting in the assumption that this term was used in Poland and Pomerania interchangeably with the term dux, duke. Meanwhile, it seems that, like in the states of the German Reich, the term princeps meant a civil servant who was granted his office along with the state land he was to manage by a higher ruler. Taking such an office was not always related to noble birth and social position, which in the feudal society was guaranteed by the hereditary ducal title. Among the German princeps there were both archbishops and bishops as well as laymen: dukes, margraves, landgraves, and even counts. Other evidence, also discussed in the paper, points to the origin of the Samborides from the ducal dynasty. This includes the use of the ducal title by Mestwin I. Forgeries of documents from before 1227 also suggest that the title was used by Mestwin’s sons: Sambor II and Racibor.

Per capita consumption of avocado in the United States has nearly doubled between 2000 and 2010. The California avocado industry supplies almost 40% of U.S. demand and the remaining 60% is supplied by imports from Latin America and New Zealand. The Tea Shot Hole Borer (TSHB) is an ambrosia beetle from Asia that forms a symbiosis with a new, yet undescribed Fusarium sp. and is a serious problem for the Israeli avocado industry (3). The beetle also causes severe damage on the branches of tea (Camelia sinensis) in Sri Lanka and India (1). In California, TSHB was first reported on black locust (Robinia pseudoacacia) in 2003, but there are no records of fungal damage (4). In 2012, nine backyard avocado trees (cvs. Hass, Bacon, Fuerte, and Nabal) exhibiting branch dieback were observed throughout the residential neighborhoods of South Gate, Downey, and Pico Rivera in Los Angeles County. Upon inspection, symptoms of white powdery exudate, either dry or surrounded by wet discoloration of the outer bark in association with a single beetle exit hole, were found on the trunk and main branches of the tree. Examination of the cortex and wood under the exit hole revealed brown discolored necrosis. The TSHB was also found within galleries that were 1 to 4 cm long going against the grain. Symptomatic cortex and sapwood tissues were plated onto potato dextrose agar amended with 0.01% tetracycline (PDA-tet). The TSHB was dissected and plated onto PDA-tet after surface disinfestation following methods described by Kajimura and Hijii (2). After 5 days of incubation at room temperature, regular fungal colonies with aerial mycelia and reddish brown margins were produced. Single spore isolations were used to establish pure culture of the fungus. Fifty conidia were hyaline, clavate with a rounded apex, and initially aseptate (4.1 to 12.0 × 2.4 to 4.1 μm) becoming one- to three-septate (7.6 to 15.1 × 2.8 to 4.5 μm, 9.2 to 17.2 × 3.4 to 4.8 μm, and 13.5 to 17.6 × 4.3 to 4.7 μm, respectively). Identity of the fungal isolates was determined by amplification of the rDNA genes with primers ITS4/5 and EF1/2, respectively. Sequences were deposited into GenBank under Accession Nos. JQ723753, JQ723760, JQ723756, and JQ723763. A BLASTn search revealed 100% similarity to Fusarium sp. (Accession Nos. JQ038020 and JQ038013). Detached green shoots of healthy 1-year-old avocado were wounded to a depth of 1 to 2 mm and 5-mm mycelial plugs from 5-day-old cultures (UCR 1781 and UCR 1837) were placed mycelial side down onto the freshly wounded surfaces and then wrapped with Parafilm. Control shoots were inoculated with sterile agar plugs and five replicates per treatment were used. Shoots were incubated at 25 ± 1°C in moist chambers for 3 weeks. Lesions were observed on all inoculated shoots except for the control. Mean lesion lengths were 10.7 and 12.8 cm for UCR1781 and UCR1837, respectively, and were significantly different (P ≤ 0.05) from the control. Both isolates were reisolated from 100% of symptomatic tissues of inoculated shoots to complete Koch's postulates. This experiment was conducted twice and similar results were obtained. To our knowledge, this is the first report of Fusarium sp. and its vector E. fornicatus causing Fusarium dieback on Avocado in California. References: (1) W. Danthanarayana. Tea Quarterly 39:61, 1968. (2) H. Kajimura and N. Hijii. Ecol. Res. 7:107, 1992; (3) Mendel et al., Phytoparasitica, DOI 10.1007/s12600-012-0223-7, 2012. (4) R. J. Rabaglia. Annals Entomol. Soc. Amer. 99:1034, 2006.

Krüppel-like factors (KLFs) are a family of transcription factors that play essential roles in the development and differentiation of the hematopoietic system. These transcription factors possess highly conserved C-terminal zinc-finger motifs, which enable their binding to GC-rich, or CACC-box, motifs in promoter and enhancer regions of target genes. The N-terminal domains of these proteins are more varied and mediate the recruitment of various co-factors, which can form a complex with either activator or repressor function. Acting primarily as a gene repressor through its recruitment of CtBPs and histone deacetylases (HDACs) [1], we have recently shown that KLF3 competes with KLF1 bound sites in the genome to repress gene expression during erythropoiesis [2]. However, the function of Klf3 in other lineages has been less well studied. This widely expressed transcription factor has reported roles in the differentiation of marginal zone B cells, eosinophil function and inflammation [3]. We utilised the Klf3-null mouse model [4] to more closely examine the role of Klf3 in innate inflammatory cells. These mice exhibit elevated white cell counts, including monocytes (Figure 1A), and inflammation of the skin. Conditional knockout of Klf4 in myeloid cells leads to a deficiency of inflammatory macrophages [5]. To test our hypothesis KLF3 normally represses inflammation, perhaps by antagonising the action of KLF4, bone-marrow derived macrophages (BMDM) were generated from wild-type or Klf3-null mice and stimulated with the bacterial toxin lipopolysaccharide (LPS). In wild type BMDM, LPS induces Klf3 gene expression and activation then delayed repression of target genes such as Lgals3 (galectin-3) over a 21 hour time course (Figure 1B). Quantitative real-time PCR and mRNA-seq of WT v Klf3-null macrophages identified ~100 differentially expressed genes involved in proliferation, macrophage activation and inflammation. We transduced the monocyte cell line, RAW264.7 (that expresses Klf4, Klf3 and Klf2), with a retroviral vector expressing a tamoxifen-inducible KLF3-ER fusion construct. KLF3 induced cell cycle arrest and macrophage differentiation. We will report on KLF3-induced gene expression changes (repression and activation), and ChIP-seq for KLF3, in RAW cells. The results shed light on the mechanism by which KLF3 normally represses monocyte/macrophage responses to infection. This study highlights the importance of key transcriptional regulators that tightly control gene expression during inflammation. Loss of Klf3 leads to alterations in this process, resulting in hyper-activation of inflammatory macrophages, increased white cell counts and inflammation of the skin. A greater knowledge of the inflammatory process and how it is regulated is important for our understanding of acute infection and inflammatory disease. Further studies are planned to investigate the role of the KLF3 transcription factor in response to inflammation in vivo. References: 1. Pearson, R., et al., Kruppel-like transcription factors: A functional family. Int J Biochem Cell Biol, 2007. W2. Ilsley, M.D., et al., Kruppel-like factors compete for promoters and enhancers to fine-tune transcription. Nucleic Acids Res, 2017. 45(11): p. 6572-6588. W3. Knights, A.J., et al., Kruppel-like factor 3 (KLF3) suppresses NF-kappaB-driven inflammation in mice. J Biol Chem, 2020. 295(18): p. 6080-6091. W4. Sue, N., et al., Targeted disruption of the basic Kruppel-like factor gene (Klf3) reveals a role in adipogenesis. Mol Cell Biol, 2008. 28(12): p. 3967-78. W5. Alder, J.K., et al., Kruppel-like factor 4 is essential for inflammatory monocyte differentiation in vivo. J Immunol, 2008. 180(8): p. 5645-52. Figure 1: Elevated WCC (A) and inflammatory markers (B) in BMDM after LPS stimulation. 1. Total WCC in adult mice (3-6 months old) of the indicated genotypes. There is a statistically significant increase in the WCC in Klf3-/- v wild type mice (P&lt;0.001 by student's t test). B. Time course (hours) after LPS stimulation of confluent BMDM. Klf3 is induced 3-fold by LPS and KLF3-target genes such as Lgals3 are not fully repressed by 21 hours in knockout mice. Figure 1 Disclosures Perkins: Novartis Oncology: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees.

Tari Baris Poleng Katekok Jago adalah tari tradisi Bali yang berbentuk komposisi tari kelompok dengan ciri berbaris, berderet, dan berjajar. Disebut Baris Poleng Ketekok Jago karena busana dan asesori yang dipakai didominasi oleh loreng “poleng” hitam dan putih. Dalam kehidupan beragama Hindu di Bali disebutkan ada tiga jenis kain poleng yakni: saput poleng rwabhineda, saput poleng sudamala, dan saput poleng tridatu. Aplikasi busana poleng dalam Baris Poleng Katekok Jago lebih didominasi oleh penggunaan poleng rwabineda dan poleng sudhamala. Poleng rwabineda berbentuk strip melintang sebagai hiasan pada desain kaki celana dan lengan baju; sedangkan poleng sudhamala menjadi hiasan pada saput seperti kain poleng tridatu, kain-kain kuno seperti cepuk, gringsing dan sejenisnya, menjadi hiasan tambahan yang kuat memberikan kesan angker dan kuno pada tampilan figur dari masing-masing penarinya. Hal-hal inilah yang menjadikan Baris Poleng Katekok Jago di Desa Tegal Darmasaba menjadi unik dan istimewa. Dalam penelitian ini, antropologi menjadi ilmu untuk membedah masalah yang terjadi di dalam suatu kelompok masyarakat. Masyarakat pendukung memiliki hubungan erat dengan pemahaman mengenai fungsi suatu tari dalam upacara keagamaan. Tari Baris Poleng Katekok Jago sebagai produk kebudayaan yang terkait dengan ritual keagamaan Agama Hindu Bali. Fungsi sebagai kenyataan sosial yang harus dicari dalam hubungannya dengan tujuan sosial. Fungsi dari setiap bagian ialah memelihara hidup itu. Menurut Malinowski dan J. van Baal fungsi kebudayaan adalah harus memenuhi kebutuhan integratif, seperti agama dan kesenian. Dalam konsep rwabhineda sangat erat kaitannya dengan pemahaman Spiro bahwa fungsi menentangkan hubungan yang terjadi antara satu hal dengan hal lain dalam satu sistem yang terintegrasi. Fungsi integratif ini demikian melekat pada Tari Baris Poleng Katekok Jago dan agama Hindu Bali, sehingga sifat integratif ini melahirkan hubungan kedekatan antar religi dan kesenian yang oleh masyarakat Hindu Bali diekspresikan sebagai kewajiban manusia. Tari Baris Poleng Katekok Jago merupakan tari wali berfungsi sebagai tarian dalam upacara Pitra Yadnya dan Dewa Yadnya. Tari Baris ini menggunakan gerakan dan tata busana yang sederhana. Tari ini juga merupakan tari sakral yang digunakan pada upacara yadnya pada tingkatan Madya dan tingkatan Utama sebagai simbol dari kesatria yang mengawal turunnya Para Dewa ke bumi di setiap upacara Dewa Yadnya, seperti Karya Ngenteg Linggih, Karya Padudusan Agung, Karya Padudusan Alit dan sebagainya. Tari Baris Poleng Katekok Jago di desa Tegal Darmasaba dalam upacara Pitra Yadnya (ngaben), hanya diperuntukkan bagi kaum yang memiliki kasta (catur warna) tertinggi. Penari Baris Poleng Katekok Jago menjadi perajurit yang mengawal arwah menuju tujuan akhirnya. Baris Poleng Katekok Jago Dance in Tegal Darmasaba Village Badung Regency is a Balinese traditional dance in the form of dance group composition with character of marching, lined, and lined. Called Polis Katekok Jago caused by the dominance of the use of clothing and accessories black and white "poleng". In the Hindu life in Bali mentioned there are three types of poleng cloths: poleng rwabhineda cloth, poleng sudamala cloth, and poleng tridatu cloth. The type of poleng application in Baris Poleng Katekok Jago clothing is more dominated by the use of poleng rwabineda and poleng sudhamala. Rwabineda pods cross-shaped strips as decoration on the design of the pants leg and sleeve; while the sudhamala pans become a decoration on the membranes such as tridatu cloth, ancient fabrics such as cepuk, gringsing and the other kinds, to be a powerful additional decoration giving the impression of austere and old-fashioned appearance of each of the dancers. These are the things that make Baris Poleng Katekok Jago in Tegal Darmasaba Village become unique and special. In this study, anthropology becomes the science to dissect the problems that occur within a community group. The support community has a close relationship with the understanding of the function of a dance in a religious ceremony. Baris Poleng Katekok Jago Dance as a cultural product associated with religious rituals Hindu Religion Bali. Function as a social reality to look for in relation to social goals. The function of each part is to maintain that life. According to Malinowski and J. van baal the function of culture is to meet the integrative needs, such as religion and art. In the concept of rwabhineda is closely related to Spiro's understanding that the function of opposing relationships takes place between one thing and another in an integrated system. This integrative function is so inherent in the Baris Poleng Katekok Jago dance and the Balinese Hindu religion, so this integrative character gives birth to the interrelationship between religion and art which by Balinese Hindu society is expressed as human obligation. Tari Baris Poleng Katekok Jago dance is a guardian dance serves as a dance in the ceremony Pitra Yadnya and Dewa Yadnya. This line dance uses simple movements and clothing. Baris Poleng Katekok Jago dance is a sacred dance used in yadnya ceremony at the level of Madya and Utama level as a symbol of the knights who guard the descendants of the gods to the earth in every ceremony of the Dewa Yadnya, such as Ngenteg Linggih, Padudusan Agung, Padudusan Alit, and so on. Baris Poleng Katekok Jago dance in the village of Tegal Darmasaba in ceremony Pitra Yadnya (Ngaben), only for the people who have the highest caste (catur warna). Baris Poleng Katekok Jago became a soldier guarding the spirit toward its final destination.

AbstractThe precise relationship of The Three Maries at the Tomb (Fig. 1) in the Boymansvan Beuningen Museum in Rotterdam to the work of Hubert and/or Jan van Eyck has proved difficult to establish, mainly because relatively little is known about their output apart from Jan van Eyck's signed paintings of 1432-41. The provenance of the Rotterdam picture has been traced back to the mid 18th century (Note 2), while the coat of arms, a later addition at bottom right, has been identified as that of Philippe de Commines, who has thus been posited as the earliest known owner (Note 3). Since the beginning of this century the panel has generally been ascribed to Hubert van Eyck on the basis of a comparison with his contribution to the Ghent Altarpiece, but doubts have also been expressed about the attribution to the Van Eycks (Note 5), while later dates have been suggested on the grounds of the view of Jerusalem (Note 6, 7) or the arms and armour (Notes 8, 9) . However, Panofsky remained convinced of the early date and kept to the attribution to Hubert, while suggesting that Jan had worked over certain details (Note 10). The restoration of 1947 (Note 11) revealed some gilded rays on the right side, which gave rise to suggestions that the panel had once formed part of a friezelike composition or a triptych (Notes 12-14). Recent opinion still remains divided, Sterling seeing the panel as having been painted by Jan van Eyck after 1426 (Note 15), Dhanens as the work of a follower around 1450-60 (Note 16). Scientific examination appeared to be the only way of obtaining new data, while the recently published results of a similar examination of the Ghent Altarpiece (Note 17) offered an additional incentive. An earlier scientific examination was carried out by Coremans in 1948 (Note rg), while the work had previously been examined by infrared reflectography by the authors in 1971 (JV ote zo) . Tfie 1)(inel on which the picture is painted consists rf three horizontal planks with dowelled joints (Note 21). The four corners are bevelled off at the back, which suggests that any later reduction in the panel can only have been slight. On the back is a sealed statement by D. G. van Beuningen to the effect that the painting had not suffered from being stored underground during the war (Fig. 2, Appendix 2) . The paint surface is in a reasonably good state, but exhibits heavy craquelure, which has played a part in the aesthetic assessment of the picture (Note 23) . Dendrochronological examination (Appendix I) showed that the two oaks from which the planks came were probably not felled before 1423. Since recent research has shown that the gap between felling and usage was not likely to have been much more than fifteen years in the 15th century (Note 25) and there is nothing to support the hypothesis that an old panel was reused here (Note 26), it is highly improbable that the picture was painted at the end of the 15th century. The most likely date is C. 1425-35 i.e. the period when the Ghent Altarpiece was painted or slightly later. No other results of dendrochronological examination on Van Eyck panels are available for comparison as yel. Examination by infrared reflectography (Note 28) revealed detailed underdrawing in virtually all parts of the picture and this was very carefully followed during painting with changes only in small details (cf. Figs.3, 5, 7). Stylistically the underdrawing accords with what is known about underdrawing in Van Eyck paintings today, this exhibiting a considerable difference from that of other Flemish Primitives, so that the Rotterdam panel is certainly a Van Eyck work. Among the most striking similarities to the central panel (x) and that with the Knights of Christ (IX) in the Ghent Altarpiece (Note 30) are the underdrawing of the drapery of the angels (Figs. 7-9), the city in the distance (Figs. 3,4, Note 31) and the minutely detailed armour (Figs. 14, 15, Note 33). Types of hatching that appear to be characteristic of the Van Eyck style are that of the shadows, which is sometimes overlapping and generally parallel to the main contours (Figs. 5,8) and a more rarely used type with short lines at an angle to contours (Fig. 9). The x-radiographs (Note 35) give a good idea of the damage to the paint surface (Figs. 16, 17) , which isfound mainly in the sky, along the crack in the top plank and on the bottom edge on the left. There is also a great deal of abrasion on the edges of the craquelure. The x-radiographs confirm the fact that no radical changes were made in the original, generally underdrawn, composition and reveal that the soldiers and their arms were left in reserve during the painting of the rocks and ground, a detail which likewise indicates continuity during the painting process. The underpainting of the rocks in large light blocks with simple contours shown up by x-ray photography is very close to that in panel IX in the Ghent Altarpiece (Note 38). Examination by stereomicroscope (Note 40) generally already gave an impression of the layered structure of the paint. It also showed up some minute details scarcely distinguishable by the naked eye : two horsemen and somefigures in tlae square on tlte leji qlthe city, a .slalue in a niche in the doorway in the zvall in tlae certtre (Fig. 18; possibly a reminiscence of the Golden Gate, Note 56) and a number of ship's masts with crow's nests on the horizon on the right (Fig. 19). Part of the vegetation was shown to be very finely and precisely rendered (Figs. 20, 21), while the rest was not so fine. Similar differences appear in the two bronze-coloured ointment jars in this painting and also in the bottom zone of the Ghent Altarpiece (Note 41). These may reveal two different hands or the somewhat hasty finishing of some areas. The paint samples (Note 42) revealed the presence of an oleaginous isolating layer over the chalk and glue ground comparable to, but thinner than that on the Ghent Altarpiece (Note 45). The only other Flemish Primitive in whose work such a layer is found is Dirc Bouts (Note 50). The paint layer also exhibits many similarities to that of the Ghent Altarpiece, not only in the number and thickness of the layers, but in the composition and overall structure of the paint. For example, the skies in both works are built up in three layers from light to dark on the basis of lead white with increasing amounts of azurite and sometimes a bit of lapis lazuli, the vegetation consists of two layers of green with a glaze over them and the structure of the red mantle of one of the Maries resembles similar areas in the Ghent Altarpiece. This technique again makes it very unlikely that the panel was painted at the end of the 15th century or later. A final point is that the gilded rays ( Fig. 22), like the coat of arms (Fig. 23), prove to be a later addition. Finally, renewed consideration was given to certain iconographical aspects which have been used as dating criteria. The arms and armour have been seen as grounds for a later dating by Squilbeck in particular, but it seems quite likely that many of the forms are purely imaginary, while other experts do not agree with Squilbeck in dating certain elements to the 16th century (Note 53). The arms and armour are in any case an integral part of the painting. The detailed view of Jerusalem is regarded by some as impossible before Erhard Reuwich's print of 1486, while others express surprise that it was not copied by other artists. In fact, however, it is strikingly close in many details to the view in the Ghent Altarpiece, although the latter is firmer in its spatial construction and more convincing. Whole sentences have been read into the texts on the hems of two of the Maries' garments and the soldier's cap (Note 57 ) and it has been argued that the letters are Roman, not Hebrew (Note 58), but in fact they are indispulably Hebrew and although words can sometimes be recognized, they do no form a sentence or text (Note 59). The coat of arms is certainly that of a nobleman of the Order of St. Michael, but whether he was Philippe de Commines is uncertain. The Van den Woesteyne and Van Meaux van Vorsselaer families also bore these arms, albeit in different tinctures (Note 6o). Since the arms are done, in a brownish-grey, they cannot be more precisely identified. The presence of no less than five layers of varnish between the green meadow and the coat of arms could indicate that the arms were added much later than previously thought, possibly in the 16th or even the 17th century (Note 47). While the present study has shown that the Rotterdam painting is quite an early Van Eyck, its precise position in the Van Eyck oeuvre cannot be determined until results of examinations of other works in the group are available.

Recent conservation and restoration work on the icon of the Virgin and Child which stood on the altar in the Church of St. Nicholas at Prijeko in Dubrovnik has enabled a new interpretation of this paining. The icon, painted on a panel made of poplar wood, features a centrally-placed Virgin holding the Child in her arms painted on a gold background between the two smaller figures of St. Peter and St. John the Baptist. The figures are painted in the manner of the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Dubrovnik style, and represent a later intervention which significantly changed the original appearance and composition of the older icon by adding the two saints and touching up the Virgin’s clothes with Renaissance ornaments, all of which was performed by the well-known Dubrovnik painter Nikola Božidarević. It can be assumed that the icon originally featured a standing or seated Virgin and Child. The Virgin is depicted with her head slightly lowered and pointing to the Christ Child whom she is holding on her right side. The chubby boy is not seated on his mother’s lap but is reclining on his right side and leaningforward while his face is turned towards the spectator. He is dressed in a red sleeveless tunic with a simple neck-line which is embroidered with gold thread. The Child is leaning himself on the Virgin’s right hand which is holding him. He is firmly grasping her thumb with one hand and her index finger with the other in a very intimate nursing gesture while she, true to the Hodegitria scheme, is pointing at him with her left hand, which is raised to the level of her breasts. Such an almost-realistic depiction of Christ as a small child with tiny eyes, mouth and nose, drastically departs from the model which portrays him with the mature face of an adult, as was customary in icon painting. The Virgin is wearing a luxurious gold cloak which was repainted with large Renaissance-style flowers. Her head is covered with a traditional maphorion which forms a wide ring around it and is encircled by a nimbus which was bored into thegold background. Her skin tone is pink and lit diffusely, and was painted with almost no green shadows, which is typical of Byzantine painting. The Virgin’s face is striking and markedly oval. It is characterized by a silhouetted, long, thin nose which is connected to the eyebrows. The ridge of the nose is emphasized with a double edge and gently lit whilethe almond-shaped eyes with dark circles are set below the inky arches of the eyebrows. The Virgin’s cheeks are smooth and rosy while her lips are red. The plasticity of her round chin is emphasized by a crease below the lower lip and its shadow. The Virgin’s eyes, nose and mouth are outlined with a thick red line. Her hands are light pink in colour and haveelongated fingers and pronounced, round muscles on the wrists. The fingers are separated and the nails are outlined with precision. The deep, resounding hues of the colour red and the gilding, together with the pale pink skin tone of her face, create an impression of monumentality. The type of the reclining Christ Child has been identified in Byzantine iconography as the Anapeson. Its theological background lies in the emphasis of Christ’s dual nature: although the Christ Child is asleep, the Christ as God is always keeping watch over humans. The image was inspired by a phrase from Genesis 49: 9 about a sleeping lion to whom Christ is compared: the lion sleeps with his eyes open. The Anapeson is drowsy and awake at the same time, and therefore his eyes are not completely shut. Such a paradox is a theological anticipation of his “sleep” in the tomb and represents an allegory of his death and Resurrection. The position, gesture and clothes of the Anapeson in Byzantine art are not always the same. Most frequently, the ChristChild is not depicted lying in his mother’s arms but on an oval bed or pillow, resting his head on his hand, while the Virgin is kneeling by his side. Therefore, the Anapeson from Dubrovnik is unique thanks to the conspicuously humanized relationship between the figures which is particularly evident in Christ’s explicitly intimate gesture of grasping the fingers of his mother’s hand: his right hand is literally “inserting” itself in the space between the Virgin’s thumb and index finger. At the same time, the baring of his arms provided the painter with an opportunity to depict the pale tones of a child’s tender skin. The problem of the iconography of the Anapeson in the medieval painting at Dubrovnik is further complicated by a painting which was greatly venerated in Župa Dubrovačka as Santa Maria del Breno. It has not been preserved but an illustration of it was published in Gumppenberg’sfamous Atlas Marianus which shows the Virgin seated on a high-backed throne and holding the sleeping and reclining Child. The position of this Anapeson Christ does not correspond fully to the icon from the Church of St. Nicholas because the Child is lying on its back and his naked body is covered with the swaddling fabric. The icon of the Virgin and Child from Prijeko claims a special place in the corpus of Romanesque icons on the Adriatic through its monumentality and intimate character. The details of the striking and lively Virgin’s face, dominated by the pronounced and gently curved Cimabuesque nose joined to the shallow arches of her eyebrows, link her with the Benedictine Virgin at Zadar. Furthermore, based on the manner of painting characterized by the use of intense red for the shadows in the nose and eye area, together with the characteristic shape of the elongated, narrow eyes, this Virgin and Child should be brought into connection with the painter who is known as the Master of the Benedictine Virgin. The so-called Benedictine Virgin is an icon, now at the Benedictine Convent at Zadar, which depicts the Virgin seated on a throne with a red, ceremonial, imperial cushion, in a solemn scheme of the Kyriotissa, the heavenly queen holding the Christ Child on her lap. The throne is wooden and has a round back topped with wooden finials which can also be seen in the Byzantine Kahn Virgin and the Mellon Madonna, as well as in later Veneto-Cretan painting. The throne is set under a shallow ciborium arch which is rendered in relief and supportedby twisted colonettes and so the painting itself is sunk into the surface of the panel. A very similar scheme with a triumphal arch can be seen on Byzantine ivory diptychs with shallow ciborium arches and twisted colonettes. In its composition, the icon from Prijeko is a combination ofthe Kyr i ot i ss a and the Hodegitria, because the Virgin as the heavenly queen does not hold the Christ Child frontally before her but on her right-hand side while pointing at him as the road to salvation. He is seated on his mother’s arm and is supporting himself by pressing his crossed legsagainst her thigh which symbolizes his future Passion. He is wearing a formal classical costume with a red cloak over his shoulder. He is depicted in half profile which opens up the frontal view of the red clavus on his navy blue chiton.He is blessing with the two fingers of his right hand and at the same time reaching for the unusual flower rendered in pastiglia which the Virgin is raising in her left hand and offering to him. At the same time, she is holding the lower part of Christ’s body tightly with her right hand.Various scholars have dated the icon of the Benedictine Virgin to the early fourteenth century. While Gothic features are particularly evident in the costumes of the donors, the elements such as the modelling of the throne and the presence of the ceremonial cushion belong to the Byzantine style of the thirteenth century. The back of the icon of the Benedictine Virgin features the figure of St. Peter set within a border consisting of a lively and colourful vegetal scroll which could be understood as either Romanesque or Byzantine. However, St. Peter’s identifying titulus is written in Latin while that of the Virgin is in Greek. The figure of St. Peter was painted according to the Byzantine tradition: his striking and severe face is rendered linearly in a rigid composition, which is complemented by his classical contrapposto against a green-gray parapet wall, while the background is of dark green-blue colour. Equally Byzantine is themanner of depicting the drapery with flat, shallow folds filled with white lines at the bottom of the garment while, at the same time, the curved undulating hem of the cloak which falls down St. Peter’s right side is Gothic. The overall appearance of St. Peter is perhaps even more Byzantine than that of the Virgin. Such elements, together with the typically Byzantine costumes, speak clearly of a skilful artist who uses hybrid visual language consisting of Byzantine painting and elements of the Romanesque and Gothic. Of particular interest are the wide nimbuses surrounding the heads of the Virgin and Child (St. Peter has a flat one) which are rendered in relief and filled with a neat sequence of shallow blind archesexecuted in the pastiglia technique which, according to M. Frinta, originated in Cyprus. The Venetian and Byzantine elements of the Benedictine Virgin have already been pointed out in the scholarship. Apart from importing art works and artists such as painters and mosaic makers directly from Byzantium into Venice, what was the extent and nature of the Byzantineinfluence on Venetian artistic achievements in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries? We know that the art of Venice and the West alike were affected by the Fourth Crusade and the sack of Constantinople in 1204, and by the newly founded Latin Empire which lasted until 1261.The Venetians played a particularly significant political and administrative role in this Empire and the contemporary hybrid artistic style of the eastern Mediterranean, called Crusader Art and marked by the strong involvement of the Knights Templar, must have been disseminated through the established routes. In addition to Cyprus, Apulia and Sicily which served as stops for the artists and art works en route to Venice and Tuscany, another station must have been Dalmatia where eastern and western influences intermingled and complemented each other.However, it is interesting that the icon of the Benedictine Virgin, apart from negligible variations, imitates almost completely the iconographic scheme of the Madonna di Ripalta at Cerignola on the Italian side of the Adriatic, which has been dated to the early thirteenth century and whose provenance has been sought in the area between southern Italy (Campania) and Cyprus. Far more Byzantine is another Apulian icon, that of a fourteenth-century enthroned Virgin from the basilica of St. Nicholas at Bari with which the Benedictine Virgin from Zadar shares certain features such as the composition and posture of the figures, the depictionof donors and Christ’s costume. A similar scheme, which indicates a common source, can be seen on a series of icons of the enthroned Virgin from Tuscany. The icon of the Virgin and Child from Prijeko is very important for local Romanesque painting of the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century because it expands the oeuvre of the Master of the Benedictine Virgin. Anicon which is now at Toronto, in the University of Toronto Art Centre Malcove Collection, has also been attributed to this master. This small two-sided icon which might have been a diptych panel, as can be judged from its typology, depicts the Virgin with the Anapeson in the upper register while below is the scene from the martyrdom of St. Lawrence. The Virgin is flanked by the figures of saints: to the left is the figure of St. Francis while the saint on the right-hand side has been lost due to damage sustained to the icon. The busts of SS Peter and Paul are at the top.The physiognomies of the Virgin and Child correspond to those of the Benedictine Virgin and the Prijeko icon. The Anapeson, unlike the one at Dubrovnik, is wrapped in a rich, red cloak decorated with lumeggiature, which covers his entire body except the left fist and shin. On the basis of the upper register of this icon, it can be concluded that the Master of the Benedictine Virgin is equally adept at applying the repertoire and style of Byzantine and Western painting alike; the lower register of the icon with its descriptive depiction of the martyrdom of St.Lawrence is completely Byzantine in that it portrays the Roman emperor attending the saint’s torture as a crowned Byzantine ruler. Such unquestionable stylistic ambivalence – the presence of the elements from both Byzantine and Italian painting – can also be seen on the icons of theBenedictine and Prijeko Virgin and they point to a painter who works in a “combined style.” Perhaps he should be sought among the artists who are mentioned as pictores greci in Dubrovnik, Kotor and Zadar. The links between Dalmatian icons and Apulia and Tuscany have already been noted, but the analysis of these paintings should also contain the hitherto ignored segment of Sicilian and eastern Mediterranean Byzantinism, including Cyprus as the centre of Crusader Art. The question of the provenance of the Master of the Benedictine Virgin remains open although the icon of the Virgin and Child from Prijeko points to the possibility that he may have been active in Dalmatia.However, stylistic expressions of the two icons from Zadar and Dubrovnik, together with the one which is today at Toronto, clearly demonstrate the coalescing of cults and forms which arrived to the Adriatic shores fromfurther afield, well beyond the Adriatic, and which were influenced by the significant, hitherto unrecognized, role of the eastern Mediterranean.

Imagery associated with the Knights Templar appears in the public discourse and symbolism of many white supremacist and white nationalist groups. The 2011 Norwegian mass murderer cited the Templars in his manifesto, as did the 2019 New Zealand shooter. Templar crosses were on display at the 2017 white supremacist rally in Charlottesville, North Carolina. To understand the security imaginary behind these racialised medievalisms and their contemporary animation within right-wing extremism, this article develops the concept of ‘conspiratorial medievalism’. The Knights Templar imaginary blends a specific, racialised, and romanticised vision of history with the grammar of conspiracy theory. This is characterised by (a) a belief in the racialised decline and victimisation of a ‘righteous’ White Christendom; (b) a sense of threat posed by racialised Others and betrayal by insiders; and (c) an anachronistic view of near-omnipotent individual agency. Significantly, conspiratorial medievalism demonstrates an aspiration to not merely combat ‘undue’ agency of racialised Others, but to reclaim and perform extreme agency themselves. Agency is cast in the idiom of medieval chivalry and framed as the moral obligation of righteous White men. Although Knights Templar imagery may appear superficial, this article finds it is an important justificatory and enabling discourse for racist violence.