Academic literature on the topic 'Manchu language. [from old catalog]'

During 150 years history of Altaic studies, no contradictions arose while discussing the issues concerning the common origin of languages, language contact results and their further consequences, as well as the stratum of borrowed linguistic units into different levels of the language. Such studies performed various tasks within the framework of Altaic theory dwelling on a traditional idea of the Altaic languages affinity. However, there were certain attempts to reconsider this idea within the framework of counter-Altaic theory. The present paper performed 4 tasks. First, it explained not quite regular phonetic correspondences in certain words and drew parallels at the common Altaic level. Second, it showed that a considerable amount of quite similar words in Tungus-Manchu and partly Mongolian and Turkic languages are old borrowings that do not fit into traditional assumptions about areal links of Turkic, Mongolian and Tungus-Manchu languages. Third, it determined a corpus of lexical units that can be considered a result of the influence of already disappeared ancient Mongolian and Turkic languages on the lexical fund of Tungus-Manchu ones. Finally, it confirmed the validity of common Altaic reconstruction again and showed that without analyzing ancient borrowings, it is totally impossible to explain a number of important facts from the history of Turkic languages.

Introduction. The article examines languages of some national minorities living in the Hulun Buir Urban District of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region (PRC). The study is relevant since the Han majority subjects national minorities to strong linguistic assimilation. Timely study of the languages and dialects of this region is necessary for a comparative analysis with the languages of the Mongolic and Tungus-Manchu peoples living in Russia. Goals. The research primarily aims to examine some aspects of linguistic studies in publications of Inner Mongolia’s philologists. The work solves the following tasks: 1) review of languages and dialects of Hulun Buir ethnic groups, including in publications of Russian researchers; 2) research of some works dealing with the Old Barga dialect of the Mongolian language; 3) analysis of publications on the Dagur language and one scientific article about the Evenki language. Materials. The article analyzes scientific works of researchers from Inner Mongolia, such as Bousian, Enkhabatu, Tseberkhas, Urangua, Yu Shan, Serenbatu. Results. The existing division into languages and dialects has some differences in China and Russia. This unequal linguistic status requires the development of a single generally accepted standard. The Old Barga dialect has preserved a number of words from the language of medieval Mongols. This Barga dialect also borrowed some words from Manchu, Japanese and Russian. Philologists of Inner Mongolia actively study the Dagur language and dialects. They carry out comparative analyses of the latter and Mongolic languages, identify features of the Hailar and Buteha dialects of the Dagur language. So, scientists conducted a sociological survey on whether the Daur people know their native language, as well as Mongolian and Chinese. Professor Serenbat analyzed Evenki verb endings in comparison with Mongolian, Manchu and Dagur ones. Conclusions. The important issue is a standardization of languages and dialects of the region. It must be done in accordance with generally accepted standards in Russia and China. Russian philologists should begin comprehensive studies of the scientific developments of Inner Mongolia’s researchers. The study of the historiography of languages and dialects of Hulun Buir has great prospects.

The article analyzes a corpus of sources that formed the basis of the most notable record of the Qing Empire, the ‘Truthful Record of the Qing Dynasty’ (Qingshilu). The analysis is based on a careful study of Russian, Chinese and Mongolian scholarship. A historical treatise ‘Truthful Record of the Mongols under the Qing Dynasty’ based on the Qingshilu and written in the Old Mongolian script was published in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region of the People’s Republic of China in 2013. A team of researchers from the Institute of Mongolian, Buddhist and Tibetan Studies of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences (RAN) has been working on its translation, source studies and historical analysis, as its materials supplement the available data on the purport and sources of the Qingshilu. Review of its sources allows a better assessment of the veracity of the historical data of the ‘Truthful Record of the Qing Dynasty’ and a deeper understanding of its rich historical material on the Manchu dynasty ruling China, as well as Inner Asia during the Qing period. The article reviews the sources of the Qingshilu as listed in the ‘Truthful Record of the Mongols under the Qing Dynasty.’ Information on the Man Wen Lao Dang (‘The Old Archive of the Manchu Language’) is amassed and analyzed. The Man Wen Lao Dang was one of the sources used in compiling of early chronicles of the deeds of the first Manchu rulers into the ‘Truthful Record.’ The official historiographical and record-keeping tradition was then emerging in China under the Manchu dynasty. The authors assess the purport of the ‘Truthful Record of the Qing Dynasty’ throughout the spectrum of historical and political functions of the treatise. Analyzing of the sources of the ‘Truthful Record of the Qing Dynasty,’ including official documents untainted by compilers’ interpretation, and studying the import of the text in the political life allows to contend great value and veracity of the Qingshilu. The authors see new possibilities for studying international relations in the history of Inner Asia.

The article deals with the semantics of the terms ӱrӱŋ and maŋan denoting white colour in the Yakut language. The aim of the article is to study the development of the words. The research material is based on lexicographical sources and the text of the epic poem – Olonkho. The novelty of this work is the comparative analysis of the Yakut colour terms with the South Siberian and Manchu-Tungus languages and establishment of their relationships. Two words having different origin and nature reflect different stages of language development and its historical connections. The term ӱrӱŋ dates back to ancient Eastern Turkic languages and has a sacred nature associated with early beliefs. The lexeme has a fixed distribution and retains the semantic structure. The adjective ӱrӱŋ has a great word-formation and phraseological potential; it is a component of complex words, pair-words and phraseological units. As in the Old Turkic language, the word performs the function of a noun. In the text, it acts as a permanent epithet to the word kӱn ‘sun’. Compared to the word ӱrӱŋ the term maŋan is an innovation, borrowed from the Mongolian language in connection with horse-breeding culture. Another loanword chaɤān is rarely used. Not only the adjective, but also the verb manxaix was borrowed from Mongolian into Yakut. In the adjective there was a semantic shift; in the Yakut language the meaning ‘white’ is updated, and the meaning ‘with an asterisk on the forehead’ fades into the background. In combination with other adjectives and nouns, the word maŋan forms compound color names that express different shades of white, as well as its saturation and brightness. The word maŋan has considerably expanded the area of use, replacing in some cases the function of the adjective ӱrӱŋ. In the epic text, the word serves as a permanent epithet of the word xallaan ‘heaven’. The word maŋan connects the Yakut language not only with the Mongolian and Manchu- Tungus languages, but also with the South Siberian languages, Khakass and Tuvan. In the system of colour terms, the word maŋan can be one of the common elements of the Siberian languages.

The article is devoted to Cyrillic handwritten books of the XIII–XIX centuries, created in the Romanian principalities, and stored today in the manuscript collections of the Russian State Library. The uniqueness of the writing system, functioning in the principalities (Wallachia, Moldavia, Transylvania) since their political formation, is that it was a Cyrillic script based on the old Slavic language with a predominant Roman-speaking population. In course of the writing system’ development in the principalities, there was a transition from the Slavic font to the Latin one; the intermediate result of this transition was the creation of monuments written in Romanian language with Cyrillic script. The main stages of this process are considered by reference to the specific examples of unique handwritten books and their fragments that have become objects for collecting by scientists, antiquaries, and Old Believers, whose book collections have formed the basis of the handwritten collections of the Russian State Library. They are the oldest Cyrillic manuscripts and their fragments dated to the XII–XIV centuries, found on the territory of Romania, Slavic manuscripts, produced mainly in monasteries of principalities in the XV–XVII centuries, translations of individual words into the Romanian language in the rewritten Slavic texts in the XVI century; the glosses and comments in Romanian on the margins of Slavic manuscripts in the XVI–XVIII centuries; numerous notes in the Romanian language in the manuscripts of the XVI–XVIII centuries, made by owners and readers; translations of literary monuments, including bilingual (Slavic–Romanian) and trilingual (Slavic–Latin–Romanian) versions in the XVI–XVIII centuries; Romanian–Slavic and Slavic–Romanian dictionaries in the XVII–XVIII centuries; letters and their copies in the Romanian language (sureties) in the XVI–XIX centuries. The article is an intermediate outcome of studying and describing Cyrillic Romanian handwritten books in the collections of the Russian State Library, which will result in the publication of a hard–copy catalog.

The funeral procession of Sheng Xuanhuai (盛宣懷, 1844–1916) – the renowned Qing scholar-official, financier, and “father of Chinese industrialism” – meandered through the streets of Shanghai on 18 November 1917. The funeral was a grand event, one that was purportedly documented in film, later to be distributed as the first “news short-film” (新聞短片) in China. TheNorth China Heraldreported on the event in some detail, at times in rather florid language, and suggested that “the cortege was splendid and impressive, bringing back the days of the Manchu emperors. The ceremonial costumes, the musical instruments and much more of the accoutrements dated back to the days of the Empire” (“Sheng Kung-pao's Funeral,” 1917, 467–68). And indeed, the procession included a variety of ritual customs and insignia from Qing (1644-1911) times: imperial banners, ancestral tablets, Buddhist and Daoist priests, paper artifacts, and much more. Simultaneously, nonetheless, other kinds of participants and objects – new and not of imperial pedigree – were part of and intermixed with the older materials: certificates of rank were carried on cars; boy scouts and college students marched alongside the priests; many of the participants arrived by train (mainly from Sheng's hometown, Suzhou); and as the Shanghai portion of the procession ended, it continued by steamer to Suzhou. The conclusion of theNorth China Heraldaccount, however, seems to have emphasized a dichotomy of old and new rather than a joyful mix of the two:Hundreds of men, dressed in the ancient costume of the old dynasties, bore a strong contrast to the eight behind them, sons of intimate friends of the deceased. They were on horseback and wore high silk hats, frock coats and white breeches tucked in riding boots.Truly the passing of the old and the entering of the new. (Ibid.; emphasis added)This view – the old giving way to the new – was not just an off-hand (Western) journalistic analysis; it was part of a larger discourse about the nature of modernity, about progress, and about the relationship between East and West. By the early twentieth century, China was often perceived by most Westerners and Chinese alike as traditional, backward, and weak. It was, thus, commonly stated that the old was giving way to the new (descriptive), should be giving way to the new (prescriptive), or was bound to give way to the new (quasi-fatalistic), if China was to survive. This kind of discourse was put forward by both Western and Chinese writers, who embraced this linear, progressive, view of the relationship between the old and the new, well before Sheng's funeral or the Qing's demise. In the aftermath of that demise, the New (not “Modern”) Culture Movement began to grow and seek solutions for the old-new nation's crisis. The Movement's rhetoric in particular advanced the need for the triumph of the new, and journals, such as New People, New Tide, or New Youth (新民, 新潮, 新青年) served as media for extending such views.

Incunabula are considered a particularly important part of the documentary heritage. 520 incunabula are preserved in eight different Lithuanian memory institutions. The engagement of Lithuanian libraries in the development of the international database of incunabula provenances, Material Evidence in Incunabula (MEI: https://data.cerl.org/mei/_search), intensified research on incunabulistics, as it led to a closer examination of the marks of the former owners. The article presents the latest data on the distribution of incunabula in different Lithuanian memory institutions, as well as analyzes various book marks that were not recorded in Nojus Feigelmanas’ catalog of Lithuanian incunabula or was revised and supplemented, and evaluates their significance in the printed book culture of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The analysis is performed using the provenance method, however is not limited to property marks, but also includes margins – marks left by a reader on the pages of books, and other marks not related to property or reading, providing significant information on book history, culture and peculiarities of reading at that time. In the 15th century, there were no printing houses in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, so the main spread of books was by trade. The entries with prices identified in the incunabula reveal a relatively early time of purchase of the incunabula and testify that the books in the 16th-17th centuries were an expensive commodity. They usually mention groschen, the common currency in the territory of Lithuania-Poland, less often – florins or ducats. In this case, the large variety of prices does not allow to draw more specific conclusions on the prices of incunabula in the relevant period, but these data as a source of book history will serve in general when studying the value of the old books and the circumstances of their acquisition. Purchase records usually also provide information about a former owner of a book. The article focuses more on lesser-known owners on whom new information has been found or existing data have been updated, attention is also paid to female donators. The article also discusses the records left by the incunabula rubricators, which allows to determine the period of the book entry into the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, as well as to look at them as one of the first readers. Various inscriptions left by anonymous owners require the most effort. Entries of the 15th-16th centuries, mostly in Latin, many of which are abstracts of an existing book or notes on it, additions to the text, are still awaiting detailed reading and research. Identified Lithuanian words will be a valuable source of the language history for researchers of the old Lithuanian language. Various marginalia – reviews on a book, notes from everyday life, counting the year of the book, as well as graffiti, different drawings that can be seen as feather attempts, amateur illustrations, caricatures or even as an expression of reading boredom, will be an important material to describe a reader’s relationship to the book at the time, for which the incunabula, like books of other ages, were not only the object of study or research, but also a kind of notebook for important thoughts, synopses, everyday details.

A rhetoric of freedom characterises much of the literature dealing with online communities: freedom from fixed identity and appearance, from the confines of geographic space, and from control. The prevailing view, a combination of futurism and utopianism, is that the lack of order in cyberspace enables the creation of social spaces that will enhance personal freedom and advance the common good. Sherry Turkle argues that computer-mediated communication allows us to create a new form of community, in which identity is multiple and fluid (15-17). Marcos Novak celebrates the possibilities of a dematerialized, ethereal virtual architecture in which the relationships between abstract elements are in a constant state of flux (250). John Perry Barlow employs the frontier metaphor to frame cyberspace as an unmapped, ungoverned territory in which a romantic and a peculiarly American form of individualism can be enjoyed by rough and ready pioneers (“Crime” 460). In his 1993 account as an active participant in The WELL (Whole Earth ‘Lectronic Link), one of the earliest efforts to construct a social space online, Howard Rheingold celebrates the freedom to create a “new kind of culture” and an “authentic community” in the “electronic frontier.” He worries, however, that the freedom enjoyed by early homesteaders may be short lived, because “big power and big money” might soon find ways to control the Internet, just as they have come to dominate and direct other communications media. “The Net,” he states, “is still out of control in fundamental ways, but it might not stay that way for long” (Virtual Community 2-5). The uses of order and disorder Some theorists have identified disorder as a necessary condition for the development of healthy communities. In The Uses of Disorder (1970), Richard Sennett argues that “the freedom to accept and to live with disorder” is integral to our search for community (xviii). In his 1989 study of social space, Ray Oldenburg maintains that public hangouts, which constitute the heart of vibrant communities, support sociability best when activities are unplanned, unorganized, and unrestricted (33). He claims that without the constraints of preplanned control we will be more in control of ourselves and more aware of one another (198). More recently, Charles Landry suggests that “structured instability” and “controlled disruption,” resulting from competition, conflict, crisis, and debate, make cities less comfortable but more exciting. Further, he argues that “endemic structural disorder” requiring ongoing adjustments can generate healthy creative activity and stimulate continual innovation (156-58). Kevin Robins, too, believes that any viable social system must be prepared to accept a level of uncertainty, disorder, and fear. He observes, however, that techno-communities are “driven by the compulsion to neutralize,” and they therefore exclude these possibilities in favour of order and security (90-91). Indeed, order and security are the dominant characteristics that less idealistic observers have identified with cyberspace. Alexander Galloway explains how, despite its potential as a liberating development, the Internet is based on technologies of control. This control is exercised at the code level through technical protocols, such as TCP/IP, DNS, and HTM, that determine disconnections as well as connections (Galloway). Lawrence Lessig suggests that in our examination of the ownership, regulation, and governance of the virtual commons, we must take into account three distinct layers. As well as the “logical” or “code” layer that Galloway foregrounds, we should also consider the “physical” layer, consisting of the computers and wires that carry Internet communications, and the “content” layer, which includes everything that we see and hear over the network. In principle, each of these layers could be free and unorganized, or privately owned and controlled (Lessig 23). Dan Schiller documents the increasing privatization of the Net and argues that corporate cyberspace extends the reach of the market, enabling it to penetrate into areas that have previously been considered to be part of the public domain. For Schiller, the Internet now serves as the main production and control mechanism of a global market system (xiv). Checking into Habbo Hotel Habbo Hotel is an example of a highly ordered and controlled online social space that uses community and game metaphors to suggest something much more open and playful. Designed to attract the teenage market, this graphically intensive cartoon-like hotel is like an interactive Legoland, in which participants assemble a toy-like “Habbo” character and chat, play games, and construct personal environments. The first Habbo Hotel opened its doors in the United Kingdom in 2000, and, by September 2004, localized sites were based in a dozen countries, including Canada, the Unites States, Finland, Japan, Switzerland and Spain, with further expansion planned. At that time, there were more than seventeen million registered Habbo characters worldwide with 2.3 million unique visitors each month (“Strong Growth”). The hotel contains thousands of private rooms and twenty-two public spaces, including a welcome lounge, three lobbies, cinema, game hall, café, pub, and an extensive hallway. Anyone can go to the Room-O-Matic and instantly create a free guest room. However, there are a limited number of layouts to choose from and the furnishings, which must be purchased, have be chosen from a catalog of fixed offerings. All rooms are located on one of five floors, which categorize them according to use (parties, games, models, mazes, and trading). Paradoxically, the so-called public spaces are more restricted and less public than the private guest quarters. The limited capacity of the rooms means that all of the public spaces are full most of the time. Priority is given to paying Habbo Club members and others are denied entry or are unceremoniously ejected from a room when it becomes full. Most visitors never make it into the front lobby. This rigid and restricted construction is far from Novak’s vision of a “liquid architecture” without barriers, that morphs in response to the constantly changing desires of individual inhabitants (Novak 250). Before entering the virtual hotel, individuals must first create a Lego-like avatar. Users choose a unique name for their Habbo (no foul language is allowed) and construct their online persona from a limited selection and colour of body parts. One of two different wardrobes is available, depending on whether “Boy” or “Girl” is chosen. The gender of every Habbo is easily recognizable and the restricted wardrobe results in remarkably similar looking young characters. The lack of differentiation encourages participants to treat other Habbos as generic “Boys” or “Girls” and it encourages limited and predictable conversations that fit the stereotype of male-female interactions in most chat sites. Contrary to Turkle’s contention that computer mediated communication technologies expose the fallacy of a single, fixed, identity, and free participants to experiment with alternative selves (15-17), Habbo characters are permitted just one unchangeable name, and are capable of only limited visual transformations. A fixed link between each Habbo character and its registered user (information that is not available to other participants) allows the hotel management to track members through the site and monitor their behavior. Habbo movements are limited to walking, waving, dancing and drinking virtual alcohol-free beverages. Movement between spaces is accomplished by entering a teleport booth, or by selecting a location by name from the hotel Navigator. Habbos cannot jump, fly or walk through objects or other Habbos. They have no special powers and only a limited ability to interact with objects in their environment. They cannot be hurt or otherwise affected by anything in their surroundings, including other Habbos. The emphasis is on safety and avoidance of conflict. Text chat in Habbo Hotel is limited to one sixty-one-character line, which appears above the Habbo, floats upward, and quickly disappears off the top of the screen. Text must be typed in real time while reading on-going conversations and it is not possible to archive a chat sessions or view past exchanges. There is no way of posting a message on a public board. Using the Habbo Console, shorter messages can also be exchanged between Habbos who may be occupying different rooms. The only other narratives available on the site are in the form of official news and promotions. Before checking into the hotel, Habbos can stop to read Habbo Today, which promotes current offers and activities, and HabboHood Happenings, which offers safety tips, information about membership benefits, jobs (paid in furniture), contest winners, and polls. According to Rheingold, a virtual community can form online when enough people participate in meaningful public discussions over an extended period of time and develop “webs of personal relationships” (Virtual Community 5). By restricting communication to short, fleeting messages between individual Habbos, the hotel frustrates efforts by members to engage in significant dialogue and create a viable social group. Although “community” is an important part of the Habbo Hotel brand, it is unlikely to be a substantial part of the actual experience. The virtual hotel is promoted as a safe, non-threatening environment suitable for the teenagers is designed to attract. Parents’ concerns about the dangers of an unregulated chat space provide the hotel management with a justification for creating a highly controlled social space. The hotel is patrolled twenty-four hours a day by professional moderators backed-up by a team of 180 volunteer “Hobbas,” or guides, who can issue warnings to misbehaving Habbos, or temporarily ban them from the site. All text keyed in by Habbos passes through an automated “Bobba Filter” that removes swearing, racist words, explicit sexual comments and “anything that goes against the “Habbo Way” (“Bad Language”). Stick to the rules and you’ll have fun, Habbos are told, “break them and you’ll get yourself banned” (“Habbo Way”). In Big Brother fashion, messages are displayed throughought the hotel advising members to “Stay safe, read the Habbohood Watch,” “Never give out your details!” and “Obey the Habbo way and you’ll be OK.” This miniature surveillance society contradicts Barlow’s observation that cyberspace serves as “a perfect breeding ground for both outlaws and new ideas about liberty” (“Crime” 460). In his manifesto declaring the independence of cyberspace from government control, he maintains that the state has no authority in the electronic “global social space,” where, he asserts, “[w]e are forming our own Social Contract” based on the Golden Rule (“Declaration”). However, Habbo Hotel shows how the rule of the marketplace, which values profits more than social practices, can limit the freedoms of online civil society just as effectively as the most draconian government regulation. Place your order Far from permitting the “controlled disruption” advocated by Landry, the hotel management ensures that nothing is allowed to disrupt their control over the participants. Without conflict and debate, there are few triggers for creative activity in the site, which is designed to encourage consumption, not community. Timo Soininen, the managing director of the company that designed the hotel, states that, because teenagers like to showcase their own personal style, “self-expression is the key to our whole concept.” However, since it isn’t possible to create a Habbo from scratch, or to import clothing or other objects from outside the site, the only way for members to effectively express themselves is by decorating and furnishing their room with items purchased from the Habbo Catalogue. “You see, this,” admits Soininen, “is where our revenue model kicks in” (Shalit). Real-world products and services are also marketed through ads and promotions that are integrated into chat, news, and games. The result, according to Habbo Ltd, is “the ideal vehicle for third party brands to reach this highly desired 12-18 year-old market in a cost-effective and creative manner” (“Habbo Company Profile”). Habbo Hotel is a good example of what Herbert Schiller describes as the corporate capture of sites of public expression. He notes that, when put at the service of growing corporate power, new technologies “provide the instrumentation for organizing and channeling expression” (5-6). In an afterword to a revised edition of The Virtual Community, published in 2000, Rheingold reports on the sale of the WELL to a privately owned corporation, and its decline as a lively social space when order was imposed from the top down. Although he believes that there is a place for commercial virtual communities on the Net, he acknowledges that as economic forces become more entrenched, “more controls will be instituted because there is more at stake.” While remaining hopeful that activists can leverage the power of many-to-many communications for the public good, he wonders what will happen when “the decentralized network infrastructure and freewheeling network economy collides with the continuing growth of mammoth, global, communication empires” (Virtual Community Rev. 375-7). Although the company that built Habbo Hotel is far from achieving global empire status, their project illustrates how the dominant ethos of privatization and the increasing emphasis on consumption results in gated virtual communities that are highly ordered, restricted, and controlled. The popularity of the hotel reflects the desire of millions of Habbos to express their identities and ideas in a playful environment that they are free to create and manipulate. However, they soon find that the rules are stacked against them. Restricted design options, severe communication limitations, and fixed architectural constraints mean that the only freedom left is the freedom to choose from a narrow range of provided options. In private cyberspaces like Habbo Hotel, the logic of the market rules out unrestrained many-to-many communications in favour of controlled commercial relationships. The liberating potential of the Internet that was recognized by Rheingold and others has been diminished as the forces of globalized commerce impose their order on the electronic frontier. References “Bad Language.” Habbo Hotel. 2004. Sulake UK Ltd. 15 Apr. 2004 http://www.habbohotel.co.uk/habbo/en/help/safety/badlanguage/>. 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The Great Good Place: Cafés, Coffee Shops, Community Centers, Beauty Parlors, General Stores, Bars, Hangouts and How They Get You through the Day. New York: Paragon, 1989. Rheingold, Howard. The Virtual Community: Homesteading on the Electronic Frontier. New York: Harper, 1993. ———. The Virtual Community: Homesteading on the Electronic Frontier. Rev. ed. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT P, 2000. Robins, Kevin. “Cyberspace and the World We Live In.” The Cybercultures Reader. Eds. David Bell and Barbara M. Kennedy. London: Routledge, 2000. 77-95. Schiller, Dan. Digital Capitalism: Networking the Global Market System. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT P, 1999. Schiller, Herbert I. Culture Inc.: The Corporate Takeover of Public Expression. New York: Oxford UP, 1991. Sennett, Richard. The Uses of Disorder: Personal Identity & City Life. New York: Vintage, 1970. Shalit, Ruth. “Welcome to the Habbo Hotel.” mpulse Magazine. Mar. 2002. Hewlett-Packard. 1 Apr. 2004 http://www.cooltown.com/cooltown/mpulse/0302-habbo.asp>. “Strong Growth in Sulake’s Revenues and Profit – Habbo Hotel Online Game Will Launch in the US in September.” 3 Sept. 2004. Sulake. Sulake Corp. 9 Jan. 2005 http://www.sulake.com/>. Turkle, Sherry. Life on the Screen: Identity in the Age of the Internet. New York: Simon, 1997. Citation reference for this article MLA Style McGuire, Mark. "Ordered Communities." M/C Journal 7.6 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0501/06-mcguire.php>. APA Style McGuire, M. (Jan. 2005) "Ordered Communities," M/C Journal, 7(6). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0501/06-mcguire.php>.