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1

Jr., Samuel Y. Edgerton, and S. D. Houston. "Maya Glyphs." Art Bulletin 73, no. 1 (March 1991): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3045786.

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2

Bernstein, Noga. "Maya Modern." American Art 34, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 44–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/712750.

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3

Stepto, G. B. "Maya Alegre." Callaloo 21, no. 1 (1998): 220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cal.1998.0050.

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4

Miller, Mary. "Molding Maya practice." Res: Anthropology and aesthetics 71-72 (January 2019): 40–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/705387.

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5

Gonzalez, Anita. "Mambo and the Maya." Dance Research Journal 36, no. 1 (2004): 131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0149767700007609.

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This essay is a descriptive analysis of a 2000 encounter with Mayan “mambo” dancing in a mountain community, an encounter that challenges assumptions about prevalent notions of exoticism, identity, and cultural authenticity. Traveling in Guatemala with a group of international scholars, I witnessed a public performance of the transnational mambo by costumed Guatemalans that was not mambo, not Mayan, and not social. Male performers, in celebration of Corpus Christi, dressed as Disney-style costume characters and executed routines to merengue music while nondancing participants watched the spectacle. This contradictory display of dancing encouraged me to reflect on the impact of popular social dance and to examine the complicated meanings communicated by performers who incorporate body-based art into indigenous social and economic paradigms. The performers' unique interpretation of mambo dance within the context of a public Corpus Christi festival underscored discrepancies between institutional perceptions of the mambo and the popular reuse of dance motifs. At the same time, the performance, which used clowning as a mechanism to engage the audience, inverted the solemnity of the religious feast day.
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6

Hofling, Charles Andrew. "The Language of Maya Hieroglyphs:The Language of Maya Hieroglyphs." American Anthropologist 103, no. 4 (December 2001): 1190–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2001.103.4.1190.

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7

Rowell, Charles H. "Maya Freelon Asante." Callaloo 38, no. 4 (2015): 801–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cal.2015.0122.

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8

Shaw, Justine M. "MAYA SACBEOB." Ancient Mesoamerica 12, no. 2 (July 2001): 261–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536101121048.

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This article reviews currently available data on Lowland Maya sacbeob (raised roadways) to create a tripartite system of road classification and explore why the Maya built such constructions. Rather than simply classify sacbeob as “intrasite” or “intersite,” roads are divided into “local intrasite,” “core–outlier intrasite,” and “intersite” based on length and function. This classification system is then employed on a data set of 190 sacbeob to explore the degree to which it may have been some sort of a reality for the ancient Maya. The practical and symbolic aspects of roadways are also discussed, with the aim of beginning to explain why sacbeob are present at some sites while absent at others. Possibilities from environmental to temporal variation are reviewed, as are the ways in which plazas may or may not have been able to substitute for constructed routes. The Inka road system is also briefly summarized to provide an analogy to better understand Maya systems. Finally, an appeal is made to researchers to view sacbeob not as a single type of artifact, but as a class of features with a range of types and functions.
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9

Edmonson, Munro S. "La lengua maya." Caravelle 76, no. 1 (2001): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/carav.2001.1286.

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10

Aimers, James J. "What Maya Collapse? Terminal Classic Variation in the Maya Lowlands." Journal of Archaeological Research 15, no. 4 (August 17, 2007): 329–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10814-007-9015-x.

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11

Maxwell, Judith M. "The Decipherment of Ancient Maya Writing:The Decipherment of Ancient Maya Writing." American Anthropologist 104, no. 3 (September 2002): 980–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2002.104.3.980.

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12

Vail, Gabrielle. "The Maya Codices." Annual Review of Anthropology 35, no. 1 (October 2006): 497–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.anthro.35.081705.123324.

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13

Cecil, Leslie G., and Timothy W. Pugh. "SOULS OF THE ANCESTORS: POSTCLASSIC MAYA ARCHITECTURE, INCENSARIOS, AND MANA." Ancient Mesoamerica 29, no. 1 (2018): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536117000232.

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AbstractIn this article, we consider how the Postclassic Kowoj Maya of the central Peten lakes region of El Petén, Guatemala utilized mana in conjunction with their ritual objects and spolia to mediate between the natural and supernatural worlds. In many cultures worldwide and throughout time, mana (magical or spiritual powers that provide people and objects with a living force) transforms the ordinary into the spiritually powerful. The Kowojs imbued incense burners and buildings with mana, thus facilitating a connection with their ancestors. We examine the manufacturing recipe of a group of incense burners and the civic-ceremonial buildings at Zacpeten to argue that the Kowoj used these objects to mediate among the living, the dead, and the supernatural realms. Ultimately, by empowering these objects with mana, the Kowoj constructed a universe where they regularly communicated with their ancestors and built structures that ensouled their historical consciousness.
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14

Grube, Nikolai. "Classic Maya Dance." Ancient Mesoamerica 3, no. 2 (1992): 201–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095653610000064x.

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AbstractA long-known verbal glyph in Classic Maya inscriptions is reinterpreted as a glyph for dancing (ahk'ot), apparently an important ritual of the ancient Maya. The glyph is found with scenes showing one or several dancers. Glyphs after the verb can be shown to describe the objects and instruments employed in dances. This article analyzes several examples of Maya dances and the ritual and social context in which they occur. These include the dance with a staff with cloth tied down its length, a dance with a “God K” scepter, a dance with a staff with birds attached to it, a dance with a staff with a “God K” figure seated on top of it, a snake dance, dances in warrior outfit, and dances at royal visits. A variety of dances is represented on polychrome ceramics. Many polychrome ceramics can be shown to depict dancing companion spirits, while others show dances associated with historical events. A comparison with colonial and modern Maya dances shows that they share the same emphasis on dance objects, but that the underlying religious and political messages have changed almost completely.
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15

Gillespie, Susan D. "MAYA MEMORY WORK." Ancient Mesoamerica 21, no. 2 (2010): 401–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536110000234.

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AbstractThe critical role of social or collective memory in ongoing processes of societal reproduction and transformation is well acknowledged by anthropologists and is being increasingly modeled in archaeological interpretations as well. Investigating how social memory impacted the materialities and historical trajectories of the Maya civilization has great potential for advancing archaeological methodologies as well as enlarging our knowledge of the Maya. In addition to the wealth of epigraphic, ethnographic, and early historical information available for the Maya, archaeologists are examining enduring architecture, representative imagery, and even mundane artifacts that constitute a “technology of memory” for clues to the interplay of recollection and forgetting in the operation and transformation of Maya societies. This commentary reviews issues and problems in archaeological studies of social memory and addresses the specific prospects for investigating social memory among the pre-Hispanic Maya, drawing upon the analyses provided by the papers in this special section.
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16

Hostettler, Ueli. "Gabbert, Wolfgang: Becoming Maya." Anthropos 102, no. 1 (2007): 257–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2007-1-257.

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17

Adams, Richard E. W., Arlen F. Chase, and Prudence M. Rice. "The Lowland Maya Postclassic." Anthropologica 30, no. 1 (1988): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25605256.

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18

Santley, Robert S., Thomas W. Killion, and Mark T. Lycett. "On the Maya Collapse." Journal of Anthropological Research 42, no. 2 (July 1986): 123–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jar.42.2.3630485.

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19

Kepecs, Susan. "Maya Conquistador. Matthew Restall." Journal of Anthropological Research 56, no. 2 (July 2000): 245–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jar.56.2.3631366.

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20

Houston, Stephen D. "Archaeology and Maya writing." Journal of World Prehistory 3, no. 1 (March 1989): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00996244.

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21

Eberl, Markus, and Santiago Cho Coc. "Moderne Q’eqchi’-Maya-Identität und der antike Maya-Ort Tamarindito in Guatemala." Anthropos 114, no. 1 (2019): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2019-1-19.

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Guatemala’s Q’eqchi’-Maya employ the past to construct their identity. In modern states, leaders like Mussolini or Hitler appropriated the past to shape national identities. Unlike these top-down approaches, the Q’eqchi’ offer a bottom-up perspective. In the Guatemalan highlands, Q’eqchi’ ritual practices involve the tzuul taq’a’s, supernatural beings linked to mountains and owners of the land. Recently many Q’eqchi’ migrated into the tropical lowlands and settled among Classic Maya ruins. Through questionnaires and interviews we reconstruct the complex ways in which Q’eqchi’ transfer the tzuul taq’a’ to the lowlands and appropriate their new surroundings both ideologically and physically.
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22

Stolzenberg, Nomi Maya. "Nomi Maya Stolzenberg Responds." Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association 69, no. 3 (June 2021): 673–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00030651211030179.

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23

Simmons, Scott E. "Maya Resistance, Maya Resolve: The tools of autonomy from Tipu, Belize." Ancient Mesoamerica 6 (1995): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536100002145.

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AbstractThis paper summarizes the results of an analysis of the formal stone tools from the Maya site of Tipu, Belize. The lithic tools are dominated by one form, the small, side-notched projectile point. These tools were recovered from Colonial-period contexts at the site. These points were manufactured from prismatic blade and flake blanks and were fairly uniform in terms of their size and method of manufacture, although distinct base styles were observed. A brief discussion of both quantitative and qualitative attributes and a description of the technology used in the manufacture of these points are presented. Also, several ideas on how researchers may be able to see ethnic or subethnic expressions of style in Colonial-period tools is offered. The possible functions of these projectile points is discussed using information from different sources. The use of these small projectile points, a component of bow-and-arrow technology, will be discussed in light of the often hostile nature of the Spanish Conquest, and in particular, the conquest and reconquest of the Tipu area.
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24

Bricker, Victoria R. "Advances in Maya Epigraphy." Annual Review of Anthropology 24, no. 1 (October 1995): 215–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.an.24.100195.001243.

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25

Marshall, Maya. "Someday I'll Love Maya Marshall." Callaloo 40, no. 2 (2017): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cal.2017.0098.

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26

Cooper, Sarah. "Meshes of muteness: Maya Deren’s languages." Screen 59, no. 4 (2018): 523–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/screen/hjy051.

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27

Taube, Karl A. "A Prehispanic Maya Katun Wheel." Journal of Anthropological Research 44, no. 2 (July 1988): 183–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jar.44.2.3630055.

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28

Hage, Per. "The Ancient Maya Kinship System." Journal of Anthropological Research 59, no. 1 (April 2003): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jar.59.1.3631442.

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29

Alexander, Rani T. "Ancient Maya Women. Traci Ardren." Journal of Anthropological Research 60, no. 3 (October 2004): 408–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jar.60.3.3630762.

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30

Hammond, Norman. "Maya: revelation and re-evaluation." Antiquity 89, no. 348 (December 2015): 1503–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2015.141.

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Maya archaeology is flourishing; across three millennia, four countries and an impressive range of intellectual and practical approaches, the eight books under review here make that point well. One is the ninth edition of a deservedly successful book for a general readership, one the catalogue of the first Maya exhibition to be held in Britain in nearly half a century. A further volume deals with sites in the northern Maya lowlands of the Yucatan Peninsula, another with those in the eastern lowlands, the former British colony of Belize. Two are site-specific: the major city of El Perú-Waka’ in the southern lowland Maya heartland of El Petén, Guatemala, and the idiosyncratic élite centre of Cacaxtla in central highland Mexico where Maya influence on the famous murals is both striking and puzzling. Finally, two have a scientific bent: collections of papers on bioarchaeology/population studies and archaeoastronomy respectively. All draw their evidence, and their illustrations, largely from the Classic Period (AD 250–900), although there are forays into both the Preclassic (1200 BC–AD 250) and Postclassic (AD 900–1500+).
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31

McKillop, Heather. "Ancient Maya Tree Cropping." Ancient Mesoamerica 5, no. 1 (1994): 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536100001085.

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AbstractThe predominance of tree crops among abundant, well-preserved plant food remains from coastal sites in southern Belize suggests that these island Maya had a specialized subsistence focus. Limited arable land on offshore islands, together with a maritime economy, may have been important factors in the use of tree crops. The Wild Cane Cay Maya utilized a variety of native palm fruits – Orbignya cohune, Acrocomia mexicana, and Bactris major, as well as other wild tree fruits, in addition to corn. These coastal data support the view that specialized adaptation to diverse environments was a feature of ancient Maya subsistence.
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32

Brady, James E., Joseph W. Ball, Ronald L. Bishop, Duncan C. Pring, Norman Hammond, and Rupert A. Housley. "The Lowland Maya “Protoclassic”." Ancient Mesoamerica 9, no. 1 (1998): 17–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536100001826.

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AbstractThe term “Protoclassic,” employed regularly but inexplicitly in the literature of lowland Maya archaeology, has become increasingly nebulous and ambiguous in both meaning and usage. This paper reviews the history and use of the term and presents a formal redefinition of the Protoclassic as a ceramic stage based explicitly and exclusively on ceramic criteria. Some suggestions regarding future use of the term also are offered. The paper further addresses and resolves a number of persisting questions regarding Protoclassic orange wares, including problems concerning the actual existence of the “Aguacate ceramic group.” and the relationships of Aguacate-group pottery to other emergent orange wares of the terminal Late Preclassic and initial Early Classic periods. The nature and significance of the “Holmul I Style,” the “Floral Park Ceramic Sphere.” and the relationships of the two to each other and the larger, redefined “protoclassic” ceramic stage also are examined. A spatial distribution for protoclassic ceramics considerably expanded over what has ever been reported previously is described, and Chronometric data are presented to support a revised chronology for the protoclassic ceramic stage. Finally, ceramic data are offered that suggest a real subdivision of the protoclassic ceramic stage into an early, emergent facet originating entirely within Late Preclassic lowland traditions, and a later, fully “Classic” facet corresponding to the early Tzakol (Tzakol 1) ceramic horizon.
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33

Loughmiller-Newman, Jennifer A. "CANONS OF MAYA PAINTING." Ancient Mesoamerica 19, no. 1 (2008): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536108000308.

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This paper presents an analysis of the size and spatial organization of text segments and anthropomorphic figures on Classic Maya polychrome vases. Based on a sample of 110 vases that contain both text and images and are complete enough to measure the relevant variables, I demonstrate that a single set of canons for the sizes and placements of text segments and images, separately and with respect to one another, characterizes vessels throughout the polychrome-producing area. Both texts and images exhibit a three-level hierarchy of sizes, with standardized ratios of the primary-to-secondary level and of the secondary-to-tertiary level. Concurrently, significance is added to these sizes through vertical and horizontal arrangement on the vessel surface. This analysis confirms statistically what visual analysis has broadly speculated about in terms of proportion, scale, and similarities between styles. Data are also provided that illuminate issues in the method and meaning of scene layout and the representation of active and inactive figure illustration.
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34

O'Neil, Megan E. "The Material Evidence of Ancient Maya Sculpture." Journal of Visual Culture 9, no. 3 (December 2010): 316–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470412910380357.

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35

Graham, Mark, Charles Gallenkamp, and Regina Elise Johnson. "Maya: Treasures of an Ancient Civilization." African Arts 19, no. 3 (May 1986): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3336429.

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36

Little, Walter E. "Performing Tourism: Maya Women's Strategies." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 29, no. 2 (January 2004): 528–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/378105.

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37

Lucca, Violet. "Review: Maya Deren: Incomplete Control by Sarah Keller." Film Quarterly 69, no. 1 (2015): 104–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fq.2015.69.1.104.

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38

Duvall, Tracy. "The Maya Diaspora: Guatemalan Roots, New American Lives:The Maya Diaspora: Guatemalan Roots, New American Lives." American Anthropologist 104, no. 2 (June 2002): 685–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2002.104.2.685.

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39

Diehl, Richard A., David A. Freidel, and Jeremy A. Sabloff. "Cozumel: Late Maya Settlement Patterns." American Antiquity 52, no. 1 (January 1987): 194. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/281069.

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40

Fash, William L. "Changing Perspectives on Maya Civilization." Annual Review of Anthropology 23, no. 1 (October 1994): 181–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.an.23.100194.001145.

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41

O'Brien, Patricia J., and Hanne D. Christiansen. "An Ancient Maya Measurement System." American Antiquity 51, no. 1 (January 1986): 136–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/280400.

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In this report we attempt to answer the question: which measurement system did the Late Classic Maya use to build their buildings? Measurements were collected from ten buildings at three Puuc style archaeological sites: Uxmal, Kabah and Chichén Itzá, which date about A.D. 750-1000. The tentative results of the study suggest the Maya employed a measurement system involving what we are calling a zapal, which was 147 ± 5 cm long. A zapal was divided into 16 units, kab, of 9 xóot’ each, or 9 units, oc, of 16 xóot’ each. Thus, there were two alternative ways of grouping the 144 xóot’ that made up each zapal. An examination of the linguistic and ethnohistoric data reveals nothing to contradict the notion that such a measuring system was present among the ancient Maya, and that multiples of 3, 4, and 12 are involved.
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42

Baker, Mary. "Capuchin Monkeys (Cebus capucinus) and the Ancient Maya." Ancient Mesoamerica 3, no. 2 (1992): 219–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536100000651.

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AbstractTwo genera of nonhuman primates that include howler monkeys (Alouatta palliata and Alouatta pigra) and spider monkeys (Ateles geoffroyi) currently are located throughout the Maya region. It has been suggested that the Classic Maya associated these monkeys, especially howler monkeys, with the arts. This view is exemplified in the Popol Vuh and in depictions of monkey-man scribes on Late Classic (c. a.d. 550–900) ceramics. This paper provides evidence that a third genus, the capuchin monkey (Cebus capucinus), is also located in the southern Maya region and may have extended as far north as Belize within the last century. Supporting data are drawn from historic accounts, artifact and faunal analysis, and linguistic data. It is also proposed, based on an interspecific comparison of morphological and behavioral characteristics, that capuchin monkeys rather than howler monkeys are the animals represented in depictions of monkey scribes.
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43

Coggins, Clemency Chase. "Classic Maya Metaphors of Death and Life." Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics 16 (September 1988): 64–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/resv16n1ms20166803.

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44

Baudez, Claude-François. "The Maya Snake Dance: Ritual and Cosmology." Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics 21 (March 1992): 37–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/resv21n1ms20166841.

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45

Osnes, Beth, Chelsea Hackett, Jen Walentas Lewon, Norma Baján, and Christine Brennan. "Vocal Empowerment Curriculum for young Maya Guatemalan women." Theatre, Dance and Performance Training 10, no. 3 (September 2, 2019): 313–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19443927.2019.1637371.

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46

Hervik, Peter, and Richard Wilson. "Maya Resurgence in Guatemala: Q'eqchi' Experiences." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 4, no. 2 (June 1998): 402. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3034566.

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47

Moyes, Holley, and Keith M. Prufer. "The Geopolitics of Emerging Maya Rulers." Journal of Anthropological Research 69, no. 2 (June 2013): 225–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3998/jar.0521004.0069.204.

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48

Houston, Stephen D., David Stuart, and Karl A. Taube. "Folk Classification of Classic Maya Pottery." American Anthropologist 91, no. 3 (September 1989): 720–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1989.91.3.02a00130.

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49

Hendon, Julia A. "Variation in Classic Maya Sociopolitical Organization." American Anthropologist 94, no. 4 (December 1992): 940–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1992.94.4.02a00150.

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50

Wilk, Richard R. "Maya Resurgence in Guatemala: Q'eqchi' Experiences." American Anthropologist 99, no. 2 (June 1997): 461. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1997.99.2.461.

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