Academic literature on the topic 'Mysticisme et art'

The Hexaëmeron, traditionally ascribed to Anastasius of Sinai may be one of the most important works of Christian mysticism from the Byzantine era. Three factors make it especially significant. First, it is one of the longest and most detailed surviving examples of Christian mystical exegesis as practiced in the Byzantine period. Second, this commentary is an extensive and unified exposition of the theology of an important Church writer. And finally, the Hexaëmeron is not only steeped in biblical literature, but also contains a large reservoir of quotes and paraphrases of the early Church Fathers on the first three chapters of Genesis. In this article, I analyzed book VI of the Commentary to the Book of Genesis (PG 89, 921-938) by Anastasius of Sinai, in which Anastasius comments, inter alia, the verse from Genesis 1, 26. The main goal of my analysis was to answer the question whether Anastasius – the Byzantine exegete – in her exegesis of the Holy Scriptures, using the earlier considerations of the Fathers of the Church, is at least to a small extent original or uncritical rewrites the previous interpretations, not including any of these interpretations?

The goal of the article is to examine the theoretical and aesthetical views related to art and concerning painters, mainly in the French tradition, from the early 17th to the mid-18th century, starting with works by Gian Paolo Lomazzo and ending with the viewpoints of Denis Diderot. Using different examples from the texts of the key authors of their day, the article’s aim is to show how, starting in the early 17th century, the type of painter who can be described as a “learned genius” starts to develop; and from the beginning of the next, 18th century, this type gradually starts to transform into the subject that can be called a “mad genius” with all the main features of a modern artist.With the introduction of the neo-Platonic Mannerist doctrine of Lomazzo and Federico Zuccari the “learned genius” is now in its embryonic stage of development, differing greatly from the Renaissance painters of an earlier era. The “painter-mystic” is a self-centred person, whose “inner eye” is directly connected through contemplation with the Divine. In the middle of the 17th century, Charles Alphonse du Fresnoy, and especially Giovanni Pietro Bellori, by synthesizing Platonic and Aristotelian ideas, introduce us to the painter who possesses genius. He is freed from Mannerist mysticism and his main goal is to improve the imperfect Nature created by God through mind and reason. And to produce the perfect version of it in art – la belle nature – to achieve the result the artist has constantly developed himself – to learn and observe. The neo-classicist doctrine gradually burdens the genius with certain strict rules to follow; a process that is referred to here as “taming the genius”. So by the end of the 17th century, it is possible to talk about the “learned (but tamed) genius” – a noble, well-taught, reasonable and aesthetically high-minded artist.At the beginning of 18th century changes start occurring in the theoretical art paradigm, starting with Jean-Baptiste Du Bos and his Reflexions critiques sur la poësie et sur la peinture, written in 1719. This marks a new beginning in the development of the painter-genius figure and undoubtedly has significant influence on the writings that will follow on same subject. Du Bos starts to depart from the “reason-centred” painter, emphasizing the moment of sensory perception as the main criteria in the art of painting. There are two main differences from earlier times. Firstly, the author is now talking about a person who already is genius rather than possessing genius, as was the understanding earlier. Secondly, the person is already born a genius, which means that this quality is no longer taught. There aren’t any strict rules to harass the individual inventiveness and creativity of the artist.In the middle of 18th century many theoreticians, such as Jean le Rond d’Alembert, Etienne de Condillac, Voltaire etc, emphasized such important and very individualistic qualities of the painter as inventiveness, imagination, originality, enthusiasm. And they started to connect these to the centuries-old Platonic idea of poetic fury – furor poeticus – a state of mind in which the artist is almost maddened, insane and fully spontaneous while creating art. Denis Diderot is the first author who says outright that a painter-genius “is mad” (qu‘il est fou) and in doing so summons up the ideas of his predecessors.One could say that the different qualities mentioned above have guided the theoretical art narrative to the point where we can talk about the “mad genius”, who is recognized as the creator of art and this is the point where the modern painter-genius, whom we know today, comes to life.

RESUMENLos balnearios-sauna castreños del noroeste peninsular son monumentos con horno con una arquitectura muy original, posiblemente asociada a los diversos modelos termales. Se conocen cerca de tres decenas, distribuidos por el noroeste peninsular. La arquitectura compleja de estos monumentos se organiza estructuralmente hacia posibilitar baños de sauna y baños de agua fría. Las dos áreas son divididas por una estela, monolítica, normalmente ornamentada – la pedra formosa. El papel simbólico que tendrían en el seno de la sociedad castreña de la Edad del Hierro del noroeste peninsular permanece por aclarar y envuelto en gran misticismo, fruto de una posible sacralidad. Este entorno, referido por diversos autores a lo largo de los tiempos, está posiblemente asociado al culto de los dioses de las aguas y a la sacralidad del baño purificador, medicinal, que se refleja en las decoraciones frontales de las pedras formosas, cuya maestría de los escultores que las insculpieran, tipología decorativa, interpretación simbólica y semiótica estudiamos, como objetivos primordiales, a lo largo de este trabajo de investigación.PALABRAS CLAVE: Protohistoria, monumentos con horno, decoración pétrea, interpretación simbólica / semiótica.ABSTRACTThe Iron Age sauna-baths of the northwest peninsular are monuments with an oven with very original architecture, possibly associated with the diverse thermal models. There are about three dozen known sauna-baths spread over the northwest peninsular. The complex architecture of thesemonuments is structurally organized to allow for cold water baths and sauna baths. The two areas are divided by a tectiforme stele, monolithic, usually ornamented, known as pedra formosa (beautiful stone). The symbolic role that they would have had in the heart of the Iron Age “castreña” society in the northwest peninsular remains unclear and shrouded in mysticism, the fruit of a possible sacredness. This environment, referred to by various authors throughout the ages, is possibly associated with the worship of the water gods and the sacredness of the medicinal and purifying bath, which is reflected in the frontal decorations of the pedras formosas, whose masterful sculpting, decorative typology, symbolic interpretation and semiotics we studied as primary objectives of this research work.KEYWORDS: Protohistory, monuments with oven, stone decoration, symbolic / semiotic interpretation. BIBLIOGRAFIAAlmagro-Gorbea, M. e Álvarez Sanchís, J. R. (1993), “La ‘sauna’ de Ulaca: saunas y baños iniciáticos en el mundo céltico”, Cuadernos de Arqueología de la Universidad de Navarra, 1, pp. 177-232.Almagro-Gorbea, M. e Moltó, L. (1992), “Saunas en la Hispania prerromana”, Espacio, Tempo y Forma, 3 (5), pp. 67-102.Almeida, C.A.F. (1974), “O monumento com forno de Sanfins e as escavações de 1973”, III Congresso Nacional de Arqueologia, pp. 149-172.— (1983), “O Castrejo sob o domínio romano. A sua transformação”, Estudos de Cultura Castrexa e de Historia Antiga da Galícia, pp. 187-198.— (1986), “Arte Castreja. A sua lição para os fenómenos de assimilação e resistência a Romanidade”, Arqueologia, 13, pp. 161-172.Araújo, J. R. (1920), Perosinho: Apontamentos para a sua monografia, Porto.Azevedo, A. (1946), “O “Monumento Funerário” da Citânia (Nova interpretação)”, Revista de Guimarães, 56 (1-2), pp. 150-164.Berrocal Rangel, L., Martínez Seco, P. e Ruíz Triviño, C. (2002), El Castiellu de Llagú, Madrid.Bosch Gimpera, P. 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(1726), Memorias ressuscitadas da Província de Entre-Douro-e-Minho, Manuscrito da Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa, 217 do Núcleo Geral.Dias, L. A. T. (1997), Tongóbriga, Lisboa.Dinis, A. P. (2002), “O balneário do Alto de Quintãs (Póvoa de Lanhoso, Norte de Portugal). Um novo caso a juntar ao livro negro da arqueologia de Entre-Douro-e-Minho”, Mínia, 3ª Série, 10, pp. 159-179.Dechelette, J. (1909), “Essai sur la chronologie de la Péninsule Ibérique“, Revue Archéologique, 13, pp. 26-36.Eco, H. (1972), “Semiologia de los mensajes visuales”, Análises de las imagenes, pp. 23-80.— (1988), O Signo, Labor.— (1979), A Theory of Semiotics, Indiana University Press, Bloomington.Estrabón (1965), Livro III Da Geografia, Amphitheatrvm, IX, Porto.Fernández Fuster, L. (1953), “Sobre la interpretación de los monumentos con ‘pedras formosas’”, Archivo Español de Arqueología, 26 (88), pp. 379-384.Ferreira, E. Veiga (1966), “Uma estela do tipo Pedra Formosa encontrada no Castro de Fontalva (Elvas)”, Revista de Guimarães, 76, pp- 359-363.Fernández Vega, P. A., Mantecón Callejo, L., Callejo Gómez, J. y Bolado del Castillo, R. (2014), “La sauna de la Segunda edad del Hierro del oppidum de Monte Ornedo (Cantabria, España)”, Munibe, 65, pp. 177-195.García Quintela, M. V. e Santos-Estévez M. (2015), “Iron Age saunas of northern Portugal: state of the art and research perspectives”, Oxford Journal of Archaeology, 34(1), pp. 67–95.García Quintela, M. V. (2016), “Sobre las saunas de la Edad del Hierro en la Península ibérica: novedades, tipologías e interpretaciones”, Complutum, 27 (1), pp. 109-130.García y Bellido, A. (1931), “Las relaciones entre el Arte etrusca y el ibérico”, Archivo Español de Arte y Arqueología, 7, pp. 119-148.— (1940), “El castro de Coaña (Asturias) y algunas notas sobre el posible origen de esta cultura”. Revista de Guimarães, 50(3–4), pp. 284-311.— (1968), “Las cámaras funerarias de la cultura castreña”, Archivo Español de Arqueología, 41, pp. 16-44.Gómez Tabanera, J. M., La caza en la Prehistoria, Madrid, Istmo, 1980.González Ruibal, A. (2006), “Galaicos. Poder y comunidad en el Noroeste de la península Ibérica (1200 a.C.-50 d.C.)”. Brigantium, 18, A Coruña.Höck, M. (1984), “Acerca dos elementos arquitectónicos decorados de castros do noroeste peninsular”, Revista Guimarães, 94, pp. 389-405.Hübner, E. (1879), “Citania”, Dispersos, pp. 445-462.Jordá Cerdá, F. (1969), Guía del Castrillón de Coaña. Salamanca, 8-12.— (1983), “Introducción a los problemas del arte esquemático de la Península Ibérica”, Zephyrvs, 36, pp. 7-12.Júnior, J. R. S. (1966), “Dois fornos do povo em Trás-os-Montes”, Trabalhos de Antropologia e Etnologia, 1-2, 20, pp. 119-146.Lemos, F. S., Leite, J. M. F., Bettencourt, A. M. S. e Azevedo, M. (2003), “O balneário pré-romano de Braga”, Al-madan, II série, 12, pp. 43-46.López Cuevillas, F. (1953), La civilización celtica en Galicia, Compostela.Lorenzo Fernández, J. (1948), “El monumento proto-histórico de Águas Santas y los ritos funerarios de los castros”, Cuadernos de Estudios Gallegos, 2 (10), pp. 157-211.Martin, H. (1881), “La Citania de Briteiros“, Revue Archéologique, 42, pp. 160-164.Monteagudo, L. (1952), “Monumentos propiedad de la Sociedad Martins Sarmento”, Archivo Español de Arqueología, 25 (85), pp. 112-116.Moreira, A. B. (2013), “O Balneário Castrejo do Monte Padrão, Santo Tirso”, Santo Tirso Arqueológico, 5, pp. 7-36.Parente, J. (2003), O Castro de S. Bento (concelho de Vila Real) e o seu ambiente arqueológico. Vila Real.Queiroga, F. e Dinis, A. (2008-2009), “O Balneário Castrejo do Castro das Eiras”, Portugália, 39-40, pp. 139-152.Ramil, G. E. 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(1888), “Antigualhas”, Revista de Guimarães, 5, p. 150.— (1881), “Expedição Cientifica a Serra da Estrela”, Dispersos, 1933, pp. 127-152.— (1899), “A arte micénica no Noroeste de Espanha”, Portugália, 1, pp. 431-442.— (1904), “Materiaes para a Archeologia do Concelho de Guimarães”, Revista de Guimarães, 31.Silva, J. N. (1876), “Esculptura Romana conhecida pelo nome de Pedra Formosa achada em Portugal, e o que ella representa”, Boletim Real Associação dos Architectos Civis e Archeologos Portugueses, 9, 2.Silva, A. C. F. (1981-82), “Novos dados sobre a organização social castreja”, Portugália, Nova Série, 2-3, pp. 83-96.— (1983), Citânia de Sanfins (Paços de Ferreira). Paços de Ferreira.— (1983-84), “A cultura castreja no Noroeste de Portugal: habitat e cronologias”, Portugalia, Nova Série, 3-4, pp. 121-129.— (1986), A cultura castreja no Noroeste de Portugal, Paços de Ferreira.— (2007), “Pedra formosa: arqueologia experimental”, MNA/CMVNF, Vila Nova de Famalicão).Silva, A. C. 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A cultura dos Berrões: ensaio de Síntese”, Revista de Ciências Históricas, 3, pp. 57-93.— (2017), “Os primórdios do Termalismo: os balneários castrejos e o seu potencial turístico”, Tourism and Hospitality International Journal, 9(2), pp. 4-28.Trabant, J. (1980), Elementos de Semiótica, Editorial Presença, Lisboa.Tranoy, A. (1981), La Galice romaine. Recherches sur le Nord-Ouest de la Péninsule Ibérique dans l’Antiquité, Paris.Uría Ríu, J. (1941), “Excavaciones en el Castellón de Coaña”, Revista de la Universidad de Oviedo, 2, pp. 85-114.Vasconcelos, J. L. (1913), Religiões da Lusitânia, 3, Lisboa.Villa Valdés, A. 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Classen, Albrecht (Hrsg.), Travel, Time, and Space in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Time. Explorations of World Perceptions and Processes of Identity Formation (Fundamentals of Medieval and Early Modern Culture, 22), Boston / Berlin 2018, de Gruyter, XIX u. 704 S. / Abb., € 138,95. (Stefan Schröder, Helsinki) Orthmann, Eva / Anna Kollatz (Hrsg.), The Ceremonial of Audience. Transcultural Approaches (Macht und Herrschaft, 2), Göttingen 2019, V&R unipress / Bonn University Press, 207 S. / Abb., € 40,00. (Benedikt Fausch, Münster) Bagge, Sverre H., State Formation in Europe, 843 – 1789. A Divided World, London / New York 2019, Routledge, 297 S., £ 120,00. (Wolfgang Reinhard, Freiburg i. Br.) Foscati, Alessandra, Saint Anthony’s Fire from Antiquity to the Eighteenth Century, übers. v. Francis Gordon (Premodern Health, Disease, and Disability), Amsterdam 2020, Amsterdam University Press, 264 S., € 99,00. (Gregor Rohmann, Frankfurt a. M.) Füssel, Marian / Frank Rexroth / Inga Schürmann (Hrsg.), Praktiken und Räume des Wissens. Expertenkulturen in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Göttingen 2019, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 225 S. / Abb., € 65,00. (Lisa Dannenberg-Markel, Aachen) Korpiola, Mia (Hrsg.), Legal Literacy in Premodern European Societies (World Histories of Crime, Culture and Violence), Cham 2019, Palgrave Macmillan, X u. 264 S., € 103,99. (Saskia Lettmaier, Kiel) Stercken, Martina / Christian Hesse (Hrsg.), Kommunale Selbstinszenierung. Städtische Konstellationen zwischen Mittelalter und Neuzeit (Medienwandel – Medienwechsel – Medienwissen, 40), Zürich 2018, Chronos, 391 S. / Abb., € 58,00. (Ruth Schilling, Bremen / Bremerhaven) Thewes, Guy / Martin Uhrmacher (Hrsg.), Extra muros. Vorstädtische Räume in Spätmittelalter und früher Neuzeit / Espaces suburbains au bas Moyen Âge et à l’époque moderne (Städteforschung. Reihe A: Darstellungen, 91), Wien / Köln / Weimar 2019, Böhlau, 521 S. / Abb., € 70,00. (Holger Th. Gräf, Marburg) Bühner, Peter, Die Freien und Reichsstädte des Heiligen Römischen Reiches. Kleines Repertorium (Schriftenreihe der Friedrich-Christian-Lesser-Stiftung, 38), Petersberg 2019, Imhof, 623 S. / Abb., € 39,95. (Stephanie Armer, Eichstätt) Kümin, Beat, Imperial Villages. Cultures of Political Freedom in the German Lands c. 1300 – 1800 (Studies in Central European Histories, 65), Leiden / Boston 2019 Brill, XIV u. 277 S. / Abb., € 121,00. (Magnus Ressel, Frankfurt a. M.) Kälble, Mathias / Helge Wittmann (Hrsg.), Reichsstadt als Argument. 6. Tagung des Mühlhäuser Arbeitskreises für Reichsstadtgeschichte Mühlhausen 12. bis 14. Februar 2018 (Studien zur Reichsstadtgeschichte, 6), Petersberg 2019, Imhof, 316 S. / Abb., € 29,95. (Pia Eckhart, Freiburg i. Br.) Müsegades, Benjamin / Ingo Runde (Hrsg.), Universitäten und ihr Umfeld. Südwesten und Reich in Mittelalter und Früher Neuzeit. Beiträge zur Tagung im Universitätsarchiv Heidelberg am 6. und 7. Oktober 2016 (Heidelberger Schriften zur Universitätsgeschichte, 7), Heidelberg 2019, Universitätsverlag Winter, VIII u. 276 S. / Abb., € 25,00. (Beate Kusche, Leipzig) Drews, Wolfram (Hrsg.), Die Interaktion von Herrschern und Eliten in imperialen Ordnungen des Mittelalters (Das Mittelalter. Beihefte, 8), Berlin / Boston 2018, de Gruyter, VIII u. 321 S. / Abb., € 99,95. (Elisabeth Gruber, Salzburg) Schmidt, Hans-Joachim, Herrschaft durch Schrecken und Liebe. Vorstellungen und Begründungen im Mittelalter (Orbis mediaevalis, 17), Göttingen 2019, V&R unipress, 770 S., € 90,00. (Matthias Becher, Bonn) Wickham, Chris, Das Mittelalter. Europa von 500 bis 1500. Aus dem Englischen von Susanne Held, Stuttgart 2018, Klett-Cotta, 506 S. / Abb., € 35,00. (Hans-Werner Goetz, Hamburg) Gramsch-Stehfest, Robert, Bildung, Schule und Universität im Mittelalter (Seminar Geschichte), Berlin / Boston 2019, de Gruyter, X u. 273 S. / Abb., € 24,95. (Benjamin Müsegades, Heidelberg) Berndt, Rainer SJ (Hrsg.), Der Papst und das Buch im Spätmittelalter (1350 – 1500). Bildungsvoraussetzung, Handschriftenherstellung, Bibliotheksgebrauch (Erudiri Sapientia, 13), Münster 2018, Aschendorff, 661 S. / Abb., € 79,00. (Vanina Kopp, Trier) Eßer, Florian, Schisma als Deutungskonflikt. Das Konzil von Pisa und die Lösung des Großen Abendländischen Schismas (1378 – 1409) (Papsttum im mittelalterlichen Europa, 8), Wien / Köln / Weimar 2019, Böhlau, 874 S., € 120,00. (Bernward Schmidt, Eichstätt) Baur, Kilian, Freunde und Feinde. Niederdeutsche, Dänen und die Hanse im Spätmittelalter (1376 – 1513) (Quellen und Darstellungen zur Hansischen Geschichte. Neue Folge, 76), Wien / Köln / Weimar 2018, Böhlau, 671 S., € 85,00. (Angela Huang, Lübeck) Pietsch, Tobias, Führende Gruppierungen im spätmittelalterlichen Niederadel Mecklenburgs, Kiel 2019, Solivagus-Verlag, 459 S. / graph. Darst., € 58,00. (Joachim Krüger, Greifswald) Putzer, Katja, Das Urbarbuch des Erhard Rainer zu Schambach von 1376. Besitz und Bücher eines bayerischen Niederadligen (Quellen und Erörterungen zur bayerischen Geschichte. Neue Folge, 50), München 2019, Beck, 318 S., € 56,00. (Wolfgang Wüst, Erlangen) Drossbach, Gisela / Klaus Wolf (Hrsg.), Reformen vor der Reformation. Sankt Ulrich und Afra und der monastisch-urbane Umkreis im 15. Jahrhundert (Studia Augustana, 18), Berlin / Boston 2018, VII u. 391 S. / Abb., € 99,95. (Thomas Groll, Augsburg) Ricci, Giovanni, Appeal to the Turk. The Broken Boundaries of the Renaissance, übers. v. Richard Chapman (Viella History, Art and Humanities Collection, 4), Rom 2018, Viella, 186 S. / Abb., € 30,00. (Stefan Hanß, Manchester) Böttcher, Hans-Joachim, Die Türkenkriege im Spiegel sächsischer Biographien (Studien zur Geschichte Ungarns, 20), Herne 2019, Schäfer, 290 S., € 19,95. (Fabian Schulze, Elchingen / Augsburg) Shaw, Christine, Isabella d’Este. A Renaissance Princess (Routledge Historical Biographies), London / New York 2019, Routledge, 312 S., £ 90,00. (Christina Antenhofer, Salzburg) Brandtzæg, Siv G. / Paul Goring / Christine Watson (Hrsg.), Travelling Chronicles. News and Newspapers from the Early Modern Period to the Eighteenth Century (Library of the Written Word, 66 / The Handpress World, 51), Leiden / Boston 2018, Brill, XIX u. 388 S. / Abb., € 129,00. (Andreas Würgler, Genf) Graheli, Shanti (Hrsg.), Buying and Selling. The Business of Books in Early Modern Europe (Library of the Written Word, 72; The Handpress World, 55), Leiden / Boston 2019, Brill, XXIII u. 559 S. / Abb., € 159,00. (Johannes Frimmel, München) Vries, Jan de, The Price of Bread. Regulating the Market in the Dutch Republic (Cambridge Studies in Economic History), Cambridge [u. a.] 2019, Cambridge University Press, XIX u. 515 S. / graph. Darst., £ 34,99. (Justus Nipperdey, Saarbrücken) Caesar, Mathieu (Hrsg.), Factional Struggles. 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ExpositionPortland, Oregon (USA) has become known for an artisanal or ‘maker’ economy that relies on a resurgence of place specificity (Heying), primarily expressed and exported to a global audience in the notion of ‘Portland Made’ (Roy). Portland Made reveals a tension immanent in the notion of ‘place’: place is both here and not here, both real and imaginary. What emerges is a complicated picture of how place conceptually captures various intersections of materiality and mythology, aesthetics and economics. On the one hand, Portland Made represents the collective brand-identity used by Portland’s makers to signify a products’ material existence as handcrafted, place-embedded, and authentic. These characteristics lead to certain assumptions about the concept of ‘local’ (Marotta and Heying): what meaning does Portland Made convey, and how is such meaning distributed? On the other hand, the seemingly intentional embedding of place-specificity in objects meant for distribution far outside of Portland begs another type of question: how does Portland come to be discursively representative of these characteristics, and how are such representations distributed to global audiences? How does this global distribution and consumption of immaterial Portland feed back into the production of material Portland?To answer these questions we look to the realm of social media, specifically the popular image-based service Instagram. For the uninitiated, Instagram is a web-based social media service that allows pictures to be shared and seen by anyone that follows a person or business’ Instagram account. Actions include posting original photos (often taken and posted with a cell phone), ‘liking’ pictures, and ‘hash-tagging’ posts with trending terms that increase visibility. Instagram presents us with a complex view of place as both material and virtual, sometimes reifying and sometimes abstracting often-contradictory understandings of place specificity. Many makers use Instagram to promote their products to a broad audience and, in doing so, makers participate in the construction of Portland’s mythology. In this paper, we use empirical insights to theorise makers’ role in shaping and cultivating the virtual and material aspects of place. Additionally, we discuss how makers navigate the complex relationships tied to the importance of place in their specific cultural productions. In the first section, we develop the notion of a curated maker subjectivity. In the second section, we consider the relationship between subjectivity and place. Both sections emphasize how Instagram mediates the relationship between place and subjectivity. Through spotlighting particular literatures in each section, we attempt to fill a gap in the literature that addresses the relationship between subjectivity, place, and social media. Through this line of analysis, we attempt to better understand how and where Portland is made, along with the implications for Portland’s makers.ActionThe insights from this paper came to us inadvertently. While conducting fieldwork that interrogated ‘localism’ and how Portland makers conceptualise local, makers repeatedly discussed the importance of social media to their work. In our fieldwork, Instagram in particular has presented us with new opportunities to query the entanglements of real and virtual embedded in collective identifications with place. This paper draws from interviews conducted for two closely related research projects. The first examines maker ecosystems in three US cities, Portland, Chicago and New York (Doussard et. al.; Wolf-Powers and Levers). We drew from the Portland interviews (n=38) conducted for this project. The second research project is our multi-year examination of Portland’s maker community, where we have conducted interviews (n=48), two annual surveys of members of the Portland Made Collective (n=126 for 2014, n=338 for 2015) and numerous field observations. As will be evident below, our sample of makers includes small crafters and producers from a variety of ‘traditional’ sectors ranging from baking to carpentry to photography, all united by a common identification with the maker movement. Using insights from this trove of data as well as general observations of the changing artisan landscape of Portland, we address the question of how social media mediates the space between Portland as a material place and Portland as an imaginary place.Social Media, Subjectivity, and Authenticity In the post-Fordist era, creative self-enterprise and entrepreneurialism have been elevated to mythical status (Szeman), becoming especially important in the creative and digital industries. These industries have been characterized by contract based work (Neff, Wissinger, and Zukin; Storey, Salaman, and Platman), unstable employment (Hesmondhalgh and Baker), and the logic of flexible specialization (Duffy and Hund; Gill). In this context of hyper individualization and intense competition, creative workers and other entrepreneurs are increasingly pushed to strategically brand, curate, and project representational images of their subjectivity in order to secure new work (Gill), embody the values of the market (Banet-Weiser and Arzumanova), and take on commercial logics of authenticity (Duffy; Marwick and boyd). For example, Duffy and Hund explore how female fashion bloggers represent their branded persona, revealing three interrelated tropes typically used by bloggers: the destiny of passionate work; the presentation of a glam lifestyle; and carefully curated forms of social sharing. These curated tropes obscure the (unpaid) emotional and aesthetic labour (Hracs and Leslie), self-discipline, and capital required to run these blogs. Duffy and Hund also point out that this concealment is generative of particular mythologies about creative work, gender, race, and class. To this list we would add place; below, we will show the use of Instagram by Portland’s makers not only perpetuates particular mythologies about artisan labour and demands self-branding, but is also a spatial practice that is productive of place through the use of visual vernaculars that reflect a localized and globalized articulation of the social and physical milieu of Portland (Hjorth and Gu; Pike). Similar to many other artists and creative entrepreneurs (Pasquinelli and Sjöholm), Portland’s makers typically work long hours in order to produce high quality, unique goods at a volume that will afford them the ability to pay rent in Portland’s increasingly expensive central city neighbourhoods. Much of this work is done from the home: according to our survey of Portland Made Collective’s member firms, 40% consist of single entrepreneurs working from home. Despite being a part of a creative milieu that is constantly captured by the Portland ‘brand’, working long hours, alone, produces a sense of isolation, articulated well by this apparel maker:It’s very isolating working from home alone. [...] The other people I know are working from home, handmade people, I’ll post something, and it makes you realize we’re all sitting at home doing the exact same thing. We can’t all hang out because you gotta focus when you’re working, but when I’m like ugh, I just need a little break from the sewing machine for five minutes, I go on Instagram.This statement paints Instagram as a coping mechanism for the isolation of working alone from home, an important impetus for makers to use Instagram. This maker uses Instagram roughly two hours per workday to connect with other makers and to follow certain ‘trendsetters’ (many of whom also live in Portland). Following other makers allows the maker community to gauge where they are relative to other makers; one furniture maker told us that she was able to see where she should be going based on other makers that were slightly ahead of her, but she could also advise other makers that were slightly behind her. The effect is a sense of collaborative participation in the ‘scene’, which both alleviates the sense of isolation and helps makers gain legitimacy from others in their milieu. As we show below, this participation demands from makers a curative process of identity formation. Jacque Rancière’s intentional double meaning of the French term partage (the “distribution of the sensible”) creates space to frame curation in terms of the politics around “sharing in” and “sharing out” (Méchoulan). For Rancière, the curative aspect of communities (or scenes) reveals something inherently political about aesthetics: the politics of visibility on Instagram “revolve around what is seen and what can be said about it, who has the ability to see and the talent to speak, around the properties of space and the possibilities of time” (8-9). An integral part of the process of curating a particular identity to express over Instagram is reflected by who they follow or what they ‘like’ (a few makers mentioned the fact that they ‘like’ things strategically).Ultimately, makers need followers for their brand (product brand, self-brand, and place-brand), which requires makers to engage in a form of aesthetic labour through a curated articulation of who a maker is–their personal story, or what Duffy and Hund call “the destiny of passionate work”–and how that translates into what they make at the same time. These identities congeal over Instagram: one maker described this as a “circle of firms that are moving together.” Penetrating that circle by curating connections over Instagram is an important branding strategy.As a confections maker told us, strategically using hashtags and stylizing pictures to fit the trends is paramount. Doing these things effectively draws attention from other makers and trendsetters, and, as an apparel maker told us, getting even one influential trendsetter or blogger to follow them on Instagram can translate into huge influxes of attention (and sales) for their business. Furthermore, getting featured by an influential blogger or online magazine can yield instantaneous results. For instance, we spoke with an electronics accessories maker that had been featured in Gizmodo a few years prior, and the subsequent uptick in demand led him to hire over 20 new employees.The formulation of a ‘maker’ subjectivity reveals the underlying manner in which certain subjective characteristics are expressed while others remain hidden; expressing the wrong characteristics may subvert the ability for makers to establish themselves in the milieu. We asked a small Portland enterprise that documents the local maker scene about the process of curating an Instagram photo, especially curious about how they aesthetically frame ‘site visits’ at maker workspaces. We were somewhat surprised to hear that makers tend to “clean too much” ahead of a photo shoot; the photographer we spoke with told us that people want to see the space as it looks when it’s being worked in, when it’s a little messy. The photographer expressed an interest in accentuating the maker’s ‘individual understanding’ of the maker aesthetic; the framing and the lighting of each photo is meant to relay traces of the maker to potential consumers. The desire seems to be the expression and experience of ‘authenticity’, a desire that if captured correctly grants the maker a great deal of purchase in the field of Portland Made consumers. This is all to say that the curation of the workspaces is essential to the construction of the maker subjectivity and the Portland imaginary. Maker workshops are rendered as real places where real makers that belong to an authentic maker milieu produce authentic Portland goods that have a piece of Portland embedded within them (Molotch). Instagram is central in distributing that mythology to a global audience.At this point we can start to develop the relationship between maker subjectivity and place. Authenticity, in this context, appears to be tied to the product being both handmade and place-specific. As the curated imaginary of Portland matures, a growing dialogue emerges between makers and consumers of Portland Made (authentic) goods. This dialogue is a negotiated form of authority in which the maker claims authority while the consumer simultaneously confers authority. The aforementioned place-specificity signals a new layer of magic in regards to Portland’s distinctive position: would ‘making’ in any other place be generative of such authority? According to a number of our interviewees, being from Portland carries the assumption that Portland’s makers have a certain level of expertise that comes from being completely embedded in Portland’s creative scene. This complex interplay between real and virtual treats Portland’s imaginary as a concrete reality, preparing it for consumption by reinforcing the notion of an authoritative collective brand (Portland Made). One bicycle accessory maker claimed that the ability of Portland’s makers to access the Portland brand transmits credibility for makers of things associated with Portland, such as bikes, beer, and crafty goods. This perhaps explains why so many makers use Portland in the name of their company (e.g. Portland Razor Company) and why so many stamp their goods with ‘Made in Portland’.This, however, comes with an added set of expectations: the maker, again, is tasked with cultivating and performing a particular aesthetic in order to achieve legitimacy with their target audience, only this time it ends up being the dominant aesthetic associated with a specific place. For instance, the aforementioned bicycle accessory maker that we spoke with recalled an experience at a craft fair in which many of the consumers were less concerned with his prices than whether his goods were handmade in Portland. Without this legitimation, the good would not have the mysticism of Portland as a place locked within it. In this way, the authenticity of a place becomes metonymic (e.g. Portlandia), similar to how Detroit became known as ‘Motor City’. Portland’s particular authenticity is wrapped up in individuality, craftiness, creativity, and environmental conscientiousness, all things that makers in some way embed in their products (Molotch) and express in the photos on their Instagram feeds (Hjorth).(Social) Media, Place, and the Performance of Aesthetics In this section, we turn our attention to the relationship between subjectivity, place, and Instagram. Scholars have investigated how television production (Pramett), branding (Pike), and locative-based social media (Hjorth, Hjorth and Gu, Hjorth and Lim, Leszczynski) function as spatial practices. The practices affect and govern experiences and interactions with space, thereby generating spatial hybridity (de Souza e Silva). McQuire, for example, investigates the historical formation of the ‘media city’, demonstrating how various media technologies have become interconnected with the architectural structures of the city. Pramett expands on this analysis of media representations of cities by interrogating how media production acts as a spatial practice that produces and governs contested urban spaces, the people in those spaces, and the habitus of the place, forming what she dubs the “media neighbourhood.” The media neighbourhood becomes ordered by the constant opportunities for neighbourhood residents to be involved in media production; residents must navigate and interact with local space as though they may be captured on film or asked to work in the background production at any moment. These material (on site shooting and local hiring practices) and immaterial (textual, musical, and visual representations of a city) production practices become exploitative, extracting value from a place for media industries and developers that capitalize on a place’s popular imaginary.McQuire’s media city and Pramett’s media neighbourhood help us understand the embeddedness of (social) media in the material landscapes of Portland. Over the past few years, Portland has begun experiencing new flows of tourists and migrants–we should note that more than a few makers mentioned in interviews that they moved to Portland in order to become makers–expecting to find what they see on Instagram overlaid materially on the city itself. And indeed, they do: ‘vibrant’ neighbourhood districts such as Alberta Arts, Belmont, Mississippi, Hawthorne, Northwest 23rd, and downtown Portland’s rebranded ‘West End’ are all increasingly full of colourful boutiques that express maker aesthetics and sell local maker goods. Not only do the goods and boutiques need to exemplify these aesthetic qualities, but the makers and the workspaces from which these goods come from, need to fit that aesthetic.The maker subjectivity is developed through the navigation of both real and virtual experiences that contour the social performance of a ‘maker aesthetic’. This aesthetic has become increasingly socially consumed, a trend especially visible on Instagram: as a point of reference, there are at least four Portland-based ‘foodies’ that have over 80,000 followers on Instagram. One visible result of this curated and performed subjectivity and the place-brand it captures is the physical transformation of Portland: (material) space has become a surface onto which the (virtual) Instagram/maker aesthetic is being inscribed, a stage on which the maker aesthetic is performed. The material and immaterial are interwoven into a dramaturgy that gives space a certain set of meanings oriented toward creativity, quirkiness, and consumption. Meanings cultivated over Instagram, then, become productive of meaning in place. These meanings are consumed by thousands of tourists and newly minted Portlanders, as images of people posing in front of Portland’s hipster institutions (such as Salt & Straw or Voodoo Donuts) are captured on iPhones and redistributed back across Instagram for the world to experience. Perhaps this is why Tokyo now has an outpost of Portland’s Blue Star Donuts or why Red Hook (Brooklyn) has its own version of Portland’s Pok Pok. One designer/maker, who had recently relocated to Portland, captured the popular imaginary of Portland in this conversation:Maker: People in Brooklyn love the idea that it came from Portland. People in Seattle love it; people in the Midwest love that it came from Portland right now, because Portland’s like the thing.Interviewer: What does that mean, what does it embody?Maker: They know that it’s local, it like, they know that maker thing is there, it’s in Portland, that they know it’s organic to Portland, it’s local to Portland, there’s this crazy movement that you hear throughout the United States about–Interviewer: So people are getting a piece of that?Maker: Yeah.For us, the dialogical relationship between material and immaterial has never been more entangled. Instagram is one way that makers might control the gap between fragmentation and belonging (i.e. to a particular community or milieu), although in the process they are confronted with an aesthetic distribution that is productive of a mythological sense of place that social media seems to produce, distribute, and consume so effectively. In the era of social media, where sense of place is so quickly transmitted, cities can come to represent a sense of collective identity, and that identity might in turn be distributed across its material landscape.DenouementThrough every wrench turn, every stitching of fabric, every boutique opening, and every Instagram post, makers actively produce Portland as both a local and global place. Portland is constructed through the material and virtual interactions makers engage in, both cultivating and framing everyday interactions in space and ideas held about place. In the first section, we focused on the curation of a maker aesthetic and the development of the maker subjectivity mediated through Instagram. The second section attempted to better understand how those aesthetic performances on Instagram become imprinted on urban space and how these inscriptions feedback to global audiences. Taken together, these performances reveal the complex undertaking that makers adopt in branding their goods as Portland Made. In addition, we hope to have shown the complex entanglements between space and place, production and consumption, and ‘here’ and ‘not here’ that are enrolled in value production at the nexus of place-brand generation.Our investigation opens the door to another, perhaps more problematic set of interrogations which are beyond the scope of this paper. In particular, and especially in consideration of Portland’s gentrification crisis, we see two related sets of displacements as necessary of further interrogation. First, as we answer the question of where Portland is made, we acknowledge that the capturing of Portland Made as a brand perpetuates a process of displacement and “spatio-subjective” regulation that both reflects and reproduces spatial rationalizations (Williams and Dourish). This dis-place-ment renders particular neighbourhoods and populations within Portland, specifically ethnic minorities and the outer edges of the metropolitan area, invisible or superfluous to the city’s imaginary. Portland, as presented by makers through their Instagram accounts, conceals the city’s “power geometries” (Massey) and ignores the broader social context Portland exists in, while perpetuating the exclusion of ethnic minorities from the conversation about what else is made in Portland.Second, as Portland Made has become virtually representative of a deepening connection between makers and place, the performance of such aesthetic labour has left makers to navigate a process that increasingly leads to their own estrangement from the very place they have a hand in creating. This process reveals an absurdity: makers are making the very thing that displaces them. The cultivation of the maker milieu attracts companies, in-movers, and tourists to Portland, thus creating a tight real estate market and driving up property values. Living and working in Portland is increasingly difficult for makers, epitomized by the recent sale and eviction of approximately 500 makers from the Town Storage facility (Hammill). Additionally, industrial space in the city is increasingly coveted by tech firms, and competition over such space is being complicated by looming zoning changes in Portland’s new comprehensive plan.Our conclusions suggest additional research is needed to understand the relationship(s) between such aesthetic performance and various forms of displacement, but we also suggest attention to the global reach of such dynamics: how is Portland’s maker ecosystem connected to the global maker community over social media, and how is space shaped differentially in other places despite a seemingly homogenizing maker aesthetic? Additionally, we do not explore policy implications above, although there is significant space for such exploration with consideration to the attention that Portland and the maker movement in general are receiving from policymakers hungry for a post-Fordist magic bullet. ReferencesBanet-Weiser, Sarah, and Inna Arzumanova. “Creative Authorship, Self-Actualizing Women, and the Self-Brand.” Media Authorship. Eds. Cynthia Chris and David A. Gerstner. New York, NY: Routledge, 2012: 163-179. De Souza e Silva, Adriana. “From Cyber to Hybrid: Mobile Technologies as Interfaces of Hybrid Spaces.” Space and Culture 9.3 (2006): 261–278.Duffy, Brooke Erin, “The Romance of Work: Gender and Aspirational Labour in the Digital Culture Industries.” International Journal of Cultural Studies (2015): 1–17. Duffy, Brooke Erin, and Emily Hund. “‘Having It All’ on Social Media: Entrepreneurial Femininity and Self-Branding among Fashion Bloggers.” Social Media + Society 1.2 (2015): n. pag. Doussard, Marc, Charles Heying, Greg Schrock, and Laura Wolf-Powers. Metropolitan Maker Networks: The Role of Policy, Organization, and "Maker-Enabling Entrepreneurs" in Building the Maker Economy. Progress update to the Ewing Marion Kauffman Foundation. 2015. Gill, Rosalind. “‘Life Is a Pitch’: Managing the Self in New Media Work.” Managing Media Work (2010): n. pag. Hammill, Luke. "Sale of Towne Storage Building Sends Evicted Artists, Others Scrambling for Space." The Oregonian, 2016.Hesmondhalgh, David, and Sarah Baker. Creative Labour: Media Work in Three Cultural Industries. London, UK: Routledge, 2011. Heying, Charles. Brew to Bikes: Portland’s Artisan Economy. Portland, OR: Ooligan Press, 2010. Hjorth, Larissa. “The Place of the Emplaced Mobile: A Case Study into Gendered Locative Media Practices.” Mobile Media & Communication 1.1 (2013): 110–115. Hjorth, Larissa, and Kay Gu. “The Place of Emplaced Visualities: A Case Study of Smartphone Visuality and Location-Based Social Media in Shanghai, China.” Continuum: Journal of Media & Cultural Studies 26.5 (2012): 699–713. Hjorth, Larissa, and Sun Sun Lim. “Mobile Intimacy in an Age of Affective Mobile Media.” Feminist Media Studies 12.4 (2012): 477–484. Hracs, Brian J., and Deborah Leslie. “Aesthetic Labour in Creative Industries: The Case of Independent Musicians in Toronto, Canada.” Area 46.1 (2014): 66–73. Leszczynski, A. “Spatial Media/tion.” Progress in Human Geography 39.6 (2014): 729–751. Marotta, Stephen, and Charles Heying. “Interrogating Localism: What Does ‘Made in Portland’ Really Mean?” Craft Economies: Cultural Economies of the Handmade. Eds. Susan Luckman and Nicola Thomas. London, UK: Bloomsbury Academic: forthcoming. Marwick, Alice E., and danah boyd. “I Tweet Honestly, I Tweet Passionately: Twitter Users, Context Collapse, and the Imagined Audience.” New Media & Society 13.1 (2011): 114–133. Massey, Doreen. “A Global Sense of Place.” Space, Place, and Gender. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1994. McQuire, Scott. The Media City: Media, Architecture and Urban Space. Los Angeles, CA: Sage Publications Inc., 2008. Mechoulan, Eric. “Introduction: On the Edges of Jacques Ranciere.” SubStance 33.1 (2004): 3–9. Molotch, Harvey. “Place in Product.” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 26.4 (2003): 665–688. Neff, Gina, Elizabeth Wissinger, and Sharon Zukin. “Entrepreneurial Labor among Cultural Producers: ‘Cool’ Jobs in ‘Hot’ Industries.” Social Semiotics 15.3 (2005): 307–334. Pasquinelli, Cecilia, and Jenny Sjöholm. “Art and Resilience: The Spatial Practices of Making a Resilient Artistic Career in London.” City, Culture and Society 6.3 (2015): 75–81. Pike, Andy. “Placing Brands and Branding: A Socio-Spatial Biography of Newcastle Brown Ale.” Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 36.2 (2011): 206–222. ———. “Progress in Human Geography Geographies of Brands and Branding Geographies of Brands and Branding.” (2009): 1–27. Ranciere, Jacque. The Politics of Aesthetics. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2004. Roy, Kelley. Portland Made. Portland, OR: Self-Published, 2015.

Cette thèse vise à préciser les fonctions sociales du mysticisme par 1’analyse d’oeuvres d’art sacré. Par le biais de la méthode d’analyse phénoménologique et structurale adaptée à la représentation plastique du divin, sont identifiés les facteurs de régulation sociale actualisés au sein du comportement mystique et visualisés à travers l’art sacré. Les résultats obtenus témoignent d’un lien entre la représentation plastique du divin et la nature de 1’équilibre social inhérent au contexte de production en plus d’étayer 1’hypothèse selon laquelle la pensée religieuse adulte est fonctionnellement analogue à la pensée symbolique enfantine.
Montréal Trigonix inc. 2018

Cette étude porte sur les éditions photographiques de Félix Thiollier (1842-1914), les livres qu’il a travaillés en tant qu’éditeur et / ou auteur, illustrateur, photographe. Industriel érudit ayant décidé de vivre de ses rentes, Thiollier publie à partir de 1881 plus de quarante ouvrages traitants d’art, d’archéologie, parfois de tourisme et de thèmes régionalistes. La thèse s’attache à définir la structure du sens de cet ensemble ainsi que le cadre méthodologique qui permet d’étudier l’émergence de ce sens, à travers la prise en compte des relations entre le texte, les images, le graphisme et la typographie des livres. En analysant les réseaux culturels dans lesquels Thiollier gravite à Saint-Étienne comme à Paris, nous identifions la personnalité unique de cet éditeur, capable de mettre en relation différentes sphères sociales et se mêlant indifféremment aux réseaux techniques, artistiques et scientifiques de son temps. L’étude permet de présenter les enjeux idéologiques qui enserrent la production des œuvres et contribue à conditionner leurs formes. D’apparence traditionnelle mais accueillant les dernières techniques de reproduction d’image, les livres de Thiollier se mêlent au mouvement catholique libéral finissant et interrogent les hiérarchies esthétiques et sociales en vigueur.En prêtant une attention particulière à la fois aux conditions de production des œuvres, aux réseaux d’acteurs et aux discours de légitimation, nous proposons une analyse des complexes discursifs que sont les ouvrages de Thiollier, qui étudie leur matérialité tout en comprenant la pragmatique des forces qui a conditionné leur émergence
This study covers the photographic editions of Félix Thiollier (1842-1914), the books he has worked as an editor and / or author, illustrator, photographer. Industrial entrepreneur and amateur scholar who decided to live on his income, Thiollier published from 1881 onwards more than forty works dealing with art, archeology, sometimes tourism and regionalist themes. The thesis seeks to define the structure of the meaning of this set as well as the methodological framework which allows to study the emergence of this meaning, through the consideration of the relationships between text, images, graphics and typography of books. By analyzing the cultural networks in which Thiollier gravitates in Saint-Étienne as in Paris, we identify the unique personality of this publisher, capable of bringing together different social spheres and mixing indifferently with the technical, artistic and scientific networks of his time. The study makes it possible to present the ideological issues that surround the production of works and help to condition their forms. Traditional in appearance but welcoming the latest image reproduction techniques, Thiollier's books mingle with the dying liberal Catholic movement and question the aesthetic and social hierarchies in effect. By paying particular attention to both the conditions of production of works, the networks of actors and the discourses of legitimation, we propose an analysis of the discursive complexes that are the works of Thiollier, who studies their materiality while understanding the pragmatics of forces that conditioned their emergence

Cette étude se propose de dégager les liens étroits qui unissent la production picturale des anciens Pays-Bas des XVe et XVIe siècles avec la mystique de Ruysbroeck l’Admirable et la pensée de la Dévotion moderne (devotio moderna). À partir d’un corpus comprenant des oeuvres de Jan van Eyck, Rogier van der Weyden, Petrus Christus, Hans Memling, Hugo van der Goes, le Maître à la vue de Sainte-Gudule, le Maître de 1499, le Maître d’Alkmaar, Jérôme Bosch ou encore Gérard David et Jan Mostaert, l’analyse fait apparaître que peinture et écrits se répondent et se subliment mutuellement. Dans une première partie, nous observerons la façon dont les peintres ont décliné la progression dynamique des différentes visions (active, intérieure et contemplative) et traité le phénomène de désimagination. Puis, dans un deuxième temps, notre étude mettra en lumière que l’image soutient grâce à différents procédés (mnémotechnique, participatif, etc.) les pratiques spirituelles et méditatives des fidèles. Enfin dans la dernière phase de notre analyse, nous nous intéresserons aux mises en images d’une idée clé définie par Ruysbroeck l’Admirable, et adaptée par les auteurs de la Dévotion moderne : dat ghemeine leven (la vie commune)
This study intends to investigate and clarify the links between the Early Netherlandish pictorial tradition (15th and 16th centuries) and mystical literature as exemplified by Ruysbroeck the Admirable and the authors associated with the Modern Devotion (devotio moderna). Focusing on a corpus of works by Jan van Eyck, Rogier van der Weyden, Petrus Christus, Hans Memling, Hugo van der Goes, the Master of the View of St Gudule, the Master of 1499, the Master of Alkmaar, Hieronymus Bosch, Gerard David and Jan Mostaert, this analysis brings to light that painting and writing enrich each other’s meaning. In the first part, we shall observe the ways in which the painters captured the dynamic progression of the various types of vision (active, internal and contemplative) as well as the ways in which they addressed the phenomenon of disimagination. The second part of this study will highlight the fact that the image supports the spiritual and meditative practices of the faithful through various processes and techniques (mnemonic, participative etc.). The third part of the analysis will focus on the visual treatment of a key idea defined by Ruysbroeck the Admirable, and adapted by the authors of the Modern Devotion: dat ghemeine leven (the common life)

Si le rapport entre Derrida et Bergson n’a pas fait l’objet de nombreuses études, les commentaires existants témoignent à peu près tous d’une vision commune : entre les deux philosophes, les divergences peuvent être atténuées, voire dissoutes, par la considération de convergences plus fondamentales. Les pages qui suivent seront l’occasion pour nous de faire contrepoids à cette vulgate interprétative. Sans nier l’existence de points de contact entre Derrida et Bergson, nous voudrions en effet montrer qu’un important désaccord subsiste entre eux au sujet de la possibilité de l’intuition. Alors que Derrida met en cause les doctrines intuitionnistes, Bergson érige l’intuition en méthode philosophique. Le présent mémoire prendra pour fil conducteur les motifs de cette discorde. Réduit à sa plus simple expression, l’objectif que nous y poursuivrons sera de montrer que les pensées bergsonienne et derridienne, lorsque mises en dialogue, révèlent un désaccord partiel qui permet de réfléchir de façon féconde sur la possibilité de l’intuition. Pour être plus exact, nous caresserons ici une triple ambition : i/ cerner étroitement l’objet du litige entre Derrida et Bergson, trop peu souligné par les commentateurs, et dont nous montrons qu’il s’articule à une entente partielle ; ii/ tirer au clair les diverses raisons qui amènent l’un à s’en prendre à l’intuition, l’autre à embrasser la méthode intuitive ; iii/ établir que certains arguments de Bergson, bien qu’ils connaissent un regain d’intérêt depuis quelques années, paraissent lacunaires lorsqu’on les confronte à différentes objections.
Although studies of the relation between Derrida and Bergson are few and far between, they nearly all share a common vision: that of attenuating – or even altogether eliminating – the divisions between the two philosophers’ thought, by considering their more fundamental convergences. The following pages will allow us to counterbalance this common interpretation. Without denying the points that Derrida and Bergson do have in common, we will show an important divergence in opinion between the two on the idea that intuition is possible and founded. While Derrida lays doubt on intuitionist doctrine, Bergson establishes intuition as a philosophical method. This thesis examines the motives behind this divergence. Put simply, a comparison of Derridian and Bergsonian thought reveals a partial disagreement that enables fruitful reflection about whether or not intuition is possible. More precisely, we pursue three objectives here: i/ to clearly identify the scope of the disagreement between Derrida and Bergson, often overlooked by previous commentaries, showing that it includes a partial agreement; ii/ to clarify the diverse reasons leading Derrida to deny the very existence of intuition while Bergson embraces intuition as a philosophical method; and iii/ to show that certain Bergsonian arguments, although enjoying a resurge in interest in recent years, appear unable to stand up to several different objections.