Relevant bibliographies by topics / Nationalisme – Balkans

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Nationalisme – Balkans'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 10 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Nationalisme – Balkans"

1

Politis, Alexis. "La différenciation du comportement grec vis-à-vis des Bulgares vers le milieu du XIXe siècle –Problèmes de nationalismes–." Historical Review/La Revue Historique 4 (November 20, 2008): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.210.

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<p>L'intelligentsia grecque découvre et codifie pour la première fois les revendications nationales du peuple bulgare assez tard, dans les années qui suivent la guerre de Crimée, à une époque où elle rêvait d'un empire national grec, et toute revendication territoriale lui paraissait hostile. Comme la nationalité grecque était la première à se manifester dans les Balkans, et comme la Guerre de l'Indépendance en 1821 avait attiré plusieurs Bulgares combattants -à cause de la religion commune et à cause du prestige de la langue et de l'éducation grecque pendant quatre siècles- les Grecs avaient de la difficulté à saisir le nationalisme de leurs voisins dans le cadre de nouvelles conditions historiques. Ils l'ont considéré comme provenant de leurs fautes: si les Grecs avaient manipulé mieux leur politique, le nationalisme bulgare n'aurait pas eu lieu. Les Grecs ont alors essayé de rappeler aux Bulgares les traits qui unissaient les deux races. En vain; car vers la fin du siècle les antagonismes nationaux devenaient encore plus durs: jamais un nationalisme n'a pu se réaliser sans donner lieu à des conflits violents avec son voisinage, jamais les adversaires n'ont limité leur champ de bataille à la théorie ou la littérature.</p><p> </p><p> </p>
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Asaturov, Sergey, and Andrei Martynov. "THE RESURGENCE OF NATIONALISM: THE BREAKUP OF YUGOSLAVIA." EUREKA: Social and Humanities, no. 5 (October 11, 2020): 39–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2020.001440.

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The choice between modern nation-building and integration into supranational European and Euro-Atlantic structures remains a strategic challenge for the Balkan countries. Success in solving this problem of predominantly mono-ethnic Croatia and Slovenia has not yet become a model to follow. Serbian and Albanian national issues cannot be resolved. Serbia's defeat in the Balkan wars of 1991–1999 over the creation of a "Greater Serbia" led to the country's territorial fragmentation. Two Albanian national states emerged in the Balkans. Attempts to create a union of Kosovo and Albania could turn the region into a whirlpool of ultra-nationalist contradictions. The European Union has started accession negotiations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro. The success of these negotiations depends on the readiness of the EU and the ability of these Balkan states to adopt European norms and rules. The accession of all Balkan nation-states to the European Union must finally close the "Balkan window" of the vulnerability of the united Europe. Nation-building in the Balkans on the basis of ethnic nationalism sharply contradicts the purpose and current values of the European integration process. For more than three decades, the EU has been pursuing a policy of human rights, the rule of law, democracy and economic development in the Balkans. The region remains vulnerable to the influences of non-European geopolitical powers: the United States, Russia, Turkey, and China. The further scenario of the great Balkan geopolitical game mainly depends on the pro-European national consolidation of the Balkan peoples and the effectiveness of the European Union's strategy in the Balkans.
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Pennanen, Risto. "Lost in scales: Balkan folk music research and the ottoman legacy." Muzikologija, no. 8 (2008): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz0808127p.

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Balkan folk music researchers have articulated various views on what they have considered Oriental or Turkish musical legacy. The discourses the article analyses are nationalism, Orientalism, Occidentalism and Balkanism. Scholars have handled the awkward Ottoman issue in several manners: They have represented 'Oriental' musical characteristics as domestic, claimed that Ottoman Turks merely imitated Arab and Persian culture, and viewed Indian classical raga scales as sources for Oriental scales in the Balkans. In addition, some scholars have viewed the 'Oriental' characteristics as stemming from ancient Greece. The treatment of the Seg?h family of Ottoman makams in theories and analyses reveals several features of folk music research in the Balkans, the most important of which are the use of Western concepts and the exclusive dependence on printed sources. The strategies for handling the Orient within have meandered between Occidentalism and Orientalism, creating an ambiguity which is called Balkanism.
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LILA, Fejzi. "Rising Nationalism in the Balkans." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 4, no. 4 (January 21, 2017): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v4i4.p31-35.

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Balkans consists of the geographic and demographic diversity of the complex, with division of the region into new states, with local antagonisms. Balkan leaders, the Great Powers would urge the expansion of national states where and when he wanted interest and would not ignore claims it was one nation over another. The process of developing the nationalist movements and the state - forming in the Balkans, starting with the Patriarchies autonomous movements within the Ottoman Empire, involves the movement of Serbs, Greeks, Bulgarians, Romanians and Albanians. The fall of Bonaparte in 1815, was accompanied by significant changes in Europe in the system of international relations, the diplomacy of the Great Powers. Europe was thrown into the system the concert of Europe, after that of Vienna, while the Ottoman Empire was beginning its stagnation, other European powers had begun to feel the threat of Russia's interests in the Middle East. During this period of time the nationalist movement took place in the region. The nationalism confronted Concert of Vienna principles provoking the First World War.
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Nikiforov, Konstantin. "Modernization mixed with nationalism." Balcanica, no. 45 (2014): 443–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1445443n.

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This essay reflects on a particular manner in which modernisation have taken place in the Balkans in modern history, from the 1878 Berlin Congress onwards. The Balkan countries faced twofold difficulties in their development: they had to overcome their backwardness stemming from the centuries of the Ottoman yoke and catch up with modern Western Europe, and resolve their numerous mutual territorial and political disputes. The latter task was especially difficult due to the constant interference in Balkan affairs on the part of Great Powers. This interference further aggravated nationalistic tensions between the Balkan states. The peculiar mixture of modernisation efforts and nationalism remains to this day when the entire region strives to join the European Union.
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Babuna, Aydin. "The Bosnian Muslims and Albanians: Islam and Nationalism." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 2 (June 2004): 287–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000230250.

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The drastic changes in the Balkans in the 1990s and the disintegration of Yugoslavia in particular have resulted in a large number of publications attempting to explain the break-up of this country and the political developments in the Balkans. Some of these publications deal partly with the local Muslims who were engaged in the Balkan conflicts but, with some exceptions, they are focused mainly on recent developments, with less attention paid to the historical contexts in which the Muslim nationalist movements were shaped.
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Malešević, Siniša. "Wars that Make States and Wars that Make Nations: Organised Violence, Nationalism and State Formation in the Balkans." European Journal of Sociology 53, no. 1 (April 2012): 31–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975612000021.

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AbstractSince the beginning of the 19th century the Balkans has been a synonym for aggressive nationalism and unbridled violence; the two phenomena traditionally understood to be the key obstacles for its social development. This paper contests such views by arguing that it was the absence of protracted warfare and coherent nationalist doctrines that distinguishes the history of South Eastern Europe from the rest of the continent. Drawing critically on bellicose historical sociology and modernist theories of nationalism - with a spotlight on the work of Charles Tilly and Ernest Gellner. Drawing critically on bellicose historical sociology and modernists theories of nationalism the paper makes a case that it was not the abundance of nationalism and organised violence but rather their historical scarcity that proved decisive for the slow pace of social development in the Balkans.
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Mihas, D. E. M. "Romania between Balkan Nationalism and Democratic Transition." Politics 17, no. 3 (September 1997): 175–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00050.

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This article deals with certain aspects of nationalism, minorities and transition politics in the post-communist Balkans with particular reference to Romania. After attempting to explain why nationalism constitutes a dominant feature of Balkan and as – a consequence – of Romanian political culture, it argues that the involvement of Romania's Hungarian minority in the collapse of the communist regime has been disproportionately exaggerated. Furthermore, it argues that the communist legacy is still shaping Romanian politics, emphasising the lack of substantial political reforms in a genuine liberal-democratic West European direction and arguing that Romania's transition politics does not necessarily mean democratic politics.
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Archer, Rory. "Assessing Turbofolk Controversies: Popular Music between the Nation and the Balkans." Southeastern Europe 36, no. 2 (2012): 178–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633312x642103.

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This article explores controversies provoked by the Serbian pop-folk musical style “turbofolk” which emerged in the 1990s. Turbofolk has been accused of being a lever of the Milošević regime – an inherently nationalist cultural phenomenon which developed due to the specific socio-political conditions of Serbia in the 1990s. In addition to criticism of turbofolk on the basis of nationalism and war-mongering, it is commonly claimed to be “trash,” “banal,” “pornographic,” “(semi-)rural,” “oriental” and “Balkan.” In order to better understand the socio-political dimensions of this phenomenon, I consider other Yugoslav musical styles which predate turbofolk and make reference to pop-folk musical controversies in other Balkan states to help inform upon the issues at stake with regard to turbofolk. I argue that rather than being understood as a singular phenomena specific to Serbia under Milošević, turbofolk can be understood as a Serbian manifestation of a Balkan-wide post-socialist trend. Balkan pop-folk styles can be understood as occupying a liminal space – an Ottoman cultural legacy – located between (and often in conflict with) the imagined political poles of liberal pro-European and conservative nationalist orientations. Understanding turbofolk as a value category imbued with symbolic meaning rather than a clear cut musical genre, I link discussions of it to the wider discourse of Balkanism. Turbofolk and other pop-folk styles are commonly imagined and articulated in terms of violence, eroticism, barbarity and otherness the Balkan stereotype promises. These pop-folk styles form a frame of reference often used as a discursive means of marginalisation or exclusion. An eastern “other” is represented locally by pop-folk performers due to oriental stylistics in their music and/or ethnic minority origins. For detractors, pop-folk styles pose a danger to the autochthonous national culture as well as the possibility of a “European” and cosmopolitan future. Correspondingly I demonstrate that such Balkan stereotypes are invoked and subverted by many turbofolk performers who positively mark alleged Balkan characteristics and negotiate and invert the meaning of “Balkan” in lyrical texts.
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Jezernik, Božidar. "Western perceptions of Turkish towns in the Balkans." Urban History 25, no. 2 (August 1998): 211–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096392680000081x.

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ABSTRACTThe article was conceived as a guided tour through the Balkan Peninsula including descriptions of two selected towns from Hungary, Croatia, Rumania, Bulgaria, Greece, Albania, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. It gives a summary of Western perceptions of the Balkan towns as noted by Western Europeans who visited the area in different periods from the seventeenth century onwards. The civilization they found and described there was a part of an entity encompassing the material and spiritual culture of urban life in the Near East. During the nineteenth century the Balkans underwent major political changes and contemporary travellers' reports were rich with observations about the process of ‘Europeanization’ of the Balkan towns. During the process which meant nationalism and fragmentation in what had been a fairly uniform culture area, paradoxically, ‘Balkanization’ was the final result.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Nationalisme – Balkans"

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Kazakov, Emil. "La nation bulgare au XXe siècle : permanences géopolitiques." Paris 8, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA082090.

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Etude des continuités géopolitiques (représentations et facteurs "matériels") qui ont modelé la politique bulgare de la Libération du pays de la domination ottomane en 1878 à la fin de la période postcommuniste en 1997-2000. . .
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Shtalbi, Haki. "L'Albanie et les Balkans occidentaux : du processus d'intégration régionale aux perspectives d'adhésion à l'Union européenne." Paris 8, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA083991.

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Abordant une problématique européenne dont l’objet se focalise sur le difficile processus des Balkans occidentaux, y compris l’Albanie, vers leur rapprochement avec l’Union européenne, cette thèse est orientée selon deux grands axes de recherche pour mieux valoriser les hypothèses et les réponses données à diverses questions. Le premier axe porte sur l’Union européenne, sa mission, ses ambitions, ses visions et le deuxième sur l’Albanie, sa place, ses démarches, ses perspectives. Une autre dimension - l’approche régionale - croise ces deux axes sur des problématiques spécifiques de l’intégration des Balkans occidentaux. À partir du Pacte de stabilité pour l’Europe du Sud-Est lancée en 1999, l’Union européenne développe une approche régionale mieux définie et diversifie son rôle dans la région. Le sommet UE-Balkans de Zagreb en 2000 et le Conseil européen de Thessalonique en 2003 offrent aux Balkans occidentaux une perspective européenne. Bien que le nationalisme soit une réalité prégnante, la forte aspiration des peuples balkaniques à faire partie de la famille européenne est parmi les facteurs qui ont conduit l’Union européenne à s’investir dans la région. D’une région ravagée par les guerres, elle s’est transformée en une zone de plus en plus stable. Le processus d’élargissement s’effectue dans un contexte lourd de conséquences. Face à la crise de l’Europe, ce processus comprend des défis considérables et sa profondeur conduit l’Union européenne à repenser le rapport entre élargissement et approfondissement. D’autre part, pour les pays des Balkans occidentaux, même si de multiples difficultés transitoires existent, l’intégration européenne reste une chance historique
Addressing a European issue that puts an emphasis on the difficult process of the Western Balkans, including Albania, towards their approximation to the European Union, this thesis is oriented along two main lines of research to further develop the assumptions and answers to various questions. The first area focuses on the European Union, its mission, its ambitions, its visions and the second one on Albania, its place, its progress, its prospects. Another dimension - the regional approach - crosses both areas on specific issues of the integration of the Western Balkans. From the Stability Pact for South-Eastern Europe launched in 1999, the European Union is developing a more defined regional approach and diversifying its role in the region. The EU-Balkans summit in Zagreb in 2000 and the Thessaloniki European Council in 2003 offer the Western Balkans a European perspective. Although nationalism is a present reality, the strong aspiration of the Balkan peoples to join the European family is among the factors that led the European Union to invest in the region. From a region ravaged by wars, it turned into an ever-increasing stability area. The enlargement process takes place in a context fraught with consequences. Faced with the crisis of Europe, this process involves considerable challenges and its depth leads the European Union to rethink the relationship between enlargement and deepening. On the other hand, for the Western Balkan countries, even if multiple transitional difficulties exist, European integration remains a historic opportunity
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Gelez, Philippe. "Safvet-beg Bašagić (1870-1934) : aux racines intellectuelles de la pensée nationale chez les musulmans de Bosnie-Herzégovine." Paris 4, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA040068.

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À travers son œuvre littéraire, historique et politique, Safvet-beg Bašagić (1870-1934) a formulé les grandes problématiques du nationalisme bosno-musulman, alors que sa communauté reculait devant les exigences de modernisation qu'imposait la présence austro-hongroise depuis le Congrès de Berlin de 1878. Inspiré par les mouvements nationaux ottoman, croate et serbe du XIXe s. , il a voulu établir une identité distincte de celles qu'ils fondaient en affirmant la spécificité religieuse et culturelle de ses coreligionnaires et compatriotes. Ces engagements étaient étroitement liés à la question agraire en Bosnie-Herzégovine : Bašagić a œuvré en conservateur, soulignant que la propriété de la terre était un droit historique du beylicat local, auquel il appartenait. De son vivant, il n'a pas joui de l'audition qu'il aurait espérée ; mais l'essentiel de ses thèses, malgré leur peu de sérieux scientifique, a fait florès aujourd'hui
Through his literary, historical and political work, Safvet-beg Bašagić (1870-1934) outlined the major issues of Bosnian-Muslim nationalism while his community was backing down in the face of the demands for modernisation imposed by the Austro-Hungarian presence after the Berlin Congress of 1878. Inspired by the Ottoman, Croatian and Serbian nationalist movements of the C. 19th, he wanted to establish an identity which was distinct from those that they represented, by affirming the religious and cultural specificity of his coreligionists and compatriots. These engagements were closely linked to the agrarian question in Bosnia Herzegovina : as a conservative, Bašagić worked to underline the fact that land ownership was a historical right of the local beylicat, to which he belonged. He failed to find the audience he had hoped for during his lifetime but, although unreliable on a scientific level, the bulk of his theories are in vogue today
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Ellyson, Thomas. "Construire une nation : le cas du Kosovo dans Wikipédia." Mémoire, Université de Sherbrooke, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11143/6508.

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Avec la venue du web 2.0 et de la généralisation de l'usage de l'internet, une nouvelle tranche de la population s'immisce dans les usages de l'histoire. Partant du cas du Kosovo dans l'encyclopédie Wikipédia , il est possible d'observer comment l'usage des nouveaux médias contribue à la construction de la perception et de la représentation des récits nationaux. Quels sont les effets d'une participation par la population générale sur les représentations des nouvelles nations? L'encyclopédie Wikipédia est un symbole du web 2.0 et le Kosovo un exemple de cheminement national actuel avec la proclamation d'indépendance du 17 février 2008. Ceci est sans compter tout le passé récent des Balkans. Cette étude permet d'affirmer que les nouveaux médias de communication ne changent pas la manière d'élaborer les récits nationaux et que l'accroissement de la participation s'inscrit encore dans les théories actuelles dominantes de l'historiographie de ce sujet. Par contre, le web devient essentiel et une vitrine incontournable dans le portrait médiatique actuel pour transmettre ces messages et ainsi influencer la perception des internautes sur la validité ou non d'une indépendance.
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Gangloff, Sylvie. "La Turquie et les Balkans depuis 1990 : relations bilatérales, politique régionale et influences extérieures." Phd thesis, Paris 1, 2000. https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00592243.

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Les balkans occupent une place particuliere dans l'histoire de la turquie. L'empire ottoman a longtemps domine cet espace et les problemes rencontres par cet empire au xixeme siecle y trouvaient en grande partie leurs origines. Comment la turquie a-t-elle donc pu apprehender cette region ou elle a laisse de nombreuses traces et des souvenirs qui pesent negativement sur son image ? y joue-t-elle ce role primordial qu'on lui prete souvent ? depuis 1991, les balkans se sont plutot illustres par une certaine instabilite, par un complexe jeu d'antagonismes locaux qui malheureusement a pu connaitre des denouements assez sanglants. Cette instabilite a largement pese sur les formes d'intervention de la turquie dans la region. Elle a ainsi pu beneficier de l'isolement de certains pays ou, au contraire, se trouver marginalisee dans cette recomposition des amities/inimities regionales. Dans l'ensemble, la turquie a plutot reussi son retour dans les balkans. Sa politique fut relativement prudente, et bien souvent menee, de concert avec son allie americain. D'autre part, si les facteurs d'ordre religieux et ethnique (la fraternite musulmane ou turque) ont pu faire l'objet d'une instrumentalisation dans le discours electoral de certains partis ou personnalites politiques turcs, ils n'ont aucunement pris le dessus sur les priorites d'ordre politique. Enfin, l'analyse de la politique de la turquie dans la region ne peut se limiter au cadre turco-balkanique stricto sensu. C'est, non seulement les politiques des puissances occidentales qu'il faut prendre en compte mais egalement les politiques dans une vaste zone couvrant grosso modo le pourtour de la mer noire et plus largement ce que l'on appelle aujourd'hui l'eurasie. Le jeu de la russie, la question des pipelines acheminant les energies du bassin caspien vers l'europe, les reseaux de transport, en gestation ou encore la creation d'une zone de cooperation economique de la mer noire generent d'intenses interactions politiques croisees dans cet espace et ont de nombreuses repercussions sur la diplomatie balkanique de la turquie.
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Vagneux, Stéphanie. "Analyse des représentations des transformations historiques des Balkans survenues après 1989 dans les films "Le regard d'Ulysse", "Before the rain" et "Underground"." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ56777.pdf.

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Zeren, Baris. "The Formation of Constitutional Rule : the Politics of Ottomanism between de jure and de facto (1908-1913)." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017EHES0056.

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La présente thèse vise à étudier le fonctionnement et les résultats d'une expérience constitutionnelle orientée pour surmonter "l'ancien régime" et pour former une identité nationale ottomane par les promesses de l’état de droit et du respect des procédures parlementaires. À cet égard, l’étude se concentre sur une série des pratiques administratives et législatives au début de l'époque de Meşrutiyet entre les années 1908 et 1913.La thèse observe les processus de la promulgation et l’application des lois critiques pour créer une unification nationale, notamment la loi martiale et la loi de la conscription militaire des non-musulmanes ottomanes surtout en relation avec les réseaux politiques des Bulgares Macédoniens et Helléniques. En traçant le développement des tensions autour de ces lois à Istanbul et en Roumélie, la thèse expose les déviations dans l’interprétation de Kanun-i Esasi par les représentants des divers factions sociopolitiques, l’hétérogénéité dans les attitudes des acteurs locaux et centraux et le rôle déterminant des rivalités locales dans la formation d’un corpus juridique en particulier et une souveraineté constitutionnelle en général
The dissertation examines the functioning of Ottoman constitutional rule born in 1908 which aimed at forming a new body politic, an Ottoman nation, on the sociopolitical structure inherited from the "old regime.” As this Ottomanism, which was officially and publicly referred as "the unity of elements" (ittihad-ı anasır), was closely related with the promise of parliamentarianism and the rule of constitutional norms, the dissertation focuses on the legislative and administrative practices starting in Spring 1909 until the outbreak of the Balkan Wars. To this end, the study follows the enactment and application phases of certain critical laws in creating such a national unification — the martial law and the law on the conscription of non-Muslims to the Ottoman army — with specific emphasis on Macedonian-Bulgarian and Hellenist political networks. Tracing the development of tensions and strategies among official and civil political actors in Istanbul and Rumelia evolving around these laws, the dissertation demonstrates deviations in the interpretation of the Kanun-ı Esasi by various representatives of sociopolitical factions, the heterogeneity of attitudes of central and local political actors, and the effective role of local struggles in the development of constitutional sovereignty
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Pavloudis, Christos. "Nationalism and ethnic conflict in southern Balkans." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Jun%5FPavloudis.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs and M.A. in International Security and Civil Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2002.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Thomas Bruneau. Includes bibliographical references (p. 93-97). Also available online.
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Hatzopoulos, Paul. "Non-nationalist ideologies in the Balkans : the interwar years." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.483666.

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Ardolic, Mimoza. "Greater Albania - The Next Crisis in the Balkans?" Thesis, Växjö University, Växjö University, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-5430.

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The Balkans has suffered from quite a few problems as a result of the countless ambitious endeavors for great states of the ethnic groups residing in the Peninsula. The most recent great state idea to have caused troubles in the region is the Serbs’ Great Serbia (i.e. Yugoslvia), which caused a cycle of wars, the latest one being the war in Kosovo in the late 1990s. This thesis attempts to evaluate the rumors of yet another great state in the making – or rather awakening again: the attempt at a Greater Albania, and whether the Albanians in the Balkans are still harboring the idea of any such state. Particular emphasis is placed upon the following questions:

 

  • Where does the idea of a Greater Albania stem from?
  • Is a Greater Albania today still on the Albanians’ agenda as a real political plan?
  • What speaks for and against a Greater Albania? Is the idea even feasible?

 

The findings indicate that none of the Albanian communities residing in the Balkan region wish for a Greater Albania, nor do their leaders. The Serbs nonetheless maintain that an Albanian threat exists and has done so ever since 1878 when the idea of a Greater Albania first arose. However, according to the results of this study, their claims lack credibility. Everything indicates that today, and with Albania striving for membership in the European Union, the idea of a Greater Albania has been left in the past.

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Books on the topic "Nationalisme – Balkans"

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Les Balkans: Religions et nationalisme. Bruxelles: Éditions OUSIA, 2001.

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F, Brown J. Nationalism, democracy, and security in the Balkans. Aldershot, Hants, England: Dartmouth Pub. Co., 1992.

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Dérens, Jean-Arnault. Balkans--la crise. Paris: Gallimard, 2000.

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La question macédonienne de 1944 à nos jours: Communisme et nationalisme dans les Balkans. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2010.

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Okey, Robin. Taming Balkan nationalism. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.

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Remaking the Balkans. London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1991.

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Royal Institute of International Affairs., ed. Remaking the Balkans. London: Pinter, 1995.

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Royal Institute of International Affairs., ed. Remaking the Balkans. New York: Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1991.

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Bookman, Milica Zarkovic. Economic decline and nationalism in the Balkans. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1994.

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Bookman, Milica Zarkovic. Economic decline and nationalism in the Balkans. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "Nationalisme – Balkans"

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Kellas, James G. "The Balkans." In Nationalist Politics in Europe, 158–92. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230597273_12.

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Hupchick, Dennis P. "The Rise of Romantic Nationalism." In The Balkans, 189–211. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780312299132_10.

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Mishkova, Diana. "Nationalism in transnational guise." In Beyond Balkanism, 139–77. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge borderlands studies: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351236386-6.

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Ashley, Stephen. "Bulgaria: Between Loyalty and Nationalism." In The Warsaw Pact and the Balkans, 109–53. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-09941-2_4.

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Schierup, Carl-Ulrik. "Memorandum for Modernity? Socialist Modernisers, Retraditionalisation and the Rise of Ethnic Nationalism." In Scramble for the Balkans, 32–61. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-333-99468-9_2.

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Brown, J. F. "Conservatism and Nationalism in the Balkans: Albania, Bulgaria, and Romania." In Central and Eastern Europe: The Opening Curtain?, 283–313. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429033162-12.

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Strazzari, Francesco, and Ervjola Selenica. "Nationalism and Civil Society Organisations in Post-Independence Kosovo." In Civil Society and Transitions in the Western Balkans, 117–34. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137296252_7.

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Yasamee, F. A. K. "Religion, Irreligion and Nationalism in the Diaries of the Bulgarian Exarch Yosif." In Religious Quest and National Identity in the Balkans, 203–17. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523333_13.

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Meeker, Michael E. "31. GREEKS WHO ARE MUSLIMS: COUNTER-NATIONALISM IN NINETEENTH CENTURY TRABZON." In Archaeology, Anthropology and Heritage in the Balkans and Anatolia, edited by David Shankland, 299–324. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463225438-016.

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Lindstedt, Jouko. "Conflicting Nationalist Discourses in the Balkan Slavic Language Area." In The Palgrave Handbook of Slavic Languages, Identities and Borders, 429–47. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-34839-5_21.

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Reports on the topic "Nationalisme – Balkans"

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Haider, Huma. Scalability of Transitional Justice and Reconciliation Interventions: Moving Toward Wider Socio-political Change. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.080.

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Literature focusing on the aftermath of conflict in the Western Balkans, notes that many people remain focused on stereotypes and prejudices between different ethnic groups stoking fear of a return to conflict. This rapid review examines evidence focussing on various interventions that seek to promote inter-group relations that are greatly elusive in the political realm in the Western Balkan. Socio-political change requires a growing critical mass that sees the merit in progressive and conciliatory ethnic politics and is capable of side-lining divisive ethno-nationalist forces. This review provides an evidence synthesis of pathways through which micro-level, civil-society-based interventions can produce ‘ripple effects’ in society and scale up to affect larger geographic areas and macro-level socio-political outcomes. These interventions help in the provision of alternative platforms for dealing with divisive nationalism in post-conflict societies. There is need to ensure that the different players participating in reconciliation activities are able to scale up and attain broader reach to ensure efficacy and hence enabling them to become ‘multiplier of peace.’ One such way is by providing tools for activism. The involvement of key people and institutions, who are respected and play an important role in the everyday life of communities and participants is an important factor in the design and success of reconciliation initiatives. These include the youth, objective media, and journalists. The transformation of conflict identities through reconciliation-related activities is theorised as leading to the creation of peace constituencies that support non-violent approaches to conflict resolution and sustainable peace The success of reconciliation interventions largely depends on whether it contributes to redefining otherwise antagonistic identities and hostile relationships within a community or society.
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RESEARCH PRIORITIES: Western Balkans Snapshot. RESOLVE Network, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/rp2020.1.wb.

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Amidst the evolving threat of violent extremism (VE) worldwide, the Western Balkans face substantial challenges to social cohesion and stability. As elsewhere, narratives of religious, far right, and nationalist militancy resonate with vulnerable youth populations in Western Balkan countries where a history of ethnic, religious, and civil strife created a situation vulnerable to terrorist recruitment at home and abroad. Individuals who traveled to fight alongside violent extremist organizations abroad are returning to their home countries following the territorial losses of extremist groups in Syria and Iraq. At the same time, ethno-nationalist extremism continues to gain traction and expand across the region. While some of these topics have received increased attention in the current body of literature, others remain under-researched. Existing research topics also require more field research and deeper conceptual foundation. The resulting gaps in our collective understanding point to the need for further research on evolving social and VE dynamics in the Western Balkans. More rigorous and grounded research, in this regard, can help inform and improve efforts to prevent and counter violent extremism (P/CVE) in the region. In 2019, the RESOLVE Network convened local and international experts to discuss research gaps and develop a preliminary list of research priorities for P/CVE moving forward in the Western Balkans. The topics identified in this Research Priorities Snapshot reflect their collective expertise, in-depth understanding, and commitment to continued analysis of VE trends and dynamics in the region.
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