Academic literature on the topic 'Non-confrontational'

This book explores in lively detail the music, musical networks, and performance spaces of the contemporary Berlin klezmer and Yiddish music scene. It chronicles an avowedly international group of musicians (Jewish and non-Jewish) who collectively represent an important new transnational voice for this traditional Eastern European Jewish music. Through the words and music of the performers, the author reveals a rich and constantly developing scene that has embedded itself in the contemporary city in creative, diverse, and sometimes confrontational ways. This ongoing transformation of Berlin klezmer is powerful evidence that if traditional music is to remain audible amid the noise of the urban, it must stake its claim as a meaningful part of that noise. By engaging with the city itself, klezmer in Berlin has moved beyond “revival”—revealing how traditional culture can remain relevant within a shifting, overlapping, decidedly modern, urban cosmopolitanism.

The Tricontinental Revolution provides a major reassessment of the global rise and impact of Tricontinentalism, the militant strand of Third World solidarity that defined the 1960s and 1970s as decades of rebellion. Cold War interventions highlighted the limits of decolonization, prompting a generation of global South radicals to adopt expansive visions of self-determination. Long associated with Cuba, this anti-imperial worldview stretched far beyond the Caribbean to unite international revolutions around programs of socialism, armed revolt, economic sovereignty, and confrontational diplomacy. Linking independent nations with non-state movements from North Vietnam through South Africa to New York City, Tricontinentalism encouraged marginalized groups to mount radical challenges to the United States and the inequitable Euro-centric international system. Through eleven expert essays, this volume recenters global political debates on the priorities and ideologies of the Global South, providing a new framework, chronology, and tentative vocabulary for understanding the evolution of anti-imperial and decolonial politics.

This book details the new forms of workers' protest and opposition that have developed as Japan's economy has transformed over the past three decades and highlights their impact upon the country's policymaking process. Drawing on a new dataset charting protest events from the 1980s to the present, the book produces the first systematic study of Japan's new precarious labor movement. It details the movement's rise during Japan's post-bubble economic transformation and highlights the different and innovative forms of dissent that mark the end of the country's famously non-confrontational industrial relations. In doing so, moreover, the book shows how this new pattern of industrial and social tension is reflected within the country's macroeconomic policymaking, resulting in a new policy dissensus that has consistently failed to offer policy reforms that would produce a return to economic growth. As a result, the book argues that the Japanese model of capitalism has therefore become increasingly disorganized.

Addiction in older adults very often goes unrecognized, for several reasons: social biases about the elderly, age-related metabolic changes, and the inappropriate use of prescription benzodiazepines and opioids to address untreated anxiety and mood conditions. Alcohol or substance-use disorders (SUDs) in older individuals may present in subtle and atypical ways. Strategies to overcome such difficulties include systematic screening using validated instruments, patient education regarding the impact of psychoactive substances on health, and cautious prescribing practices. Relying on standard DSM criteria may result in a failure to detect an SUD that presents with cognitive symptoms or physical injury, as well as the absence of work or social consequences. Older individuals can benefit from the application of risk-stratification measures, and they can be referred, e.g., to age-appropriate group therapy and non-confrontational individual therapy focusing on late-life issues of loss and sources of social support, as well as be offered medication management for alcohol or substance use disorder. Although research has been limited in this population, treatment outcomes have been found to be superior in older adults than younger adults.

In the context of harmonisation of arbitration law and practice worldwide, to what extent do local legal traditions still influence local arbitration practices, especially at a time when non-Western countries are playing an increasingly important role in international commercial and financial markets? How are the new economic powers reacting to the trend towards harmonisation? China provides a good case study, with its historic tradition of non-confrontational means of dispute resolution now confronting current trends in transnational arbitration. Is China showing signs of adapting to the current trend of transnational arbitration? On the other hand, will Chinese legal culture influence the practice of arbitration in the rest of the world? To address these challenging questions it is necessary to examine the development of arbitration in the context of China's changing cultural and legal structures. Written for international business people, lawyers, academics and students, this book gives the reader a unique insight into arbitration practice in China, based on a combination of theoretical analysis and practical insights. It explains contemporary arbitration in China from an interdisciplinary perspective and with a comparative approach, setting Chinese arbitration in its wider social context to aid understanding of its history, contemporary practice, the legal obstacles to modern arbitration and possible future trends. In 2011 the thesis on which this book was based was named ‘Best Thesis in International Studies’ by the Swiss Network for International Studies. “What distinguishes this work from other books on international arbitration is its interdisciplinary perspective and comparative approach…this book makes a remarkable contribution to the understanding of arbitration in China and transnational arbitration in general. Academics, scholars and students of international arbitration, comparative studies and globalisation may all find this book stimulating. It also provides useful guidance for practitioners involved or interested in arbitration in China.” From the Foreword by Gabrielle Kaufmann-Kohler

This paper reports on the analysis of humor negotiation in Spanish, using a database of 148 humorous sequences drawn from 67 colloquial conversations of the VALESCO.HUMOR corpus (accessible at www.observahumor.com; cf. Ruiz-Gurillo, 2021; 2022). To this end, three variables were addressed. First, following Martin et al. (2003), the style adopted by the speaker in their turn was analyzed as affiliative, aggressive, self-defeating or self-enhancing. Affiliative and aggressive styles predominate in the data, whereas self-defeating and self-enhancing styles are underrepresented. Second, we asked how participants are seen to evaluate the verbal behavior within sequences in terms of politeness, mock impoliteness, impoliteness and non-politeness (Sinkeviciute, 2019). Finally, an assessment was made of each sequence regarding how it could be understood as creating intimacy (endogroup sequence) or as a form of confrontation (confrontational sequence). Taken together, these variables (style, evaluation of politeness, and the main effect of the sequence) led to the identification of three main trends: politeness with an affiliative style in endogroup sequences; mock impoliteness with an aggressive style in endogroup sequences; and mock politeness with an aggressive style in confrontational sequences.

According to the 2016 EU Global Strategy (EUGS), today's world is characterized by an increased strategic competition and rising threats to multilateralism and a rules-based order. In this fast-evolving environment, the EU has shifted from its traditional “values-based” approach in foreign policy to a “principled pragmatism”. This holds that the EU should solidify relations with countries with shared values, while also engaging strategically with rivals. The EU's goal is to protect its strategic interests in the world marked by the US-China rivalry, a confrontational relationship with the Trump administration, and Russia's growing ambitions in their shared neighborhood. The present chapter examines some aspects of the EU's efforts to secure its autonomy in an emergent terrain for international competition: cyberspace. The analysis will begin with an explanation of the broader context for the EU's approach to cybersecurity, which should be understood as part of the Union's longstanding pursuit of “strategic autonomy” in an increasingly competitive geopolitical environment. It then offers a description of deterrence theory and its application to cyberspace, before turning to the development of the EU Cyber Diplomacy toolbox and targeted restrictive measures in response to cyberattacks. It will then seek to assess the deterrence potential of restrictive measures on the basis of some generic attributes of the concept of deterrence identified in rich theoretic contributions on deterrence theory and cyberspace. It concludes that while sanctions might appear to be ineffective and non-aligned with the operational characteristics of the cyber domain, their potential for establishing good practices should not be discarded. They should instead be used as a vehicle for promoting and informing the international discourse on the norms of responsible state behavior in cyberspace.

Abstract Environmental movements in India are grassroots-based calls for just political conditions for sustaining subsistence living. Such movements have a long history dating back to British rule, including peasant revolts in 1859–63 against indigo plantations and 1893 agitations against the commercialization of forests and Adivasis’ lands; to post-Independence movements against dam-building, seed capitalism, and mining, and the farmers’ movements against agricultural neoliberalization. This chapter takes a socio-legal approach by borrowing heterogeneous concepts and sources from social sciences to critically examine the substantive field of law, development, and environmental movements in the context of India’s post-coloniality. Through a description of some key post-Independence movements, the chapter shows how they engage in confrontational and non-confrontational strategies to resist the colonial legacy and neoliberal ideology of development, the ontological duality that separates nature and culture and the Westphalian state’s legal and political domination over local sovereignty, and their negative ecological and social consequences.

This chapter applies an intersectional perspective to analyse the transition from the grassroots pro-choice campaign to the official referendum campaign in 2018. It argues that the official referendum campaign adopted a ‘respectability politics’ approach which required of activists a specific linguistic, emotional, and sartorial presentation. By enacting a non-confrontational or ‘respectable’ approach, I argue that the affective bonds of ‘race’, class, and specifically of White femininity played an important role in the official referendum campaign.

Abstract The study of the principle of non-intervention constitutes a litmus test to assess the health of the foundational notion of the international legal order, that of sovereignty. All in all, the legal history of the principle of non-intervention in the last 500 years shows little evidence of historical progression. The frequency of intervention has been directly proportional to the uniformity of the great powers’ ideologies and security interests. When they have shared the same values and interests, they have tended to use these values and interests as grounds to intervene in smaller states. When the great powers’ mutual relations have been confrontational, on the other hand, the principle of non-intervention has contributed to establishing a balance of power that has reduced the risk of major conflicts. The intervention pendulum, therefore, has always swung between solidarity and divisiveness and between a statist vision of world order and a communitarian one.

This chapter explores the local responses to the re-establishment of the Islamic Emirate in August 2021, focusing on Zurmat District in Paktia Province in Afghanistan. Using personal notes, published sources, and detailed interviews with local key informants, the chapter examines how community representatives engaged with leaders from the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan in a tightly controlled political environment. The main argument is that, despite severe constraints, local actors managed to retain some political space through non-confrontational rhetoric and practical community mobilization. The chapter concludes that while Zurmat’s local politics operated under significant restrictions, these actors could still influence local governance to some extent. For meaningful national political dialogue, strategies must ensure non-Taliban participants are free from these constraints.

As part of global trade, the emergence of free trade agreements has resulted in the removal of tariff and non-tariff barriers over the past seventy years. The major trade actors (European Union, United States, and China) have become economic rivals, which make them compete in confrontational or cooperative ways for greater benefits and welfare. This paper discusses three free trade agreements between the US‒EU‒China: the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI), and the Economic And Trade Agreement Between The Government Of The United States Of America And The Government Of The People’s Republic Of China (ETA). The author’s contribution is the creation of alternative scenarios to analyse the effects of these treaties on profit from a game theoretical approach. The results of this model suggest that cooperation generates greater economic benefits in each situation compared to competitive strategy. At the same time, players’ welfare cannot be identified with profit in all cases.

<div class="section abstract"><div class="htmlview paragraph">In the United States and worldwide, 38,824 and 1.35 million people were killed in vehicle crashes during 2020. These statistics are tragic and indicative of an on-going public health crisis centered on automobiles and other ground transportation solutions. Although the long-term US vehicle fatality rate is slowly declining, it continues to be elevated compared to European countries. The introduction of vehicle safety systems and re-designed roadways has improved survivability and driving environment, but driver behavior has not been fully addressed. A non-confrontational approach is the evaluation of driver behavior using onboard sensors and computer algorithms to determine the vehicle’s “mistrust” level of the given operator and the safety of the individual operating the vehicle. This is an inversion of the classic human-machine trust paradigm in which the human evaluates whether the machine can safely operate in an automated fashion. The impetus of the research is the recognition that human error is responsible for over 90% of motor vehicle crashes. In this paper, a novel mistrust algorithm is introduced that considers both human and vehicle performance to continually update the mistrust metric. The mistrust metric is continually calculated and compared to <i>a priori</i> thresholds leading to safety categorization as normal, aggressive, dangerous, or critical. A full nonlinear virtual automotive simulation has been created with advanced driver safety systems on demand and virtual drivers in traffic to demonstrate the concept. A series of seven driving scenarios have been investigated which feature nine adverse operator behaviors. Numerical results show that the proposed mistrust algorithm, with vehicle ADAS system, can enhance occupant safety. The potential of this traffic safety strategy merits consideration as an alternative driving adaptation for at-risk drivers as autonomous vehicle technology continues to emerge.</div></div>

This paper investigates the Gülen movement’s repertoires of action in order to determine how it differs from traditional Islamic revivalist movements and from the so-called ‘New Social Movements’ in the Western world. Two propositions lead the discussion: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against the perceived threat of a trio of enemies, as Nursi named them a century ago – ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to understanding the apolitical mind-set of the Gülen movement’s fol- lowers. Second, unlike the confrontational New Social Movements, the Gülen movement has engaged in ‘moral opposition’, in which the movement’s actors seek to empathise with the adversary by creating (what Bakhtin calls) ‘dialogic’ relationships. ‘Moral opposition’ has enabled the movement to be more alert strategically as well as more productive tactically in solving the everyday practical problems of Muslims in Turkey. A striking example of this ‘moral opposition’ was witnessed in the Merve Kavakci incident in 1999, when the move- ment tried to build bridges between the secular and Islamist camps, while criticising and educating both parties during the post-February 28 period in Turkey. In this way the Gülen movement’s performance of opposition can contribute new theoretical and practical tools for our understanding of social movements. 104 | P a g e Recent works on social movements have criticized the longstanding tradition of classify- ing social movement types as “strategy-oriented” versus “identity-oriented” (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Rucht 1988) and “identity logic of action” versus “instrumentalist logic of ac- tion” (Duyvendak and Giugni 1995) by regarding identities as a key element of a move- ment’s strategic and tactical repertoire (see Bernstein 1997, 2002; Gamson 1997; Polletta 1998a; Polletta and Jasper 2001; Taylor and Van Dyke 2004). Bifurcation of identity ver- sus strategy suggests the idea that some movements target the state and the economy, thus, they are “instrumental” and “strategy-oriented”; whereas some other movements so-called “identity movements” challenge the dominant cultural patterns and codes and are considered “expressive” in content and “identity-oriented.” New social movement theorists argue that identity movements try to gain recognition and respect by employing expressive strategies wherein the movement itself becomes the message (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Melucci 1989, 1996). Criticizing these dualisms, some scholars have shown the possibility of different social movement behaviour under different contextual factors (e.g. Bernstein 1997; Katzenstein 1998). In contrast to new social movement theory, this work on the Gülen movement indi- cates that identity movements are not always expressive in content and do not always follow an identity-oriented approach; instead, identity movements can synchronically be strategic as well as expressive. In her article on strategies and identities in Black Protest movements during the 1960s, Polletta (1994) criticizes the dominant theories of social movements, which a priori assume challengers’ unified common interests. Similarly, Jenkins (1983: 549) refers to the same problem in the literature by stating that “collective interests are assumed to be relatively unproblematic and to exist prior to mobilization.” By the same token, Taylor and Whittier (1992: 104) criticize the longstanding lack of explanation “how structural inequality gets translated into subjective discontent.” The dominant social movement theory approaches such as resource mobilization and political process regard these problems as trivial because of their assumption that identities and framing processes can be the basis for interests and further collective action but cannot change the final social movement outcome. Therefore, for the proponents of the mainstream theories, identities of actors are formed in evolutionary processes wherein social movements consciously frame their goals and produce relevant dis- courses; yet, these questions are not essential to explain why collective behaviour occurs (see McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald 1996). This reductionist view of movement culture has been criticized by a various number of scholars (e.g. Goodwin and Jasper 1999; Polletta 1997, 1999a, 1999b; Eyerman 2002). In fact, the debate over the emphases (interests vis-à-vis identities) is a reflection of the dissent between American and European sociological traditions. As Eyerman and Jamison (1991: 27) note, the American sociologists focused on “the instrumentality of movement strategy formation, that is, on how movement organizations went about trying to achieve their goals,” whereas the European scholars concerned with the identity formation processes that try to explain “how movements produced new historical identities for society.” Although the social movement theorists had recognized the deficiencies within each approach, the attempts to synthesize these two traditions in the literature failed to address the empirical problems and methodological difficulties. While criticizing the mainstream American collective behaviour approaches that treat the collective identities as given, many leading European scholars fell into a similar trap by a 105 | P a g e priori assuming that the collective identities are socio-historical products rather than cog- nitive processes (see, for instance, Touraine 1981). New Social Movement (NSM) theory, which is an offshoot of European tradition, has lately been involved in the debate over “cog- nitive praxis” (Eyerman and Jamison 1991), “signs” (Melucci 1996), “identity as strategy” (Bernstein 1997), protest as “art” (Jasper 1997), “moral performance” (Eyerman 2006), and “storytelling” (Polletta 2006). In general, these new formulations attempt to bring mental structures of social actors and symbolic nature of social action back in the study of collec- tive behaviour. The mental structures of the actors should be considered seriously because they have a potential to change the social movement behaviours, tactics, strategies, timing, alliances and outcomes. The most important failure, I think, in the dominant SM approaches lies behind the fact that they hinder the possibility of the construction of divergent collective identities under the same structures (cf. Polletta 1994: 91). This study investigates on how the Gülen movement differed from other Islamic social move- ments under the same structural factors that were realized by the organized opposition against Islamic activism after the soft coup in 1997. Two propositions shall lead my discussion here: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against perceived threat of the triple enemies, what Nursi defined a century ago: ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to grasp non-political men- tal structures of the Gülen movement followers. Second, unlike the confrontational nature of the new social movements, the Gülen movement engaged in a “moral opposition,” in which the movement actors try to empathize with the enemy by creating “dialogic” relationships.