Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Organized transnational crime forms'

International criminality has been a challenging phenomenon for national police forces for years. States have developed international police cooperation relations and extradition instruments in order to fight international criminal activity. This treatise explores the reasons for the rise in transnational organized crime activities in Europe and presents an in-depth explanation concerning the emergence, mandates, and structures of multilateral police collaboration systems such as Interpol, Trevi, Schengen, and Europol. Since the extradition has become an inseparable part of international policing, this study examines the improvements in extradition procedure and emphasizes the importance of extradition. Finally this study compares traditional (European Convention on Extradition of 1957) and new (European Arrest Warrant) extradition systems.

Thesis (MA)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In 1992, warring factions in Mozambique put an end to 15 years of violence and instability. By signing the General Peace Accord in Rome, the civil war was officially over, and postconflict reconstruction could begin. The post-conflict state has been struggling with high poverty, weak infrastructure and the burden of returning refugees as well as internally displaced people (IDP’s) in the aftermath of the war. Moreover, in recent years, increasing domestic activity on the part of transnational criminal syndicates has become a major national and regional security dilemma. In this study, Mozambique, as a post-conflict state has been examined to identify the most important factors that lead to the increase and continuation in transnational crime in terms of human trafficking. Using prevailing state theories and post-conflict theories within the field of Political Science and analyzing Mozambique from the conceptual theoretical lenses of Max Weber, Charles Tilly, Shmuel N. Eistenstadt, and several other scholars, it is argued that there are numerous elements present within the state that have led to an increase in crime. These are first and foremost the (neo) patrimonial features of the state, corrupt state-officials, the state’s pluralist legal-system and a general lack of public trust in the legitimacy of the government. Incomplete post-conflict reconstruction efforts, resulting in lack of public goods, such as health-care, schooling and jobs along with a culture of exploitation and objectification of women and deep-rooted gender-inequality in Mozambique is argued to provide criminal syndicates with an opportunity to capitalize on organized crimes such as trafficking of humans. In recent years, positive developments manifest themselves through the international recognition of human trafficking and domestic ratifications of international laws and protocols to combat human trafficking. While Mozambique has ratified “The Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children” this study reveals state factors that make the elimination of the crime of human trafficking in Mozambique difficult. The findings of the study are symbolic of a globalized problem. Combating transnational crime does not depend solely on international, regional and domestic cooperation through laws and regulations; it also necessitates increased national efforts in dealing with the root-causes of trafficking and to increase the political and public awareness in the country towards this human rights violation.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In 1992 het strydende groepe in Mosambiek 'n einde gemaak aan 15 jaar van geweld en onstabiliteit. Met die ondertekening van die Algemene Vredesverdrag in Rome, is die burgeroorlog amptelik beëindig en post-konflik rekonstruksie kon begin. Die post-konflik staat het gesukkel met hoë armoede, swak infrastruktuur en die las van terugkerende vlugtelinge en interne verplaasde persone in die nadraai van die oorlog. Daarbenewens het toenemende plaaslike aktiwiteite van transnasionale kriminele sindikate in die afgelope jare 'n groot nasionale en streeks-sekuriteitsdilemma geword. In hierdie studie is Mosambiek as 'n post-konflik staat geanaliseer om die mees belangrike faktore wat tot die toename in transnasionale misdaad (in terme van mensehandel) gelei het, te identifiseer. Deur gebruik te maak van bestaande staatsteorieë en post-konflik teorieë in die veld van Politieke Wetenskap en deur Mosambiek te analiseer uit die teoretiese blik van Max Weber, Charles Tilly, Shmuel N. Eistenstadt, en andere, word daar geargumenteer dat daar verskeie elemente binne die staat is wat tot dié toename in misdaad gelei het. Allereers is die neo(patrimoniale) kenmerke van die staat, korrupte staatsamptenare, die pluralistiese regstelsel en algemene gebrek aan publieke vertroue in die regering. Daar word geargumenteer dat onvolledige post-konflik rekonstruksie, wat 'n tekort aan publieke goedere soos gesondheidsorg, opvoeding en werk tot gevolg het, tesame met 'n kultuur van die seksualisering van vroue en diep-gewortelde geslagsongelykheid in die staat, vir kriminele sindikate geleenthede vir organiseerde misdaad soos mensehandel bied. In die afgelope jare het positiewe ontwikkelinge gemanifisteer deur die internationale erkenning van mensehandel en die plaaslike bekragtigings van internationale wette en protokols om mensehandel te bestry. Alhoewel Mosambiek "The Protocol to Prevent, Supress and Punish Traffickin in Persons, especially Women and Children" bekragtig het, toon die studie dat sekere staatsfaktore die uitwissing van mensehandel in Mosambiek moeilik maak. Die bevindinge van die studie is simbolies van 'n globaliseerde probleem; die bestryding van transnasionale misdaad berus nie net op internasionale, streek en plaaslike samewerking deur wette en regulasies nie, maar dit noodsaak ook verhoogde nasionale inspanning om die grondoorsake van mensehandel te hanteer en om politieke en publieke bewustheid omtrent dié menseregteskending in die land te verhoog.

The thesis aims to explore the effectiveness of international cooperation to combat transnational organized wildlife crime by analysing some lessons learned from two specific initiatives in Asia: the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ Wildlife Enforcement Network (ASEAN-WEN) and the Border Liaison Office (BLO) Mechanism. However, both exploring and measuring effectiveness are part of a difficult puzzle. To fit all the pieces of the puzzle together, the research explores the international framework within which the illegal wildlife trade is combated as well as the role of the various actors involved. The illegal wildlife trade is then examined as a transnational organized crime. This is followed by an analysis of the emergence of new structures or initiatives developed to facilitate cooperation and coordination to combat the illegal wildlife trade in Asia, and Southeast Asia in particular. The research provides a process evaluation of the initiatives on the illegal wildlife trade and cross-border cooperation and is grounded on findings which are constructed around themes identified based on available literature and perceptions of participants involved in the initiatives. The thesis provides an in-depth analysis of two existing efforts in Asia and attempts to measure their effectiveness as organisations, though it is not possible to undertake an outcome evaluation. It also identifies ways to strengthen both the effectiveness of efforts and the way one could analyse or measure their effectiveness. This includes exploring the challenges of cooperation and the various actors involved; considerations on wildlife crime as a serious transnational crime and combating it through platforms for cooperation, and; exploring and measuring the effectiveness of the different initiatives in a process evaluation. Given the pervasive role of corruption, some reflections on this important matter are included. The thesis concludes with some thoughts for future research and engagement for the broader research community as well as practitioners or organizations involved in similar efforts to combat transnational organized wildlife crime.

This study consists of a qualitative analysis on the subject of human trafficking in Canada. It is intended to explore the steps that have been taken to address the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, Supplementary Legislation to the Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime (2000c), also known as the Palermo Protocol, and examine Canada’s commitment to changing the international and domestic context in which human trafficking takes place. Through exploration of Canadian legislation, literature and prosecutions presented in Canadian courts between January 2005 and December 2011, this research aims to establish whether Canada has shown a commitment to ending and preventing the problem of human trafficking that is consistent with the Recommended Guidelines published by the office of the United Nations High Commissioner on Human Rights (2002). A nominal coding scheme was used to show in basic terms the level of commitment Canada is showing toward combating the issue of human trafficking, both internationally and domestically. Results indicate that while Canada has met minimum standards by implementing anti-trafficking legislation in 2005 which is consistent with the Palermo Protocol, the country is falling short of commitments to combat human trafficking due to inadequate victim protection measures, lack of standardized data collection procedures and insufficient efforts to combat and prevent the root causes of trafficking.

La corruption se définit de la manière la plus large comme tout « abus de pouvoir aux fins d’un profit privé ». Sous ses différentes formes, elle apparaît intimement liée à l’exercice du pouvoir. Cette dimension politique en fait l’envers de la démocratie, ainsi qu’un phénomène criminel particulièrement difficile à identifier, poursuivre et réprimer. Au cours des dernières décennies, elle aurait acquis une nouvelle dimension mondiale, rendant nécessaire une constante adaptation des dispositifs tant préventifs que répressifs. Cependant, le système pénal anti-corruption semble tributaire des profondes tensions générées par la confrontation permanente de la logique de l’État de droit à celle du pouvoir. Les résistances politiques s’avèrent nombreuses dans la perspective de diminuer les obstacles à une pleine efficacité répressive. Le juge pénal se trouve alors placé en première ligne de ce processus dialectique. Par son audace investigatrice et sa jurisprudence compensatrice, il contribuerait de manière décisive à faire évoluer le droit et, plus largement, à redéfinir les équilibres démocratiques entre pouvoir et contre-pouvoir. Sur le plan national, la justice acquiert ainsi une autonomie, une légitimité et une indépendance inédites. À travers la lutte contre la corruption transnationale, ce droit sous haute tension doit répondre au double défi de son efficacité et de son extranéité. L’approche systémique de la lutte contre la corruption permet alors de penser la cohérence d’ensemble des dispositifs juridiques, qu’il s’agit d’aligner suivant le même but : constituer une barrière protectrice pour le bien commun<br>Corruption is defined, in the broadest sense as any “abuse of power for private gain”. In its various forms, this phenomenon appears to be closely linked to the exercise of power. This political dimension makes it the opposite of democracy, as well as a criminal phenomenon which is particularly difficult to identify, prosecute and control. In the last decades, corruption has acquired a new international dimension that seemingly requires the constant adjustment of measures and provisions of law. However, the system dedicated to anti-corruption is seemingly born out of deep tensions generated by the permanent confrontation of the logic of the rule of law with the logic of power. There remains much political resistance to addressing the enforcement gap and remove the barriers to full repressive efficiency. The criminal judge is therefore placed at the forefront of this dialectical process. Through his investigative boldness and establishment of compensatory jurisprudence, the criminal judge contributes decisively to developing the law and, more broadly, to redefine the democratic balance between power and countervailing checks and balances. Nationally, justice thus acquires unprecedented autonomy, legitimacy and independence. Through the fight against transnational corruption, this law under high pressure must meet the dual challenge of its effectiveness and its foreignness. As a result, the systemic approach to the fight against corruption suggests we might think legal provisions in their overall consistency, with respect to their final aim: provide a line of defense for the common good

The Northern Triangle area made up by El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras faces a growing gang phenomenon responsible for the growth of violence and instability in the region. Many factors have contributed to the rise of gangs in the region, however, I argue that the deportation of Central American immigrants who became active gang members in the United States play a significant role in the growth of gangs. I analyze the impact of the lack of collaboration between the United States and the nations of the Northern Triangle, especially in the lack of reintegration programs and the other factors that could have influenced or spurred the escalation of gang activity such as a failed recovery process following the civil wars of the 1970s and 1980s and the state repression policies. Furthermore, I assess how the lack of collaboration between the United States and Northern Triangle region in the deportation of criminal immigrants has impacted the transnationalization of the two largest Central American gangs, Mara Salvatrucha and Barrio 18. Due to the lack of quantitative data on gang size and membership, I conduct my analysis utilizing various studies that have been conducted in the three nations and data regarding homicide and deportation rates. Ultimately, I find that while the U.S. deportees played an important role in altering the characteristics and nature of Central American gangs, a variety of other factors were significant in their growth. Additionally, I find their assignation as Transnational Criminal Organizations premature and inconclusive due to their weak organizational and communication structure. Finally, I question whether gangs are truly the cause of high levels of violence in each of the nations of the Northern Triangle, determining that the Central American gang phenomenon cannot be assessed or treated as a singular issue. Instead, it is imperative to acknowledge the conditions at play in each country.

This thesis aims to study Russian soft security policy under Vladimir Putin and examines the basic soft security threats which Russia has encountered and how it fought against these threats in the post-Soviet era. Contrary to the mainstream literature suggesting that Russia has focused exclusively on hard security issues within its national security policies due to its historical background and geo-political factors, the thesis argues that Russia started to give more importance to soft security besides hard security in its national security policies since Putin&rsquo<br>s presidency. Among soft security challenges, Russia prioritizes especially terrorism, transnational organized crime and energy security. The thesis is composed of six chapters. The introductory first chapter is followed by the second chapter examining the role of soft security in Russian national security. The following three chapters discuss Russia&rsquo<br>s soft security challenges of terrorism, transnational organized crime and energy security respectively whereas the sixth chapter concludes the thesis.

Tarptautinės sistemos dinamiškumas, globalizacijos procesas bei kintanti saugumo sąvoka iškelia naujus iššūkius, kurie pasižymi transnacionaliniais bruožais, bei verčia iš naujo pažvelgti į valstybę ir kelti jos saugumo klausimą. Didėjanti ekonominių procesų reikšmė ir poveikis, akcentuoja valstybės ekonominio saugumo svarbą, kuris yra valstybės nacionalinio saugumo dalis. Vidinių ir išorinių šio saugumo sektoriaus veiksnių išskyrimas ir jų tarpusavio saitai formuoja ir kuria atitinkamą kiekvienos valstybės ekonominio saugumo suvokimą, kur šalia ekonominių aspektų itin svarbią vietą užima valstybės ir individo santykis. Pastarąjį dar labiau pabrėžia ekonominių procesų sunkiai kontroliuojama dinamika bei valstybės akistata su šiais naujaisias iššūkiais, kurie vis įgauna naujas kokybines ir kiekybines veiklos išraiškas. Tokiomis charakteristikomis pasižymi ir transnacionalinis organizuotas nusikalstamumas, kurio kontroliuojamos nelegalios rinkos ir kuriami politiniai-kriminaliniai santykiai, peržengia ne tik ekonominio saugumo „ribas“, kartu tai turi įtakos ir valstybės stabilumui tarptautinėje arenoje, kuris glaudžiai susijęs su valstybės institucijų efektyvumu. Organizuoto nusikalstamumo, valstybės ekonominio saugumo ir politinės sistemos santykis leidžia atskleisti organizuoto nusikalstamumo daromą poveikį valstybei kaip atskiram tarptautinės sistemos objektui ir kaip saugumo analizės lygmeniui. Transnacionalinio organizuoto nusikalstamumo veiklos modelio kūrimas ir... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]<br>The dynamics of international system, globalization process and changing concept of security brings transnational challenges and leads to a new look at nation state and the discussion of its security question. The growing importance of economic processes raises state economic security issue as a part of national security. Internal and external factors of this security sector and their links creates and shapes each state perception of its economic security, where near economic aspects, very important place is given for rate between nation state and individuals. The latter is emphasizes by comprehensive dynamics of economic processes and state's facing with these new transnational challenges, which are taking qualitative and quantitative features of operations. Transnational organized crime has these characteristics by controlling illegal markets and expanding political-criminal relationships, which goes further than economic security “limits”, this also has influence for state role in international arena and effectiveness of its institutions. The connections between organized crime, state economic security and state political system allows to analyze the impact of criminal groups for state as independent actor of international system and as the analysis of security level. Developing and using transnational organized crime model in analysis for Chinese triads, the Mexican cartels and Russian mafia and their home states involves country history, cultural context and legacy of... [to full text]

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-18T01:17:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pereira_PauloJosedosReis_D.pdf: 1227497 bytes, checksum: d281da57cc7a47b8bc7b81c8685848fe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011<br>Resumo: O crime organizado transnacional (COT), apesar de seu papel crescente nas agendas de segurança nacional e internacional dos Estados desde a década de 1990, teve pouca atenção nos estudos de relações internacionais. As referências teóricas tradicionais desta área (particularmente da subárea de segurança internacional), bem como a noção estreita de criminalidade como um assunto doméstico e essencialmente jurídico, dificultaram a avaliação adequada deste novo papel assumido pelas atividades ilícitas transnacionais. Dado o pioneirismo estadunidense em tal processo, o objetivo do trabalho é analisar a alocação do COT na agenda de segurança nacional estadunidense durante o governo Clinton e alguns dos seus resultados, especialmente para a distinção entre as noções de segurança doméstica e internacional. Para tanto, fazemos uma análise documental e histórica, pautada no conceito de securitização da Escola de Copenhagen. A securitização pela qual o COT passou nos Estados Unidos pautou-se na percepção de ameaça existencial que este fenômeno criminal colocava a vários aspectos da nação, tanto sociais quanto econômicos. O "ato de fala" realizado pelo Executivo do país a partir de 1995, com a diretiva presidencial 42, foi aceito extensamente pelo público em geral e por várias elites sociais, uma audiência que conferiu legitimidade a tal processo. Três grupos de apoiadores foram particularmente importantes: a mídia, os especialistas e o Congresso estadunidense. O primeiro ajudou na disseminação da percepção de ameaça entre a população; o segundo auxiliou na quantificação e qualificação desta ameaça, fornecendo um conhecimento "cientificamente" embasado; o terceiro conferiu suporte político às iniciativas próprias do Executivo, bem como foi, ele mesmo, agente de propostas. O contexto histórico de liberalização política e econômica, o avanço tecnológico nas comunicações e transporte, bem como o fim do conflito bipolar, compôs um quadro favorável ao aumento do COT e à sua percepção como ameaça aos países e à ordem internacional nascente. No entanto, esse processo também deve ser creditado aos interesses de agências de Inteligência e aplicação da Lei estadunidenses, que, com o fim da Guerra Fria, buscaram redefinir seus papéis de proteção à nação. São expressões concretas da securitização o aumento de recursos, bem como a ênfase na ação militar e na internacionalização de atividades policiais que ocorreu com os programas de combate à criminalidade transnacional na América Latina, uma região que já era foco, desde a década de 1980, de políticas de combate ao tráfico de drogas, uma das mais importantes expressões do COT contemporâneo<br>Abstract: Transnational organized crime (TOC), despite its increasing role in the national and international security agendas of States since the 1990s, got little attention in studies of international relations. The traditional theoretical references in this area (particularly on international security subfield), and the narrow notion of crime as a domestic and essentially legal matter, hampered the proper assessment of this new role played by illicit transnational activities. The objective of this work is to analyze the allocation of TOC in the U.S. national security agenda during the Clinton administration, as well as to check some of its results, especially for the distinction between the notions of domestic and international security. To this end, a historical and documentary analysis, based on the Copenhagen's School concept of securitization, was done. The securitization process in which TOC has passed in the United States was based on the perception of existential threat that this criminal phenomenon posed to various aspects of the nation, both social and economic. The "speech act" carried out by the Executive of the country since 1995, with the PDD-42, was widely accepted by the general public and various social elites, an audience that gave legitimacy to this process. Three supporters groups were particularly important: the media, the experts and the U.S. Congress. The first helped the spread of threat perception among the population; the second helped to quantify and qualify this threat by providing a "scientifically" grounded knowledge; the third gave political support to the Executive initiatives and was, itself, an agent of proposals. The historical context of political and economic liberalization, technological advances in communications and transportation, as well as the end of bipolar conflict, wrote a favorable framework for the increase of TOC and its perception as a threat to countries and to the emerging international order. However, this process must also be credited to the interests of intelligence agencies and U.S. law enforcement, which, with the end of the Cold War, sought to redefine their roles in protecting the nation. The increasing of resources adressed to fight crime, the growth of military action and the internationalization of police activities that occurred in programs to combat transnational crime in Latin America are concrete expressions of securitization. In this scenery Latin America can be considereda region that was already the focus, since the 1980s, of policies to combat drug trafficking, one of the most important expressions of contemporary COT<br>Doutorado<br>Relações Internacionais<br>Doutor em Ciência Política

Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Kalev Sepp. "December 2006." AD-A462 564. Includes bibliographical references (p.83-89). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Depuis plusieurs années déjà, un phénomène particulièrement dangereux se répand et s’étend désormais partout, suscitant des inquiétudes au sein de la société : la criminalité organisée. Pour l’endiguer et pour garantir la protection des personnes, on a essayé d’employer une politique de prévention des crimes. A cette fin, de nombreux procédés législatifs ont été adoptés au niveau national et international. La communauté européenne et internationale est intervenue plusieurs fois dans la lutte contre la criminalité organisée, à partir du Traité de Maastricht, d’Amsterdam, du Conseil de Tampere jusqu’au récent Traité de Lisbonne. Ces traités ont permis l’adoption d’importantes mesures pour lutter contre la criminalité organisée. Il est également possible de relever que la Convention des Nations Unies contre la criminalité transnationale organisée et la Convention du 29 mai 2000 ont eu un apport non négligeable. Des accords bilatéraux ont été adoptés par la France et l’Italie pour combattre plus efficacement ce péril et cette plaie qui infecte des points vitaux de la société (par exemple l’Administration Publique et les banques, dont le contrôle est nécessaire pour le blanchiment). La France, avec l’adoption de la loi Perben II du 9 mars 2004 portant adaptation de la justice aux évolutions de la criminalité et l’Italie avec les « paquets sécurité » de 2009 et 2010, ont employé beaucoup de moyens pour réduire et limiter le champ d’action de ces criminels. Un rôle fondamental a été celui des collaborateurs de justice que avec leurs aveux, en échange de réductions de peine, ont dévoilé la structure et la hiérarchie des associations criminelles permettant aux autorités compétentes de mieux les comprendre, de repérer les associés, et en nombreux cas de les détruire. Il faut souligner qu’une mesure efficace a été la confiscation des biens cumulés par les malfaiteurs (bien meubles et immeubles, c’est-à dire des dépôts bancaires, investissements financiers, propriétés, terrains, maisons) et leur utilisation de la part de l’administration publique à des fins sociales à l’avantage de toute la communauté (écoles, édifices publics et hôpitaux). La confiscation du bien, en fait, empêche la criminalité organisée d’en disposer et d’en tirer des revenus, mine sa structure et son pouvoir. Parallèlement, elle donne confiance aux populations souvent tourmentées et effrayées (pensons par exemple au racket imposé aux commerçants et aux entreprises de constructions, d’exploitation agricole), et alimente l’espoir d’une possible libération. La lutte contre les organisations criminelles est longue et difficile, mais si elle est mené avec détermination sur plusieurs fronts, avec la collaboration et la coordination des moyens répressifs des États et de leurs gouvernements, les succès ne pourront pas manquer<br>For quite a few years now, a particularly dangerous and unsettling phenomenon has been spreading and extending in various degrees throughout all the regions, and that phenomenon is organized crime. In order to check (limit) its spread and guarantee the protection of the population, a crime prevention policy has been imposed. To such an end, numerous legislative provisions have been adopted on both the national and international level. The European and international community have repeatedly intervened in the last years to fight against organized crime, beginning with the Treaty of Maastricht, the Council of Tampere, up to the recent Essay in Lisbon. These treaties have allowed for the adoption of important measures to fight against organized crime, and one should not overlook the Convention of the United Nations and the Convention of May 29, 2000 (in doing the same). Bilateral accords have been stipulated from both France and Italy to more effectively oppose this danger and social evil that threatens with infecting, if it has not already done so, the organs of modern societies (for example; Public Administration, banks (the control of which is necessary in order to recycle dirty money). France, with the approval of the Perben II Law of March 9, 2004 intended to bring up to date the tools of justice in order to make them more incisive in relationship to the evolution of criminality. Italy has done the same thing with the “safety packets” of 2009 and 2010. Furthermore, these two countries have employed many resources in order to try to reduce and limit criminality’s field of action. A fundamental role was carried out by those who collaborated with the judicial system who, by their confessions in exchange for reduced punishment, have disclosed the structure and the hierarchy of criminal associations allowing the authorities involved to better understand, individualize their affiliates (i.e. members) and, in numerous cases, to dismantle them. By contrast, a very effective measure has been and still is the confiscation of goods accumulated by (those) in organized crime (real and financial goods, that is, banking deposits, financial investments, property, land, houses) and their re-use by Public Administration for the social well-being and to the advantage of the entire community (schools, public buildings, hospitals). The forfeiture of such goods, in fact, deprives the criminal underworld the lifeblood and profits that it draws from them; it mines the structure its power, contemporaneously providing safety to the people who are often oppressed and intimidated (one needs only to think about the extortions imposed on shopkeepers, construction and agricultural enterprises) and heightens their hope of a possible liberation from the above. The struggles against criminal organizations is long and difficult, but if it is conducted with determination on more fronts, with the collaboration and the coordination of the repressive apparatuses of nations and their governments, success cannot fail

Le GAFI créé en 1989 prône dans ses 40 recommandations de 2012 de lutter contre le blanchiment en déclenchant dès le départ de l’enquête pénale une investigation financière criminelle (IFC) parallèle et proactive qui a reçu une lettre de mission judiciaire : identifier l’ampleur des réseaux criminels et/ou le degré de criminalité ; identifier et dépister le produit du crime ; établir des preuves susceptibles d’être produites dans des procédures pénales. L’IFC est complétée par l’Analyse financière criminelle (AFC). Pour optimiser l’utilisation de cet outil dual, il faut en comprendre le potentiel. Un changement paradigmatique est à l’œuvre depuis 30 ans : l’IFC/AFC structurée et systématisée peut révéler l’ADN du crime, servir de catalyseur d’apprentissage et amener les sciences criminelles à passer ç une structure matricielle plus efficiente<br>FATF was created in 1989. Since its 2012 40 recommendations, it promotes fighting against money laundering by triggering a parallel and proactive Criminal financial investigation (CFI) from the very outset of a criminal investigation. CFI is a judicial and technical tool. FATF assigned it three tasks: “to identify the extent of criminal networks and/or the level of crime; to identify and track the proceeds of crime; to establish evidence that may be produced in criminal proceedings”. This is done through Criminal financial analysis (CFA). The potential of CFI/CFA needs exploring. A 30-year paradigmatic shift is still on-going: CFI/CFA, if systematic and structured, can reveal crime’s DNA, be used as a catalyst for new insight and help criminal sciences architectural shift from a silo structure into a matrix, more efficient system

Le trafic d’armes à feu au sein de l’Union européenne est une menace préoccupante contre l’espace de liberté, de sécurité et de justice poussant l’Union et ses États membres à réagir afin de renforcer leur cadre juridique. Néanmoins, il est difficile d’apporter aux problématiques posées par le trafic d’armes à feu une solution légale du fait de ses caractéristiques et sa transversalité. Les stocks d’armes à feu se trouvant aux frontières de l’Union européenne sont détournés afin d’être introduit dans l’espace sans frontières par de multiples acteurs aux intérêts et motivations diverses. Ces traits de caractères rendent difficile la mise en place d’un cadre juridique harmonisé dans des domaines restant sous le joug de la souveraineté nationale. Ces difficultés ont entrainé le développement d’un cadre juridique imparfait et limité créant des failles juridiques dont les trafiquants profitent. Néanmoins, les solutions existent et sont pour certaines déjà présentes dans le cadre normatif de l’Union européenne. Cependant, l’évolution du trafic d’armes à feu et de ses acteurs conduit également à envisager le développement de nouveaux mécanismes et de nouveaux pans du droit<br>Firearms trafficking within the European Union is a worrying threat to the area of freedom, security and justice, prompting the Union and its Member States to react in order to strengthen their legal framework. Nevertheless, the issue of firearms is complex to legislate because of its characteristics and its cross-cutting nature. Firearm stocks at the borders of the European Union are diverted in order to be introduced into the border-free area by multiple actors with diverse interests and motivations. These characteristics make it difficult to establish a harmonised legal framework in areas that remain under the yoke of national sovereignty. These difficulties have led to the development of an imperfect and limited legal framework creating legal loopholes from which traffickers benefit. Nevertheless, solutions exist and some of them are already present in the European Union's normative framework. However, the evolution of firearms trafficking and its actors also leads us to consider the development of new mechanisms and new areas of the law

Au cours de cette étude, nous avons cherché à déterminer l’implication de Washington dans la sécurité de l’Indonésie. Nous nous sommes demandé comment les États-Unis pouvaient revenir dans le jeu politico-sécuritaire indonésien par le biais d’une cause devenue commune, la sécurité maritime. Après avoir examiné l’historique de la relation de l’Indonésie avec l’élément maritime et l’émergence de menaces liées au domaine maritime, nous avons conclu que la sécurisation du domaine maritime apparaît alors comme un leitmotiv sécuritaire commun pour Washington et Jakarta. Confrontée aux errements de la coopération régionale et aux difficultés relatives à sa géographie et à son déficit capacitaire, la sécurisation du domaine maritime indonésien passe donc par l’implication d’un acteur extérieur. En réussissant à convaincre leurs homologues de Jakarta de la nécessité de sécuriser le domaine maritime, les hommes et femmes du Ministère de la Défense, du Département d’État et des administrations américaines ont permis à Washington de revenir dans le jeu sécuritaire indonésien par le biais d’une coopération devenue essentielle pour les deux partenaires<br>In this study, we tried to determine the exact level of involvement of Washington in Indonesia’s security. We wondered how United States could go back in Indonesian political and security games through a common cause, maritime security.. After considering indonesian maritime history and the rise of threats to maritime domain, we concluded that the securitisation of maritime realm appears as a security leitmotiv for both Washington and Jakarta. Facing with the vagaries of regional cooperation and with difficulties related to the archipelagic geography of the country and the lack of capacity, securising indonesian maritime domain requires the involvement of an external actor. By succeeding in persuading their counterparts in Jakarta of the necessity of securing the maritime domain, men and women of the U.S. Department of Defense, State Department and other agencies have allowed Washington to be back into Indonesia’s security game through an all-out cooperation

Ковальчук В.П. Кримінально-правові засоби протидії створенню злочинної організації: дисертація на здобуття наукового ступеня доктора юридичних наук зі спеціальності 12.00.08: кримінальне право та кримінологія; кримінально-виконавче право / Ковальчук Віктор Павлович. - Львів: ЛьвДУВС, 2013. - 281 с.<br>Дисертаційна робота присвячена комплексному та системному дослідженню кримінально-правових засобів протидії створенню злочинної організації за кримінальним законодавством України, що ґрунтується на положеннях чинного КК України, теорії кримінального права, напрацюваннях вітчизняних та зарубіжних юристів-правознавців, а також охоплює думки практичних працівників правоохоронних органів з питань предмета дослідження. Розглядається соціальна обумовленість криміналізації діянь, спрямованих на створення злочинної організації, досліджуються правове визначення поняття «злочинна організація» та її нормативні ознаки, об’єктивні та суб’єктивні ознаки складу злочину, передбаченого ч. 1 ст. 255 КК, підстави та умови звільнення від кримінальної відповідальності учасника злочинної організації. За результатами дослідження розроблено науково обґрунтовані пропозиції щодо удосконалення диференціації кримінальної відповідальності за створення злочинної організації, підстав та умов спеціального виду звільнення від кримінальної відповідальності за ч. 2 ст. 255 КК України. The dissertation deals with the comprehensive and system study of criminal and legal measures of counteraction to formation of a criminal organization under the criminal legislation of Ukraine, which is based on the current provisions of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, the theory of criminal law, achievements of domestic and foreign lawyers, and also takes into account the opinions of practical law enforcement officers on the research subject. Social conditionality of the criminalization of the acts, aimed at the formation of a criminal organization is considered, the legal definition of the concept "criminal organization" and its normative features, objective and subjective elements of a crime under part 1 of Article 255 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, the grounds and conditions of exemption to a participant of a criminal organization from criminal liability are investigated. Scientifically proven suggestions for improving the differentiation of criminal liability for the formation of a criminal organization, the grounds and conditions of a special type of exemption from criminal liability under part 2 of Article 255 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine are made.

Every phenomenon evolves with times. Illicit activities like Transnational Organized Crimes (TOC) are not an exception in this regard. Africa, especially West and Southern Africa, have been challenged by a number of TOCs. Ghana and South Africa are amongst the countries in West and Southern Africa that have been subjected to a range of crimes of this nature. Drug trafficking and money laundering are the most prominent illicit activities in Ghana and South Africa. Drug trafficking and money laundering has been prevalent in Ghana and South Africa to such an extent that it has contributed to the growth of illicit economy. Increased size of illicit economy, constrained state capacity and expansion of TOCs are amongst effects of drug trafficking and money laundering in Ghana and South Africa. This dissertation evaluates state capacity in relation to drug trafficking and money laundering in Ghana and South Africa in the period from 2001 to 2011. Regulatory, administrative, technical and extractive are elements of state capacity being looked at. The research used qualitative research method, this was achieved through textual analysis of secondary sources. Regulatory, administrative, and technical state capacity elements have been fairly operational in dealing with drug trafficking and money laundering in the period from 2001 to 2011 in the two countries being looked at. On the other hand extractive state capacity element has been struggling from 2001 to 2011 in reducing drug trafficking and money laundering in Ghana and South Africa. It is clear that globalization has played an important role in the occurrence of the two TOCs under discussion. To better understand TOCs further research needs to look at other regions within and outside Africa.<br>Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.

The most challenging and spoken criminal phenomenon today is indisputably organised crime. It is a crime that both the general public, business community, commentators, researchers, scholars, journalists, writers, politicians, prosecutors, jurists and presiding officials debate with different interpretation and understanding of the concept as well as the manifestation of the phenomena. Debates on the subject have seen the dawn of rival terminologies of organised crime and crimes that are organised. While the United Nations has not assisted the nations in finding a definition of what organised crime is, the confusion has spread throughout the globe and South Africa has not been spared the pandemonium. The objective of this study is to comparatively assess the present understanding and setup in South Africa in comparison with Italy, Tanzania and the United States of America, identify the root causes of the confusion and find possible remedies to liberate the situation. The research concludes with the findings and recommendations.<br>Criminal & Procedural Law<br>LL.D.

碩士<br>國立臺灣大學<br>法律學研究所<br>107<br>The United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (“UNTOC”), as the product of era, properly reflected the world’s needs for crime control as well as the current trends of crimes. UNTOC’s fundamental purposes include not only to combat transnational organized crimes, but also to create an integrated framework consisting of prevention, investigation and prosecution on transnational organized crimes. While the world is overwhelmingly being challenged by transnational organized crimes, the UNTOC has become one of the guidelines for the development of an international mechanism to control, to re-define “transnational organized crime” and to create a new system of international cooperation. However, there were few domestic literature introducing and/or discussing the meaning of UNTOC. Here we firstly introduce the UNTOC – including its backgrounds, foundations, relevant articles and obligations – in order to offer an in-depth knowledge on the impact on the international society. Further, we would like observe the past and present status of the UNTOC’s domesticalization process with a focus on the interaction between the Organized Crime Prevention Act of Taiwan (“OCPA”) and the definition of transnational organized crimes of UNTOC. Besides, in terms of our current situation of Taiwan’s legal framework and the methodology that Taiwan tries to adapt to, we would also like to further learn from Japan’s experience in promoting UNTOC and its experience of the legislation on conspiracy. With an focus on Article 5 of UNTOC and the relevant theories of accomplices in conspiracy, we try to discuss the possible impact on the UNTOC’s domesticalization in Taiwan, as well as the difference between Japan’s and Taiwan’s experiences of the legislation regarding conspiracy and/or accomplice. We therefore believe that, once enforcing the Treaty-Making Law of Taiwan (“TML”), the UNTOC could directly be domesticalized according to the TML procedures. Thus it is unnecessary to discuss any other possible means of domesticalization. Once the UNTOC’s domestic legislation is complete, relevant issues we would immediately be confronting are the legislative and administrative measures Taiwan has to adapt to, and the obligation as well as domestic legal framework Taiwan has to abide by. While the OCPA’s definition of “organized crime participation” is not 100% compatible with the Article 5 of UNTOC. We therefore conclude that, we should evaluate the feasibility of implementing Article 5 of UNTOC, by elements including the expectation of the Taiwan society as a whole, the fundamental legal principles of our legal system, and the idea that the law should reflect the human needs. We should strive for a balance point between UNTOC’s requirements and the fundamental principles of our legal system, in order to offer a better option for the legislative policy.

107 Forms of crime committed by organized crime - Abstract The aim of this work was to map the range of criminal offenses and other criminal acts perpetrated by perpetrators of organized crime. Members and supporters of criminal organizations commit a large number of different offenses, primarily with the intention of obtaining illegal profits. However, some actions aim at legalizing previous revenues, establishing contacts in police, justice, and public administration, or to prevent these groups from being exposed. A specific crime may have multiple meanings in the overall strategy of the organized crime subject. Such an act is committed to both profits and cover- up (eg murder, extortion). This work is divided into three parts. The first part, consisting of Chapter 1, deals with the theoretical and legal definition of organized crime and other related concepts, such as organized groups and organized criminal groups. For these characteristics, both professional treatises and legal regulations are used, including international conventions, EU legislation and the laws of the Czech Republic. This section also provides a demonstrative list of the main criminal activities of organized crime. The second part, consisting of chapters 2 and 3, focuses on the historical development of organized crime and the...

Since the advent of the new democratic order established under the 1996 Constitution, South Africa has been plagued with many new challenges .One of the facts that our new democratic state could not ignore was the rapid increase in both national and international, organized criminal activity .The South African Legislature realizing the desire to combat serious criminal activities, introduced into South African Law, the Prevention of Organized Crime Act 121 of 1998. The Act recognizes that conventional criminal penalties are inadequate as measures of deterrence when organized crime leaders are able to retain the considerable gains derived from organized crime, even on those occasions when they are brought to justice. It strives to strip sophisticated criminals of the proceeds of their criminal conduct. The Courts, in applying this legislation, has also created a new field of law that had until the advent of the Act, not existed in South African Law, namely organized crime law. A field, distinct from the ordinary principles of criminal law. The bulk of jurisprudence created over the past decade or more, however seems to be threatened to be undone by the recent judgment concerning the constitutionality of certain provisions of the Act. The confirmation of this judgment is being considered by the Constitutional Court and the purpose of this thesis is to argue against the confirmation of this judgment<br>Public, Constitutional and International Law<br>LL. M.

Dissertação de Mestrado, Relações Internacionais, 16 de julho de 2018, Universidade dos Açores.<br>A relevância deste trabalho assenta em analisar e compreender a importância dos Açores, pela sua posição geoestratégica, no combate ao crime organizado transnacional, em particular, ao narcotráfico da cocaína. A localização desta região, como ponto mais ocidental da Europa, e com a sua vasta fronteira marítima, tem hoje impacto em termos da geoestratégia do Atlântico e deveria ser aproveitada como orientação estratégica para o nosso país e para a União Europeia. O mar, com extensão superior a metade da superfície da terra, além de fonte de recursos, constitui a mais antiga forma de comunicação global dos povos e via de transporte de pessoas e mercadorias, sendo, tal como as restantes formas de comunicação global, usado para atividades e interesses legais e ilegais, constituindo o transporte ilícito de estupefacientes, por via marítima, uma das mais preocupantes ameaças aos Estados de Direito. Por sua vez, o fenómeno da globalização, o esbatimento de fronteiras, a evolução política, económica, social e tecnológica na Europa nos últimos trinta anos, trouxeram condições propícias ao desenvolvimento do crime organizado, tratando-se de uma ameaça em mutação permanente e que não está limitado por fronteiras nacionais, dificultando o seu combate. Uma conjugação de estratégias que implique o envolvimento de todos os Estados e reforço das suas potencialidades é a medida certa para a resolução ou enfraquecimento desta problemática e um verdadeiro reforço à segurança e bem-estar dos seus cidadãos. Assim sendo, os Estados terão de pôr de parte as suas ambições hegemónicas e assumir que a droga é hoje um flagelo mundial que necessita de uma resposta eficaz e imediata.<br>ABSTRACT: The relevance of this work is based on analyzing and understanding the importance of the Azores for their geostrategic position in the fight against transnational organized crime, in particular cocaine trafficking. The location of this region, as the westernmost point in Europe and with its vast maritime border, has today an impact in terms of the Atlantic geostrategy and should be used as strategic guidance for our country and for the European Union. The sea, with an extension of more than half of the earth's surface, besides being a source of resources, constitutes the oldest form of global communication of peoples and way of transportation of people and goods, being, like the other forms of global communication, used for legal and illegal activities and interests, constituting the illicit transportation of narcotics, by sea, one of the most worrying threats to the State of Law. On the other hand, the phenomenon of globalization, the blurring of borders, political, economic, social and technological developments in Europe in the last thirty years have brought about favorable conditions for the development of organized crime, which is a constantly changing threat and is not limited by national borders, making it difficult to combat them. A combination of strategies involving the involvement of all States and the strengthening of their potential is the right measure to resolve or weaken this problem and a real boost to the safety and well-being of its citizens. Therefore, states will have to put aside their hegemonic ambitions and assume that drugs are now a global scourge that needs an effective and immediate response.

International police co-operation is a recipe for success in the fight against transnational organised crime. Such cooperation has never been without challenges, especially in the light of disharmonious national laws. SARPCCO has made promising advances towards the elimination of blockages which hamper police cooperation. The joint, bilateral, simultaneous operations which are continuously carried out and the transferring of skills through training are exemplary to the rest of the world. SARPCCO is, however, struggling to make serious inroads into the organised motor vehicle theft because of the problems in returning them to their lawful owners. The objective of this study is to analyse the laws used by the SARPCCO member countries in fighting motor vehicle theft, transnational organised crime, recoveries, repatriation, prosecution and extradition of offenders. The SARPCCO member countries on which the analysis is done are Lesotho, South Africa, Swaziland and Zambia.<br>Jurisprudence<br>LL. M.

Nas últimas décadas houve um grande avanço da globalização e do desenvolvimento tecnológico que proporcionou uma expansão do crime organizado, de forma facilitada, que hoje ultrapassa fronteiras e atinge diversos países em grande proporção. Acontece que as organizações criminosas evoluíram ao longo dos anos, através da utilização de equipamentos sofisticados e de alta tecnologia, dificultando assim, a atuação do Estado em combater a criminalidade organizada, visto que os meios tradicionais de investigação e coleta de provas não são suficientes para coibir o crime. O objetivo central foi estabelecer um conceito, caraterísticas e estrutura deste tipo de crime e estudar as estratégias brasileiras, bem como o papel da atividade de inteligência no combate ao crime organizado. A criminalidade organizada no Brasil começou, atualmente, a ser mais estudada, mas mesmo assim é muitas vezes vista pela sociedade como criminalidade violenta ou vista apenas como terrorismo. Essa amplitude, que ainda assim não esgota as temáticas necessárias para encontrar as respostas esperadas, é primordial para atacar adequadamente essa dura afronta à sociedade, ao Estado e à Democracia que se agrava com as rápidas mudanças sociais dos tempos contemporâneos, sendo causa e efeito da sociedade de risco e dos tempos líquidos. Sua estrutura é composta por dois capítulos, além da introdução, metodologia, conclusão e referências bibliográficas. O primeiro capítulo trata do conceito e características do crime organizado; descreve o crime organizado ao redor do mundo; as principais organizações criminosas já existente no mundo e as principais organizações criminosas do Brasil, Primeiro Comando da Capital -PCC e Comando Vermelho- CV. O segundo capítulo correlaciona a inteligência estratégica com o combate ao crime organizado, discute o seu papel e apresenta as bases para o emprego da inteligência, policial e governamental no combate ao crime organizado. Com base nesses elementos de sustentação, demonstra-se que a atividade de inteligência é crucial nas operações de repressão ao crime organizado sendo que deve ser utilização em cooperação com todos os órgãos responsáveis pela investigação no Brasil como por todos os países a fim de ser possível o enfrentamento do crime organizado transnacional, uma vez que esse tipo de crime não é uma questão doméstica, isolada em um determinado país, este se espalha com facilidade e ultrapassar diversas fronteiras de forma silenciosa e organizada. Por fim, foram elencadas algumas propostas que podem contribuir para reduzir, ou até mesmo tentar eliminar a criminalidade organizada.<br>In the last few decades, there has been a great advance in globalization and technological development, which facilitates an expansion of organized crime, in an easier way, which today crosses borders and reaches several countries in great proportion. It turns out that criminal organizations have evolved over the years, through the use of sophisticated and high-tech equipment, thus hampering the State's action in combating organized crime, since the traditional means of investigation and evidence collection are not sufficient to curb crime. The central objective was to establish a concept, characteristics and structure of this type of crime and to study Brazilian strategies, as well as the role of intelligence activity in the fight against organized crime. Organized crime in Brazil has now begun to be more studied, but even so it is often seen by society as violent crime, or seen only as terrorism. This breadth, which still does not exhaust the themes necessary to find the expected answers, is essential to adequately attack this harsh affront to society, the State and Democracy that is aggravated by the rapid social changes of contemporary times, being the cause and effect of risk society and liquid times. Its structure consists of two chapters, in addition to the introduction, methodology, conclusion and bibliographic references. The first chapter deals with the concept and characteristics of organized crime; describes organized crime around the world; the main criminal organizations already existing in the world and the main criminal organizations in Brazil, Primeiro Comando da Capital -PCC and Comando Vermelho-CV. The second chapter correlates strategic intelligence with the fight against organized crime, discusses its role and presents the bases for the use of intelligence, police and government in the fight against organized crime. Based on these supporting elements, it is demonstrated that intelligence activity is crucial in operations to suppress organized crime and should be used in cooperation with all bodies responsible for investigation in Brazil as well as all countries in order to be possible the confrontation of transnational organized crime, since this type of crime is not a domestic issue, isolated in a given country, it spreads easily and crosses several borders in a silent and organized way. Finally, some proposals were listed that can contribute to reduce, or even try to eliminate, organized crime.

Dissertação de Mestrado em Direito: Especialidade em Ciências Juridico-Forenses apresentada à Faculdade de Direito<br>A presente Dissertação enquadra-se num ramo pouco desbravado, o Direito Penal Transnacional concentrando-se no crime organizado. O trabalho desenvolvido tem como objectivo trazer para a discussão um tema que está em desenvolvimento, pretendendo-se alertar para o crescimento deste tipo de criminalidade e a sua nefasta actividade. A criminalidade organizada assumindo um carácter transnacional arrasta para a ciência jurídica problemas para os quais o direito interno dos Estados não está preparado, acarretando a sua inoperância. Neste sentido, são várias as contribuições para o estabelecimento de uma cooperação reforçada a nível legislativo e judicial que nos transporta para o advento de uma jurisdição penal universal, numa tentativa de responder eficientemente à ameaça da paz e segurança nacionais e consequentemente à protecção dos interesses comuns. São várias as vozes que relançam a discussão da legitimidade destas novas soluções debatendo-se, essencialmente, a limitação dos poderes dos Estados que se submetem a estas restrições em prol de um combate coercivo a este tipo de criminalidade, conduzindo-nos a uma “escolha” entre a paz/segurança da comunidade e a soberania das nações, mas também à redução dos direitos do arguidos/ suspeitos que estão necessariamente em causa quando adoptamos uma política securitária e repressiva nos moldes que a comunidade internacional sustenta, entrando em divergência com o fundamento de punir de alguns ordenamentos, como é o caso de Portugal. Todavia, neste ilícito de participação em grupos organizados é a nossa posição que as exigências de prevenção geral se sobrepõem às exigências de prevenção especial.<br>This dissertation fits in a branch that has too little studied, Transnational Criminal Law especially organized crime. This work goal is to bring the discussion of a topic that is in development and intends to alert the growth of an organized crime and its harmful activity. Organized crime, on a transnational nature, leads to problems for legal science which the domestic law is not prepared, leading to ineffectiveness. In this matter, there are various contributions to the establishment of enhanced legislative and judicial cooperation that transports us to the emergence of a universal criminal jurisdiction in an attempt to respond effectively to the threat of national peace and security in order to protect common interests. There are several voices that re-launch the discussion of the legitimacy of these new solutions, essentially debating the limitation of the States´s powers, that submit to these restrictions in favor of a coercive fight against this type of crime, leading us to a "choice " between the peace and security of the community and the sovereignty of nations, in addition to the reduction of the rights of the defendants / suspects that are necessarily in question when adopting a security and repressive policy in the way the international community sustains, diverging with the foundation to punish in some systems, as Portugal. However, in this offense of participation in organized groups it´s our position that the requirements of general prevention overlap the requirements of special prevention.

A dinâmica da criminalidade organizada transnacional exige cada vez mais ao Estado, a definição da estratégia política de segurança capaz de responder as necessidades quotidianas dos cidadãos. Na República da Guiné-Bissau, a tarefa de segurança interna é assegurada por uma panóplia de forças e serviços de segurança e têm como missão defender a legalidade democrática e garantir a segurança interna e os direitos dos cidadãos. Perante a dinâmica atual da criminalidade, cabe ao estado guineense criar condições para a coordenação e articulação dessas diferentes entidades no exercício das suas funções com vista a garantir o bem estar dos cidadãos. A problemática da criminalidade organizada transnacional ultrapassa as barreiras nacionais. Com este efeito, os estados devem adotar uma política de abordagem ao fenómeno em causa por meio de cooperação policial e judiciária internacional para em conjunto combatê-lo. O presente trabalho investigação adotou uma metodologia qualitativa baseada na consulta bibliográfica e recorreu ainda à realização de entrevistas exploratórias e semiestruturadas para consubstanciar a exposição dos argumentos.<br>The dynamics of transnational organized crime increasingly requires the State to define a security policy strategy capable of responding to the daily needs of citizens. In the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, the task of internal security is ensured by a panoply of security forces and services whose mission is to defend democratic legality and guarantee internal security and citizens' rights. Given the current dynamics of criminality, it is up to the Guinean state to create conditions for the coordination and articulation of these different entities in the exercise of their functions in order to ensure the well-being of citizens. The problem of transnational organized crime goes beyond national barriers. As such, states must adopt a policy of addressing this phenomenon through international police and judicial cooperation in order to jointly combat it. This research work adopted a qualitative methodology based on bibliographic research and also resorted to exploratory and semi-structured interviews to substantiate the arguments.

A presente dissertação tem por objetivo analisar os principais desafios à segurança marítima na subregião da África Ocidental, particularmente nas ilhas de Cabo Verde. Incidir-se-á, igualmente, sob as principais iniciativas adotadas a nível regional e nacional, bem como, as implicações desses novos desafios na estratégia de segurança nacional de Cabo Verde e os efeitos das ações cooperativas na segurança marítima deste arquipélago. Argumenta-se que apesar dos vários benefícios e potencialidades de exploração do espaço marítimo, existem, atualmente, diversas ameaças e vulnerabilidades, como a criminalidade organizada transnacional, mormente, o tráfico ilícito de drogas e de armas. De igual modo, a pirataria marítima, o terrorismo marítimo, a pesca ilegal e a poluição marítima colocam sérios problemas securitários aos Estados costeiros. No contexto dessas novas ameaças e face às limitações atuais do Direito Internacional Marítimo e à falta de pragmatismo de políticas nacionais e regionais, um possível caminho para combater as atividades ilícitas no mar é através de uma visão partilhada de interesses comuns e a tomada de decisões compartilhadas a todos os níveis. Para se atingir o desiderato proposto, além de se apoiar numa ampla revisão de bibliografia existente sobre a segurança marítima e relatórios elaborados por organismos regionais e internacionais, baseia-se também em leis e documentos oficiais de Cabo Verde relativos à segurança marítima.

Over the last four decades organized crime groups, particularly, drug trafficking organizations or drug cartels, have managed to be under the spotlight of the security agendas of American countries such as Colombia and the United States. During the last two decades, however, the global securitization of the drug trafficking issue, has led them to become a major security threat not only for the Americas, but also for Europe and more recently for West African countries. These organizations pose a threat not only to the security of the state, but to the very essence of it, by corrupting and damaging everything they come in contact with at the political, social, economical and even cultural level. This graduate thesis presents an analysis on Latin American drug trafficking organizations or drugs cartels, as they are commonly known, focusing on the cases of Colombian and Mexican drug cartels. By comparing these two case studies, I suggest that today's Mexican drug trafficking organizations have gained their momentum and incommensurable strength by following the footsteps of the big three Colombian drug cartels that existed between the 1980s and 1990s. The first chapter will expose the definitions and concepts surrounding the research of organized crime. In the second and third chapters, both the...

The focus of this thesis is on Advance Fee Fraud (419 scams) on how it is executed and more importantly, on how it can be prevented. The research addresses the origins of AFF, the nature and extent of this crime and how the perpetrators are able to defraud their victims. The research described, examined and analysed the crimes, the perpetrators, the victims, adjudication and the prevention strategies of this fraud. Information was gathered through literature and empirical research. A qualitative research method was used to gather information from AFF offenders who were incarcerated in South African prisons in 2005. The results of the empirical research were carefully examined, analyzed and integrated into the various chapters of this thesis. A theoretical framework was also developed in an attempt to explain this complex phenomenon. The findings and recommendations in terms of the crimes, the criminals, the victims, adjudication and prevention were also made and some suggestions for further research thereof were also cited.<br>Criminology<br>D. Litt. et Phil. (Criminology)

Abstract in English, Xhosa and Tswana<br>The recognition of the role of females in drug trafficking was established more than 30 years ago and there are notable cases of women undertaking leading roles in this crime for almost 100 years. This phenomenon has gained popularity in South Africa as is evidenced by the number of women who are found and incarcerated for smuggling drugs into or out of South Africa. The purpose of this study was to gain an in-depth understanding of the female drug mule phenomenon and explain the reasons why female drug mules are involved in drug smuggling. The objectives of the study were to develop a profile for female drug mules incarcerated in South African correctional centres, specifically Kgoši Mampuru II and Johannesburg Female Correctional Centre; to establish risk factors for being recruited and used as drug mules; to explain the mules’ motivations for being involved in drug smuggling; to determine the physical and emotional impact drug smuggling has on the drug mules; and to determine the methods used by drug mules to smuggle drugs. A qualitative research approach, with the use of one-on-one semi-structured interviews, was used to obtain information from participants. The sample comprised 20 diverse female offenders incarcerated at Kgoši Mampuru II and Johannesburg Correctional Centres. The data from the schedule of interview questions were analysed using thematic analysis, coding and categorising. It is envisaged that this research will be of significance to the criminal justice system, as recommendations on deterrence and preventative measures regarding the use of females as drug mules may be made from the findings. The general findings of this research demonstrate that a female drug mule, in the context of this study, is an African or Spanish woman that is open to methods that can produce various streams of income to support her children and family. Secondly, the findings in this dissertation revealed that women are recruited as drug mules because of their vulnerable economic state. Lastly, the most common method used to smuggle drugs revealed by participants in this research is through luggage concealment. Through this study, an in-depth insight into the history and life circumstances of female drug mules is provided. This will also help society to understand why some individuals are at risk of being recruited as mules or are motivated to engage in drug smuggling. Consequently, this research study may assist in the creation of early detection, education and awareness programmes surrounding the risks associated with drug smuggling.<br>Ukuthatha inxaxheba kwabasetyhini ekuhambiseni iziyobisi kwaqala ukubhalwa ngako ngaphaya kweminyaka engama-30 adlulayo, kanti phantse kwiminyaka eli-100 eyadlulayo zazikho iingxelo ngamakhosikazi adlala iindima eziphambili ekuhambiseni iziyobisi. Apha eMzantsi Afrika lo mbandela uye wafumana ukwaziwa kakhulu ngenxa yeqela labasetyhini abafunyaniswe baza bavalelwa entolongweni ngenxa yokuthubelezisa iziyobisi ezingenisa okanye ezikhupha kweli loMzantsi Afrika. Injongo yesi sifundo yayikukuqonda nzulu lo mkhwa wemeyile (isilwanyana sokuthwala) yeziyobisi nokuchaza izizathu zokuba ababhinqileyo babe ziimeyile zeziyobisi. Esi sifundo sijonge ukuqulunqa ubume bomntu obhinqileyo oyimeyile yeziyobisi okhe wavalelwa kwiintolongo zaseMzantsi Afrika, ngakumbi iKgoši Mampuru II kunye neJohannesburg Correctional Centre. Okunye okujongwe sesi sifundo kukufumanisa umngcipheko abakuwo abafazi abarhwebeshwayo basetyenziswe njengeemeyile zeziyobisi; kuchazwe izinto ezikhuthaza ukuba ubani abe yimeyile yeziyobisi; kufunyaniswe ukuba ukuthubelezisa iziyobisi kumchaphazela njani umthubelezisi/imeyile emphefumlweni nasemzimbeni; kubuye kufunyaniswe iindlela ezisetyenziswa zezi meyile zingabafazi ekuthubeleziseni iziyobisi. Kusetyenizswe indlela yophando eqwalasela amanani ukuze kufunyanwe ulwazi kwabo bathathe inxaxheba, kwenziwa nodliwano ndlebe lobuso ngobuso olungaqingqwanga ngqongqo. Isampulu yophando ibe ngamabanjwa abhinqileyo angama-20 ahlukeneyo navalelwe eKgoši Mampuru II naseJohannesburg Correctional Centre. Iinkcukacha zolwazi/idata ehlalutyiweyo iquka ezo nkcukacha zithathwe kwiimpendulo zemibuzo yodliwano ndlebe apho kuhlalutywe imixholo, kwafakwa iimpawu/iikhowudi zabuya zahlulahlulwa zaba ngamahlelo iinkcukacha zolwazi. Kucingwa ukuba olu phando luya kuba luncedo kwinkonzo yezobulungisa kuba okufunyanisiweyo nokucetyiswayo kunganceda ekuqulunqeni amanyathelo okuthintela nokuthibaza abaphuli mthetho ekusebenziseni abantu ababhinqileyo njengeemeyile zeziyobisi, kubabonise nabo abafazi ububi bokuba ziimeyile zeziyobisi. Uluntu ngokubanzi nalo luya kuncedakala kokufunyaniswe lolu phando. Esi sifundo siveze ukuqonda nzulu ngembali neemeko zobomi beemeyile zeziyobisi ezibhinqileyo. Olu lwazi lunganceda ukuba abantu baqonde ukuba kwenzeka kanjani ukuba abanye abantu babe semngciphekweni wokurhwebeshelwa ukusebenza njengeemeyile zeziyobisi, baqonde nokuba zintoni ezikhuthaza ubani ukuba azibandakanye nokuthubelezisa iziyobisi. Ngoko ke olu phando lunganceda ekwenzeni iinkqubo zokuqaphela kwangoko ubani oyimeyile, ezokufundisa nezokwazisa uluntu ukuze kuthintelwe imingcipheko enxulumene nothubeleziso lweziyobisi.<br>Seabe sa batho ba bomme mo kgwebong e e seng mo molaong ya diritibatsi se kwadilwe la ntlha dingwaga di feta 30 tse di fetileng, mme mo sebakeng se se ka nnang dingwaga di le 100, go nnile le dikgetse tse di lemogilweng tsa basadi ba ba eteletseng pele kgwebo e e seng mo molaong ya diritibatsi. Mo Aforikaborwa, ntlha eno e tlhageletse thata ka ntlha ya palo ya basadi ba ba tshwerweng le go golegwa ka ntlha ya go tsena gongwe go tswa ka diritibatsi ka tsela e e seng mo molaong mo Aforikaborwa. Maitlhomo a thutopatlisiso eno e ne e le go tlhaloganya thata ntlha ya basadi ba ba tsamaisang diritibatsi e seng ka fa molaong le go tlhalosa lebaka la gore goreng basadi ba ba tsamaisang diritibatsi e seng ka fa molaong ba nna le seabe mo go tsamaiseng diritibatsi jalo. Maikaelelo a thutopatlisiso ke go dira porofaele ya basadi ba ba tsamaisang diritibatsi ka tsela e e seng mo molaong, ba ba golegilweng kwa ditikwatikweng tsa kgopololo tsa Aforikaborwa, go totilwe Ditikwatikwe tsa Kgopololo tsa Kgosi Mampuru II le Johannesburg, go bona dintlha tsa matshosetsi a gore basadi ba ngokelwe go dirisiwa jaaka batsamaisi ba ba seng mo molaong ba diritibatsi; go tlhalosa gore batsamaisi ba ba seng mo molaong ba diritibatsi ba susumediwa ke eng gore ba nne le seabe mo go tsamaiseng diritibatsi ka tsela eo; go lebelela gore go tsamaisa diritibatsi go go seng mo molaong go amile jang motho yo o tsamaisang diritibatsi mo mmeleng le mo maikutlong; le go lebelela mekgwa e e dirisiwang ke batsamaisi ba diritibatsi ba basadi go tsamaisa diritibatsi ka tsela e e seng mo molaong. Go dirisitswe molebo wa patlisiso e e lebelelang mabaka go bona tshedimosetso go tswa go bannileseabe, ka tiriso ya dipotsolotso tse di batlileng di rulagana tsa batho bongwe ka bongwe. Sampole e dirilwe ka bagolegwa ba basadi ba ba farologaneng ba le 20 ba ba golegilweng kwa Ditikwatikweng tsa Kgopololo tsa Kgosi Mampuru II le Johannesburg. Data e e lokolotsweng e na le data e e gogilweng go tswa mo sejuleng ya dipotso tsa dipotsolotso mme e lokolotswe go ya ka morero, go khouta le go aroganya data ka dikarolo. Go solofelwa gore patlisiso eno e ka nna mosola mo tsamaisong ya bosiamisi jwa bosenyi ka ntlha ya fa diphitlhelelo le dikatlenegiso di ka thusa mo go tlhamiweng ga dikgato tsa thibelo go dira gore batlolamolao ba tshabe go dirisa basadi jaaka batho ba ba tsamaisang diritibatsi e seng mo molaong le go thibela basadi go nna batsamaisi ba diritibatsi ba ba seng mo molaong. Baagi le bona ba ka ungwelwa go tswa mo diphitlhelelong tsa patlisiso eno. Ka thutopatlisiso eno, go tlamelwa ka tshedimosetso e e boteng ya lemorago le seemo sa botshelo sa basadi ba ba tsamaisang diritibatsi e seng ka fa molaong. Seno se ka thusa baagi go tlhaloganya gore goreng batho bangwe ba le mo matshosetsing a go ka ngokelwa go tsamaisa diritibatsi ka tsela e e seng mo molaong gongwe ba rotloetsega go nna karolo ya go tsamaisa diritibatsi ka tsela eo. Ka ntlha ya seo, thutopatlisiso eno e ka thusa gore go tlhamiwe mananeo a temogo ya go sa le gale, thuto le temoso go fokotsa matshosetsi a a amanang le go tsamaisa diritibatsi e seng ka fa molaong.<br>Criminology and Security Science<br>M.A. (Criminal Justice)