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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Pakistan – Foreign relations – India

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Academic literature on the topic 'Pakistan – Foreign relations – India'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Pakistan – Foreign relations – India"

1

Bhogal, Parminder S. "Pakistan's India Policy: Shift from Zia to Benazir." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 45, no. 1 (1989): 35–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848904500103.

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According to Sajjad Hyder, an ex-Ambassador of Pakistan in India, “The first determinant of our foreign policy is safeguarding Pakistan from India.” 1 Pakistan's India policy occupies a very significant role in Pakistan's overall foreign policy. In other words, Pakistan's foreign policy mainly revolves around its India policy, or is Indocentric. The major reason behind such a trend is the historic background of Indo-Pak relations. It will be apt to say that, “In large measure, Pakistani feeling {and policy) towards India has been a continuation of the political struggle before partition.” 2 Su

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Raza, Muhammad Amjad, and Ghulam Mustufa. "Indo-Afghan Relations: Implications for Pakistan." Central Asia 84, Summer (2019): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-84.20.

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Afghanistan is located at the convergence of Central, Middle and South Asian regions, one of the most world prime geographical locations. Its strategic location and abundant mineral resources have always attracted international community including India. Hence Indian objectives to develop relations with Afghanistan are manifold and decades old. Indian foreign policy is devised by many factors like its bitter relations with Pakistan and its desire of access route to Central Asian Republics by limiting Pakistan’s reach that has serious implications for Pakistan. In view of its past experience, P

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Hyder, Ghulam. "CPEC: Shifting Sands in Pakistan’s Foreign Policy." South Asian Research Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (2022): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.36346/sarjhss.2022.v04i01.008.

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This paper is about the dramatic shifts in Pakistan’s diplomatic stance since its inception. The paper argues that Pakistan is unusual in having to depend upon short-term diplomacy to achieve the stability that other countries enjoy through long-term diplomacy. The article argues that this short-term diplomacy is the result of Pakistan being forced to improvise radically different diplomatic responses in the face of different and severe challenges in its international relations. Whilst the overriding challenge in Pakistan’s international relations has always been the existential threat posed b

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Bastos, Maria. "Geopolitical Modernity and Pakistan Foreign Relations: How relevant?" Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 17, no. 2 (2014): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2014.17.2.25.

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The article discusses the importance of geopolitical and spatial dimensions, as part of modernity, on Pakistan’s foreign relations. Drawing on the context of modernity, the article argues that in order to think Pakistan foreign relations in alternative to mainstream IR theories, the concept of space, with its social dimensions is a useful concept. Since Pakistan’s inception in 1947, foreign relations, particularly with India, have been marked by tensions, which on its turn are grounded on space issues. By resourcing to historical events, the article shows the importance of space in Pakistan’s

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Sajjad, Nimra, Sara Batool, and Tajjalla Munir. "Foreign Policy of India towards Pakistan: A Critical Analysis of BJP's Era." Global Foreign Policies Review IV, no. III (2021): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(iv-iii).02.

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Since the Indian nationalist party Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP)’s leader took the charge of the state, bilateral relations between India and Pakistan became rigid. The period from 2014 to 2020 has been discussed in the study. In Prime Minister Modi’s era, the tension between India and Pakistan over Kashmir has escalated because, in the second term, Prime Minister Narendra Modi revoked articles 370 and 35A, which gave the special status to Indian administered Kashmir. This study examines the basis of Indian foreign policy under the BJP’s administration and how Prime Minister Modi’s policy towards

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6

Khanna, Shrey. "Interpreting the Perennial Impasse in Indo-Pak Relations." Asian Survey 59, no. 3 (2019): 474–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2019.59.3.474.

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Since the September 2016 attack in Uri, Indo-Pak relations have steadily gotten worse. India cites Pakistan-sponsored terrorism in Kashmir as the major reason for this deterioration, with the 14 February 2019 bombing at Pulwama as the most recent dramatic example; Pakistan blames Indian atrocities in Kashmir. But after every attempt to initiate dialogue, there is a return to hostility. This paper analyzes this cyclical pattern of dialogue, estrangement, and hostility in Indo-Pak relations. Further, it seeks to explain the structural, ideational, and strategic aspects of the problem and to outl

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Choudhury, Rahul Nath. "FDI in India and Pakistan: Potential Sectors for Bilateral Investment." South Asian Survey 25, no. 1-2 (2018): 129–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971523119829544.

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Both India and Pakistan follow a liberal and open economic policy. Almost all the sectors of these two economies are open for foreign investment. Both of them have also been able to attract a substantial volume of foreign investment from various corners of the world in almost all the sectors of the economy. During the last decade, many companies from both nations have emerged that have successfully invested in foreign markets. But, to date, there exists no bilateral direct investment between these two developing neighbouring economies. In this connection, the present study tries to explore the

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8

Nadiri, Khalid Homayun. "Old Habits, New Consequences: Pakistan's Posture toward Afghanistan since 2001." International Security 39, no. 2 (2014): 132–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00178.

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Since September 11, 2001, Pakistan has pursued seemingly incongruous courses of action in Afghanistan. It has participated in the U.S. and international intervention in Afghanistan at the same time as it has permitted much of the Afghan Taliban's political leadership and many of its military commanders to visit or reside in Pakistani urban centers. This incongruence is all the more puzzling in light of the expansion of indiscriminate and costly violence directed against Islamabad by Pakistani groups affiliated with the Afghan Taliban. Pakistan's policy is the result not only of its enduring ri

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Gul, Noman, Fareed Ullah, and Azmat Ali Shah. "Sino-US Global Competitive Dynamics Post 9/11 and its Impacts on Pakistan's Security." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VI, no. II (2021): 162–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2021(vi-ii).16.

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In this paper we examine the security implications for Pakistan after the engagement of two powerful states, China and United States. After the incident of September 11, 2001 (9/11) and their security impacts in the capacity of Pakistan's domestic and peripheral front. Their rivalry in the 21st century at the geo strategic, geopolitical and geo-economic level have been explained on the basis of realism, neo-realism and complex interdependence philosophies of international relations. The drastic political and strategic change in the status of Kashmir propelled Pakistan and China to review their

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Perwita, Anak Agung Banyu. "The Modi Factor: The Role Of Narendra Modi’s Idiosyncratic Factors In India’s Foreign Policy Responses Towards China Pakistan Economic Corridor." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 8, no. 2 (2019): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.8.2.115-140.2019.

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The development of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), as part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), is one of the causes of worsening Sino-Indian relations in recent years. The Economic Corridor runs through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, which India has claimed as its territory for decades. India sees thie Project as a violation of its sovereignty, but China defends the Project, saying that it is purely an economic connectivity project without strategic purposes. Seeing the possible worsening relations, India initiated to invite Xi Jinping for an Informal Summit with Narendra Modi. Wit

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Pakistan – Foreign relations – India"

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Bhatti, Haroon Haider. "Pakistan's accommodative moves vis-a-vis India, a case study of the dynamics of accommodation in the developing world." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ64130.pdf.

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Næss-Holm, Arne. "Batting for peace : a study of cricket diplomacy between India and Pakistan /." Oslo : Department of Political Science, Universitetet i Oslo, 2007. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/statsvitenskap/2007/60148/Battingforpeace.pdf.

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Bluth, Christoph, and U. Mumtaz. "India Pakistan Strategic Relations: The Nuclear Dilemma." Ibidem Press, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17903.

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Harouit, Farid. "Les facteurs de la radicalisation islamiste violente en Grande-Bretagne à la lumière des attentats de Londres du 7 juillet 2005 : la dimension pakistanaise." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCA163.

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Les attentats du 7 juillet 2005 à Londres ont causé un choc et un effroi dans la société britannique non seulement à cause du nombre important des victimes mais aussi en raison de la citoyenneté britannique des kamikazes. A l’exception de Germaine Lindsay qui était d’origine jamaïcaine, les autres membres de la cellule – Mohammed Siddiq Khan, Shehzad Tanweer et Hussib Hussain - étaient tous d’origine pakistanaise. Les kamikazes du 7 juillet 2005 n’étaient pas les seuls Britanniques d’origine pakistanaise impliqués dans des actes de terrorisme. Avant 2005, ils étaient nombreux à aller combattre

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McLeod, Duncan. "Re-conceptualising India Pakistan relations : a constructivist approach." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/4dadd2a2-b040-432f-aedf-b2f726d1fa66.

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Bhimaya, Kotera M. "Civil-military relations : a comparion study of India and Pakistan /." Santa Monica, CA : RAND, 1997. http://www.rand.org/pubs/rgs%5Fdissertations/RGSD136/.

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Xia, Lan Yan. "The change and challenge of Chinese overseas interest in post 9/11 era." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554620.

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Karlsson, Per. "Ripe for resolution? : How the recent earthquake impacted India-Pakistan relations." Thesis, Karlstad University, Division for Social Sciences, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-415.

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<p>The traditional standing in the practice of negotiation which is main concerned with the substance of the proposal for a solution has been somewhat altered by Zartman who do acknowledge the importance of the first idea but adds the dimension of the timing of the efforts for a resolution. Throughout the schools of crisis management and conflict resolution this concept has made its name as the ‘ripeness theory’. The focal point of the theory is termed as the ‘Mutually Hurting Stalemate’ (MHS), a situation where the conflicting parties sense their positions in a hurting impasse.</p><p>The conc

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Jin, Rong. "India and China :competitive co-existance through conflict management and cooperation promotion." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954064.

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Mahdi, Niloufer Qasim. "Pakistan's foreign policy, 1971-1981 : the search for security." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670266.

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Books on the topic "Pakistan – Foreign relations – India"

1

Wright, Denis. India-Pakistan relations, 1962-1969. Sterling Publishers, 1989.

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2

Dimensions of Pakistan-India relations. Heritage Publications, 2006.

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3

Kantha, Pramod Kumar. India-Pakistan relations, 1972-1987. The Institute of Strategic Studies, 1989.

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4

Advance Research Institute for Development of Social Science (Meerut, India), ed. India-Pakistan relations: Issues and challenges. G.B. Books in association with, 2016.

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5

Wall at Wagah: India-Pakistan relations. Gyan Pub. House, 2003.

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6

India-Pakistan: Coming to terms. Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency, ed. Trade relations between Pakistan and India. Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency, 2011.

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8

B, Kulkarni V. Pakistan, its origin & relations with India. Sterling Publishers, 1988.

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9

Acharya, Loknath. Status paper on India--Pakistan: Economic relations. Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry, 2012.

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10

Trust, Nazaria-i.-Pakistan, ed. Pakistan-India relations: A chronology, 1947-2008. Nazaria-i-Pakistan Trust, 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "Pakistan – Foreign relations – India"

1

Mukherjee, Rohan. "India–Pakistan Relations." In The Sage Handbook of Asian Foreign Policy. SAGE Publications Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781526436078.n49.

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2

Moskalenko, Vladimir, Railya Muqeemjanova, Vyacheslav Belokrenitsky, and Yuri V. Gankovsky. "Soviet Relations with India and Pakistan and the Afghan Problem." In Domestic Determinants of Soviet Foreign Policy towards South Asia and the Middle East. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11318-7_7.

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3

Akhtar, Rabia. "Pakistan–U.S. Relations." In Pakistan's Foreign Policy. Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003250920-12.

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Azam, Muhammad. "Afghanistan–Pakistan Relations." In Pakistan's Foreign Policy. Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003250920-8.

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Sabharwal, Sharat. "India-Pakistan relations." In India's Pakistan Conundrum. Routledge India, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003148081-10.

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Chawla, Shalini. "China–Pakistan Relations." In Routledge Handbook on South Asian Foreign Policy. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429054808-24.

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Taneja, Nisha, Sanjib Pohit, and Radhika Saini. "India-Pakistan Trade Relations: An Introduction." In India-Pakistan Trade. Springer India, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-81-322-1949-1_1.

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Woodwell, Douglas. "India, Pakistan, and China." In Nationalism in International Relations. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230607200_7.

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Rajagopalan, Rajeswari Pillai. "India–China relations." In Chinese Foreign Policy Under Xi. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315628981-7.

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Maini, Tridivesh Singh. "Munabao–Khokhrapar Land Route and India–Pakistan Relations." In India-Pakistan Trade Normalisation. Springer Singapore, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-2215-9_11.

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Conference papers on the topic "Pakistan – Foreign relations – India"

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Khanum, Masroor. "Strain on India-Pakistan Relations through Indian Media." In 2nd International Conference on Research in Social Sciences and Humanities. GLOBALK, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/2nd.icrsh.2020.12.02.

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Ekaputra, Satryatama, and Citra Hennida. "National Attributes on Foreign Policy: India Act East Policy." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010280505750580.

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Vanyushkin, Alexander S., Ruslan V. Druzin, Igor I. Prikhodko, and Dmitry B. Mirankov. "Prospective forms of innovative cooperation Russia with China and India." In Sustainable and Innovative Development in the Global Digital Age. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcsebm.sdth6411.

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The reorientation of Russia’s foreign economic relations toward the Asian vector (primarily toward China and India) will inevitably affect the field of scientific and technical cooperation as well. The purpose of the study: justification of the prospects of development of scientific and technological cooperation of Russia in the form of technological platforms through the inclusion of business participants from China and India. The study is based on a comparison of the number of technology platforms in Russia and major business companies from the Forbes Global rating in China and India, as wel

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Hışırlı, Serhat, Zeynep Karaçor, and Emine Fırat. "Globalization, Road and Belt Project and Expected Results." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c14.02653.

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One of the most important occupations for human beings since the day they existed has been to provide the necessary nutrients to sustain their life. As time progressed in this production activity, with the increase in division of labor and specialization, with the development of barter economy and trade, the importance of trade routes increased. One of the most important of trade routes is the 'Silk Road'. Today it wants to be revived and carried forward mainly by rail. There are 69 countries and international organizations that started to be mentioned in 2013 under the leadership of China and

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Reports on the topic "Pakistan – Foreign relations – India"

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Williams, Brent. India and Pakistan Civil-Military Relations. Defense Technical Information Center, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ad1001920.

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Wirsing, Robert G. India-Pakistan Relations: Breaking With the Past? Defense Technical Information Center, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada627490.

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Ihsan, Yilmaz, and Raja Ali M. Saleem. The nexus of religious populism and digital authoritarianism in Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0016.

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Pakistan has a turbulent political history. In the seven decades since its creation, the country has faced four military-led dictatorships and another two decades under indirect military rule. Given this political trend, authoritarianism is not a novel phenomenon in the country. Digital authoritarianism, however, is a relatively new domain of oppression. This paper looks at how a political party in power and the “establishment” (military elite and its civilian collaborators) have been increasing the control of digital mediums as well as weaponizing space. This dual control and usage allow for

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Béraud-Sudreau, Lucie, Xiao Liang, Siemon T. Wezeman, and Ming Sun. Arms-production Capabilities in the Indo-Pacific Region: Measuring Self-reliance. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/xgre7769.

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Armed forces in the Indo-Pacific region remain dependent on weapon systems imported from foreign suppliers. This is despite the efforts of many governments in the Indo-Pacific to implement policies that support the development of local arms industrial capabilities with the aim of increasing self-reliance. This report develops three indicators to give a score and regional ranking of self-reliance to twelve jurisdictions in the Indo-Pacific region: Australia, China, India, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, Pakistan, Singapore, Taiwan, Thailand and Viet Nam. Overall, this report contribute

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Yunus, Raudah Mohd, Pauline Oosterhoff, Charity Jensen, Nicola Pocock, and Francis Somerwell. Modern Slavery Prevention and Responses in Myanmar: An Evidence Map. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/clarissa.2020.002.

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This Emerging Evidence Report describes the availability of evidence on modern slavery interventions in Myanmar presented in the programme's interactive Evidence Map. This report on Myanmar uses the same methodology and complements the evidence map on interventions to tackle trafficking, child and forced labour in South Asia for Nepal, India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. The Evidence Map provides an outline of where evidence is concentrated and where it is missing by mapping out existing and ongoing impact evaluations and observational studies exploring different types of modern slavery intervent

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Michel, Bob, and Tatiana Falcão. Taxing Profits from International Maritime Shipping in Africa: Past, Present and Future of UN Model Article 8 (Alternative B). Institute of Development Studies (IDS), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2021.023.

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International maritime shipping is an essential part of global business. Since the establishment of the current international tax regime in the 1920s, there has been a consensus that profits generated by this business are taxable only in the residence state –the state where the shipowners are located. Source states – the port states where business physically takes place – are generally expected to exempt income from international shipping. This standard is currently reflected in Article 8 of the OECD Model and Article 8 (Alternative A) of the UN Model, and is incorporated in the vast majority

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