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Journal articles on the topic 'Parliamentary administration'

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1

Buck, Trevor. "Recent cases of the parliamentary commissioner for administration." Journal of Social Welfare Law 12, no. 5 (1990): 361–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09649069008412545.

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2

Pilniok, Arne. "Das Zeitalter der Künstlichen Intelligenz als Herausforderung für die Parlamente." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 52, no. 1 (2021): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2021-1-159.

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The digital transformation is permanently changing the government, administration, and society . This process is being intensified by the much-discussed technologies of artificial intelligence, and poses a variety of challenges for parliaments and indirectly for parliamen­tary studies . Their different dimensions have not been discussed comprehensively so far, although the technological developments affect all parliamentary functions and their prem­ises . This article systematizes and structures the various effects of the age of artificial intel­ligence on parliamentary democracy . Namely, the
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3

Bach, Tobias. "Siefken, Sven (2018). Parlamentarische Kontrolle im Wandel. Theorie und Praxis des Deutschen Bundestages. Baden-Baden: Nomos. 461 Seiten. ISBN: 978-3-8487-4966-9." der moderne staat – Zeitschrift für Public Policy, Recht und Management 12, no. 1-2019 (2019): 232–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/dms.v12i1.17.

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This book addresses the practices of the German Bundestag in controlling the federal administration. Siefken elaborates on different notions of parliamentary control and provides a detailed mapping of the parliament’s use of formal control instruments from 1949 - 2017. Most interestingly for scholars of public administration, Siefken conducted eight case studies of parliamentary control of federal agencies – both “traditional” and “modern” agencies established according to the ideas of the New Public Management or the independent regulatory agency model. Those case studies are instrumental for
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4

Duff, Andrew. "Building a Parliamentary Europe." Government and Opposition 29, no. 2 (1994): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1994.tb01248.x.

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The European Parliament is The First Directly Elected international parliament in history. June 1994 marks the beginning of its fourth term of five years. The Treaty on European Union, which came into force on 1 November 1993, strengthens the powers of the Parliament in a number of significant ways. Now is a good time, therefore, to reflect on the development of the European Parliament, and to speculate on its potential.
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5

Levy, Gary, and Joseph Maingot. "Parliamentary Privilege in Canada." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 25, no. 3 (1999): 421. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3551531.

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6

Aldons, M. E. "CLASSIFICATIONS OF PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEES." Australian Journal of Public Administration 44, no. 4 (1985): 333–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8500.1985.tb01025.x.

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7

Carstensen, Franziska. "Mehrebenenparlamentarismus? Das Beziehungsgeflecht deutscher Landesparlamente." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 51, no. 3 (2020): 534–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2020-3-534.

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The term multi-level parliamentarism has been used to mark the position of German Land parliaments . To check the validity of this term, the relations between parliaments in regard to their parliamentary structure components, namely leadership, administration, committees, parliamentary party groups, and members of parliament within Germany are analyzed . The results show that Land parliaments generally engage in frequent exchanges with other Land parliaments, an exception being exchanges between committees . Exchanges and relationships with parliaments outside Germany are mainly found on the l
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8

Cottrell, Robert. "Russia’s Parliamentary and Presidential Elections." Government and Opposition 31, no. 2 (1996): 160–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1996.tb00602.x.

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In December 1995 General Elections Took Place in Russia for the lower house of parliament, the Duma. In constitutional terms the Duma is a relatively weak body, comparable with the French National Assembly. It initiates and enacts legislation, but must find a two-thirds majority if it is to override a presidential veto. The December elections were, however, of a disproportionate significance. The fact that they were taking place was important in itself. The Duma elected in December 1995 was only the second Duma to be elected in post-Soviet Russia, and the first to be elected in relatively norm
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9

Buckley, Michael. "REMEDIES, REDRESS AND "CALLING TO ACCOUNT": SOME MYTHS ABOUT THE PARLIAMENTARY COMMISSIONER FOR ADMINISTRATION." Denning Law Journal 13, no. 1 (2012): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/dlj.v13i1.270.

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10

O'HARA, GLEN. "THE PARLIAMENTARY COMMISSIONER FOR ADMINISTRATION, THE FOREIGN OFFICE, AND THE SACHSENHAUSEN CASE, 1964–1968." Historical Journal 53, no. 3 (2010): 771–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000294.

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ABSTRACTThis communication follows the evolution, reception, and implications of the parliamentary commissioner's critical 1968 report on Foreign Office ‘maladministration’ regarding compensation for British concentration camp inmates. It explores officials' and ministers' attitude to the investigative techniques associated with this new office, as well as their hostile reaction to the publicity and parliamentary controversy to which his work gave rise. It concludes by exploring the wider implications of the case, especially the inherent problems faced by governments seeking closer and more ha
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11

Bowyer, T. H. "Junius, Philip Francis and Parliamentary Reform." Albion 27, no. 3 (1995): 397–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051735.

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The immediate objective of the young Philip Francis in the series of pseudonymous letters signed Junius and Philo Junius, which were published at intervals in the Public Advertiser between 1769 and 1772 when the author was aged between twenty- nine and thirty-two, was to encompass the downfall of the Grafton administration and, subsequently, the North administration, in anticipation of their replacement by a ministry drawn from the opposition. Grafton went in 1770, but with the opposition falling into disarray, Junius failed to dislodge North and abandoned his campaign. No Junius letters appea
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12

Grassby, Richard, and M. J. Braddick. "Parliamentary Taxation in Seventeenth-Century England: Local Administration and Response." American Historical Review 101, no. 4 (1996): 1203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169693.

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13

Mulligan, Lotte, and M. J. Braddick. "Parliamentary Taxation in Seventeenth-Century England. Local Administration and Response." Sixteenth Century Journal 27, no. 2 (1996): 498. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544154.

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14

Roseveare, Henry, and M. J. Braddick. "Parliamentary Taxation in Seventeenth-Century England: Local Administration and Response." Economic History Review 49, no. 2 (1996): 392. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597935.

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15

Moncrieffe, J. "Problems of Parliamentary Accountability in Jamaica: Consequences for Health Administration." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 39, no. 2 (2001): 73–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713999548.

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16

Korac, Sanja, Birgit Moser, and Paolo Rondo-Brovetto. "Politicians as active and participating stakeholders – the case of gender budgeting in Austria." Zeitschrift für öffentliche und gemeinwirtschaftliche Unternehmen 42, no. 1-2 (2019): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0344-9777-2019-1-2-60.

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This article looks at politicians as external stakeholders of the administration. Using the case of gender budgeting at the central government level in Austria, it analyzes the perception of politicians on how (well) gender perspectives have been introduced in the budgetary process, and how these stakeholders have actively participated in the administrations’ work. The study builds on interviews with members of the parliamentary budget committee and a qualitative analysis of budget documents. The results show that politicians perceive the administration as rather non-responsive to their active
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17

Borońska-Hryniewiecka, Karolina. "Accountability Revisited: Parliamentary Perspectives on the Inter-Parliamentary Conference on Stability, Economic Coordination, and Governance." Politics and Governance 9, no. 3 (2021): 145–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i3.4142.

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<p>This article aims to verify whether, and to what extent, the Inter-Parliamentary Conference on Stability, Economic Coordination and Governance (IPC SECG) has become an accountability enhancing arena through which domestic legislatures can better scrutinize the process of the European Semester. While there is a broad scholarship on the difficult institutionalization of the IPC SECG and controversies related to its operation, little has been said about its actual performance as an accountability enhancing platform, especially in the context of domestic interactions between parliaments a
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18

Winzen, Thomas. "The European Semester and Parliamentary Oversight Institutions Inside and Outside of the Euro Area." Politics and Governance 9, no. 3 (2021): 100–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i3.4129.

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The European Semester is a challenge for national parliaments but also an opportunity to reform domestic oversight institutions. Drawing on data from all member states, this study examines the conditions under which national parliaments use this opportunity. Is Euro area membership a prerequisite for parliamentary adaptation to the European Semester and, if so, which further combinations of conditions account for variation among Euro area countries? The analysis suggests that membership in or close ties with the Euro area and institutional strength constitute <em>necessary conditions<
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19

Fasone, Cristina. "Do Independent Fiscal Institutions Enhance Parliamentary Accountability in the Eurozone?" Politics and Governance 9, no. 3 (2021): 135–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i3.4244.

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Independent fiscal institutions (IFIs) have been established or reformed in all eurozone countries following the reform of economic governance. As they are expected to counter the deficit bias of the governments and the information asymmetry of the legislatures and the public over the management of the budget, IFIs may support or even strengthen parliamentary accountability. This hypothesis is tested with regard to three IFIs, the Irish Fiscal Advisory Council, the Italian Parliamentary Budget Office, and the Spanish Independent Authority for Fiscal Responsibility. Although the economic contex
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20

Bertelli, Anthony M., and Rachel M. Dolan. "The Demand and Supply of Parliamentary Policy Advocacy: Evidence from UK Health Policy, 1997–2005." Government and Opposition 44, no. 3 (2009): 219–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2009.01286.x.

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AbstractFundamental to democratic politics is the quality of representation of constituents' interests by elected officials. This article statistically examines a case of substantive policy advocacy in Great Britain: the issues of wait times and health rationing by the National Health Service (NHS), salient throughout the Blair years. An increase in constituent need for care implies an increase in demand for parliamentary representation, yet representation will not necessarily be supplied, because legislators juggle conflicting interests. We measure representative action using parliamentary qu
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21

Evans, Harry. "Parliament and Extra-Parliamentary Accountability Institutions." Australian Journal of Public Administration 58, no. 1 (1999): 87–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8500.00076.

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22

Adams, Carolyn. "Freedom of Information and Parliamentary Departments." Australian Journal of Public Administration 73, no. 1 (2014): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8500.12052.

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23

Borghetto, Enrico, Julie Sevenans, and Emiliano Grossman. "(A falta de) Poder de definição de agenda do parlamento sobre a agenda de decisões executivas: evidências da Bélgica, França e Portugal." Revista de Administração Pública 54, no. 6 (2020): 1588–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220190352.

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Abstract One of the functions of parliamentary questions in modern legislatures is to pressure executives to pay attention to specific issues. But can these questions effectively influence executive decisions? There is surprisingly little empirical research in this area. Adopting an agenda-setting perspective, this article examines the extent to which issue attention in oral parliamentary questions influences the issues addressed in the weekly meetings of the Council of Ministers in three countries (Belgium, France and Portugal). Our findings suggest that the agenda-setting power of parliament
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24

Borghetto, Enrico, Julie Sevenans, and Emiliano Grossman. "Parliament’s (lack of) agenda-setting power over the executive decision agenda: evidence from Belgium, France and Portugal." Revista de Administração Pública 54, no. 6 (2020): 1588–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220190352x.

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Abstract One of the functions of parliamentary questions in modern legislatures is to pressure executives to pay attention to specific issues. But can these questions effectively influence executive decisions? There is surprisingly little empirical research in this area. Adopting an agenda-setting perspective, this article examines the extent to which issue attention in oral parliamentary questions influences the issues addressed in the weekly meetings of the Council of Ministers in three countries (Belgium, France and Portugal). Our findings suggest that the agenda-setting power of parliament
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25

Pelizza, Annalisa, and Rob Hoppe. "Birth of a Failure: Consequences of Framing ICT Projects for the Centralization of Inter-Departmental Relations." Administration & Society 50, no. 1 (2015): 101–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399715598343.

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Government information system failures are filling not only newspapers but also parliamentary and administrative reports. This article deals with a case in which information and communication technologies (ICT)–related failure claimed by the media influenced the parliamentary agenda, and intra-governmental relations. Drawing on a narrative analysis of a Dutch parliamentary commission’s hearings, it argues that the way the issue was initially framed by the media and then adopted, un-problematized, by Parliament steered the direction of action toward specific administrative solutions, thus shapi
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26

Tabbara, Tarik, and Jelena von Achenbach. "Der Gemeinsame Parlamentarische Kontrollausschuss für Europol: Innovative Verwaltungskontrolle in der EU." Die Verwaltung 54, no. 1 (2021): 73–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/verw.54.1.73.

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2017 hat der Gemeinsame Parlamentarische Kontrollausschuss für Europol seine Tätigkeit aufgenommen. Mit der Einrichtung dieses Ausschusses aus Abgeordneten des Europäischen Parlaments und der mitgliedstaatlichen Parlamente übt erstmals ein interparlamentarisches Gremium formalisierte Verwaltungskontrolle aus. Dies bedeutet eine substantielle Fortentwicklung der interparlamentarischen Zusammenarbeit; und es wird ein neuartiger Mechanismus der Verwaltungskontrolle im europäischen Sicherheitsverwaltungsverbund etabliert. Vor dem Hintergrund bestehender Formen interparlamentarischer Zusammenarbeit
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27

Skazlic, Ivana. "Routine or Rare Activity? A Quantitative Assessment of Parliamentary Scrutiny in the European Semester." Politics and Governance 9, no. 3 (2021): 112–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i3.4226.

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The European Semester is an EU procedure, designed to facilitate coordination between national and EU actors in planning and implementing economic and fiscal policies and contribute to sustained economic convergence and employment in the EU. Scholars have highlighted this procedure as a crucial area of EU politics for national parliaments since its introduction in 2011. However, national parliaments participate differently in the European Semester. This article investigates which factors (institutional, political, economic) are more likely to intensify parliamentary engagement at the national
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28

Korać, Srđan. "Parliamentary control of public administration integrity: Post-industrial polyarchies and Serbia." Serbian Political Thought 14, no. 2 (2016): 141–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/spt.1422016.9.

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29

Mohamad Khalil, Shafiyah, and Mohammad Shazie Zaini Mohd Shahril Firda. "Inter-Sentential and Intra-Sentential Code Switching in Parliamentary Debate." International Journal of Modern Languages And Applied Linguistics 2, no. 4 (2018): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24191/ijmal.v2i4.7691.

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Malaysians generally use two languages which are Malay and English in professional discourse. Bahasa Melayu or the Malay language is the national language of Malaysia and is used in formal discourse in government administration, while English is the nation’s second language that is used in professional discourse in private organizations in Malaysia. Although the use of English in government administration has been a hotly debated topic, but in reality both languages are used interchangeably since many Malaysian professionals are bilinguals of Malay and English. This paper has looked into two t
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30

Brezovšek, Marjan, and Lea Smerkolj. "2010 Local Elections- A Serious Warning to Parliamentary Political Parties." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 9, no. 2 (2011): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/9.2.145-162(2011).

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The fundamental principle of the modern local self-government system is the transfer of decision-making on public matters to the lowest possible level, enabling citizens to identify themselves with the local political environment as much as possible. Local government is considered democratic if its performance is decisively and directly or indirectly influenced (through elected representatives that are entrusted with local-level tasks) by the citizens themselves. Local elections are frequently compared to national elections, even though data show that local elections have their own peculiariti
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31

Fraser-Arnott, Melissa. "The Marketing Mix in Parliamentary Library Websites." Journal of Library Administration 60, no. 8 (2020): 875–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01930826.2020.1820279.

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32

GREGORY, ROY, and JANE PEARSON. "THE PARLIAMENTARY OMBUDSMAN AFTER TWENTY-FIVE YEARS." Public Administration 70, no. 4 (1992): 469–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9299.1992.tb00951.x.

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33

Lbffler, Elke. "Book Review: Cabinet Ministers and Parliamentary Government." International Review of Administrative Sciences 63, no. 1 (1997): 105–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002085239706300111.

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34

Fewtrell, Terry. "A NEW PARLIAMENTARY ORDER? A PRELIMINARY REPORT." Australian Journal of Public Administration 50, no. 1 (1991): 84–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8500.1991.tb02458.x.

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35

Smith, Chris Selby, and David Corbett. "PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEES, PUBLIC SERVANTS AND DUE PROCESS." Australian Journal of Public Administration 54, no. 1 (1995): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8500.1995.tb01108.x.

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36

Camilleri, Gérard. "La participation des citoyens aux choix énergétiques généraux." Les Cahiers de droit 24, no. 4 (2005): 783–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/042570ar.

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Many citizens have been alarmed by the development of nuclear facilities, especially when the proposed site for a nuclear plant is located in their neibourghood or region. Parliamentary democracy is not particularly appropriate as a means of channeling citizens' apprehensions and commrnyd. Legislative power is delegated every four years or so to elected members of Parliament. Meanwhile, citizens have no say in the business of the State. The administration is even more remote since administrations of government departments, boards and corporations are not elected and parliamentary control is of
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37

Best, Robin E. "How Party System Fragmentation has Altered Political Opposition in Established Democracies." Government and Opposition 48, no. 3 (2013): 314–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.16.

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This article examines the consequences of increased party system fragmentation for oppositions, their respective governments and representation more generally, focusing on 18 established democracies. Two of the findings presented here suggest that there is reason to be concerned about the future of parliamentary representation in established democracies. Firstly, an increasing proportion of votes now go to parties that do not receive a proportionate share of legislative representation, implying that a growing degree of organized opposition is extra-parliamentary. Secondly, the findings show th
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38

Varone, Frédéric, Pirmin Bundi, and Roy Gava. "Policy evaluation in parliament: interest groups as catalysts." International Review of Administrative Sciences 86, no. 1 (2018): 98–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852317750461.

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Members of Parliament (MPs) request policy evaluations and use the resultant findings to inform law-making and hold the government to account. Since most elected representatives have developed strong ties to interest groups, one might wonder whether these privileged relationships influence MPs’ parliamentary behavior. This study investigates how MPs’ affiliations to groups affect their demand for policy evaluations. Empirical evidence shows that, regardless of respective party or individual characteristics, MPs are more likely to request evaluations in those policy domains where they have a gr
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39

Setälä, Maija, and Kimmo Grönlund. "Parliamentary websites: Theoretical and comparative perspectives." Information Polity 11, no. 2 (2006): 149–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/ip-2006-0095.

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40

Buzogány, Aron, and Jens Häsing. "Spokes in the wheel. European affairs and the parliamentary administration of GermanLandtage." Journal of Legislative Studies 23, no. 2 (2017): 200–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2017.1329987.

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41

Woodhouse, Diana. "A code of good administration: A parliamentary response to judicial/executive tension." Journal of Legislative Studies 4, no. 2 (1998): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572339808420555.

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42

Aylott, Nicholas. "Paradoxes and Opportunism: The Danish Election of March 1998." Government and Opposition 34, no. 1 (1999): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1999.tb00471.x.

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THE RESULT OF THE DANISH PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION OF 11 MARCH 1998 could hardly have been closer. It came down to 89 voters in the Faroes: had this number voted for the local centre-right party, rather than the centre-left one, both of the islands' two seats in the Danish Folketing (parliament) would have gone to supporters of the opposition, thus tipping the parliamentary balance. However, because the sister party of the Danish Social Democrats won one of those seats, the incumbent prime minister, Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, managed to confound the predictions of the opinion polls and stay in power,
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43

Jun, Uwe. "The Changing SPD in the Schröder Era." Journal of Policy History 15, no. 1 (2003): 65–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2003.0006.

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Public opinion data gathered from the latest surveys on Germany's upcoming parliamentary elections have turned out to be disheartening for the Social Democratic Party (SPD). Without exception, the Social Democrats take second place and lag behind the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) by several percentage points (Fig. 1). Today, only a few months before the next parliamentary election, a repetition of the electoral victory to the extent of 1998 seems to be rather unlikely. We are therefore faced with the perplexing question of how the SPD could arrive at such a disadvantageous position given the h
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Mújica, Alejandro, and Ignacio Sánchez-Cuenca. "Consensus and Parliamentary Opposition: The Case of Spain." Government and Opposition 41, no. 1 (2006): 86–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2006.00172.x.

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AbstractIt is well known that in developed democracies the opposition tends to cooperate with the government. Spain is no exception: around 70 per cent of all ‘organic laws’ (constitutionally significant bills that require a parliamentary majority to be passed) are approved with the support of the main opposition party. We try to explain the variation in the level of consensus in the first seven legislative terms of the current Spanish democracy. We show that there are three key variables: the balance of power between government and opposition, the nature of the institutional actor that first
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Aucoin, Peter, and Lori Turnbull. "The democratic deficit: Paul Martin and parliamentary reform." Canadian Public Administration/Administration publique du Canada 46, no. 4 (2003): 427–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-7121.2003.tb01586.x.

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46

D'Ombrain, Nicholas. "Parliamentary Democracy in CrisisEdited byPETER H. RUSSELLandLORNE SOSSIN." Canadian Public Administration 52, no. 3 (2009): 489–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-7121.2009.00094.x.

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47

Fewtrell, Terry. "A NEW PARLIAMENT HOUSE — A NEW PARLIAMENTARY ORDER." Australian Journal of Public Administration 44, no. 4 (1985): 323–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8500.1985.tb01024.x.

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48

Misbahuddin, Misbahuddin. "Memorandum di Masa Pemerintahan Abdurrahman Wahid dalam Perspektif Hukum Tata Negara Islam." Al-Qanun: Jurnal Pemikiran dan Pembaharuan Hukum Islam 22, no. 1 (2020): 92–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/alqanun.2019.22.1.92-115.

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The tide of democratization in Indonesia has radically changed the structure of Indonesian politics since the overthrown of New Order government by the reform movement in 1998. One important change is the essential vitality of parliamentary politics in Indonesia. In the era of Abdurrahman Wahid's government, the DPR's role was more independent and had a loud voice constraining the executive's running. As a result, the Indonesian constitution which is based on the Presidential system seems to have deviated to being a Parliamentary System. An example of tension is the birth of a memorandum. This
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49

Wolfe, Eugene L. "Creating Democracy's Good Losers: The Rise, Fall and Return of Parliamentary Disorder in Post-war Japan." Government and Opposition 39, no. 1 (2004): 55–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0017-257x.2004.00031.x.

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Abstract‘Good losers’, legislators willing to play by parliamentary rules, even at the cost of defeat, are a microfoundation of democracy. Yet how they are created has not been adequately explained. Theories focusing on institutions, evolving norms, electoral incentives and ideology do not account for the case of post-war Japan, where deliberate disorder was common in the 1950s and 1960s, absent in the 1970s and 1980s, and returned in the 1990s. This paper highlights the importance of the legislative majority's behaviour in encouraging procedural compliance through the provision of informal me
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50

Paul, Sebastian. "Clash of claims: Nationalizing and democratizing policies during the first parliamentary election in multiethnic Czechoslovak Ruthenia." Nationalities Papers 46, no. 5 (2018): 776–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2018.1473352.

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This paper examines the question of why the countrywide 1920 parliamentary election in Czechoslovakia was postponed in its eastern borderland, Podkarpatská Rus, by putting this event into a context of simultaneous processes of democratization and nationalization, described here as the “double transformation.” The territory in question was inhabited by a Ruthenian majority, who received the support of the government in Prague; a Jewish population without clear preferences regarding their loyalties and aims; a still-influential Hungarian minority; and finally, a Czech-dominated state administrat
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