Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Preferential Trade Agreement'

Different disciplinary lenses condition the views on whether trade is generally seen as an opportunity for or threat to food security. Until now there is no consensus on the (empirical) impact in the literature. First, I analyse the impact of PTAs on food security across 93 low and middle income countries for 1990-2014. To take into account some of the multifaceted heterogeneity across PTAs, a distinction is made between Regional and Bilateral Trade Agreements (RTAs and BTAs, respectively) as these are designed differently in the light of food policy. Findings indicate that having a PTA in force, in contrast to having none, is associated with better food security outcomes. However, an increase in the number of BTAs, which are more competitive, is negatively, and an increase in the number of RTAs, which are more cooperative, is positively associated with food security outcomes in low and middle income countries. Second, I look into how RTAs and food security are associated across the three sub-regions of Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America and South East Asia. To take into account heterogeneity across the RTAs I operationalise provisions on food security and related provisions in the agreement texts. I first test the impact of the aggregate provisions on food security for 67 low and middle income countries which are member of at least one of the RTAs in the three sub-regions, 1990-2014. Results indicate that the more food security related provisions a country has across its RTAs, the better it is a for food security outcomes. Then I test whether the state of food security affects the design of a RTA. Estimates indicate that the more severe the state of food insecurity within a country, the more food security related provisions the country has across its RTAs. In conclusion, RTAs are potentially an opportunity for food security - and the more food security and related concepts are addressed in the agreement text, the greater the opportunity. In contrast, BTAs are potentially a threat to food security.

As relações entre a União Europeia (UE) e os seus parceiros comerciais incluem Acordos Preferenciais de Comércio (APCs) com países em desenvolvimento para produtos agrícolas e industriais, destacando-se países da África, Caraíbas e Pacífico. A política de caráter cooperativo no setor agrícola da APC-UE, possui por objetivo a preservação do ambiente, segurança alimentar, crescimento econômico e desenvolvimento sustentável. Excetuando-se esses Acordos Preferenciais, a União Europeia possui no setor agrícola um dos segmentos de maior proteção comercial. Trata-se do principal mercado para os produtos agrícolas brasileiros. No entanto, esse setor, no Brasil, poderia obter melhor desempenho caso a UE não praticasse tarifas de importação elevadas aos seus produtos. Assim sendo, aplica-se no presente trabalho o modelo gravitacional para mensurar o efeito de criação ou desvio de comércio, resultado da aplicação de tarifas pela União Europeia com relação aos seus 48 parceiros comerciais selecionados, incluindo-se o Brasil, e também o impacto de um possível Acordo Preferencial de Comércio entre Brasil e União Europeia. A análise enfoca os efeitos para um grupo selecionado de produtos agrícolas, que recebem a incidência de picos tarifários, incluindo-se carne bovina congelada, carne bovina fresca, carne de frango, carne suína, açúcar bruto e suco de fruta. O período considerado para a análise compreende os anos de 1996 a 2013, ou seja, desde o alargamento da União Europeia no ano de 1995. O modelo gravitacional é estimado por meio do modelo de efeitos fixos e os resultados mostram a existência de desvio de comércio com relação às importações europeias de carne bovina fresca (SH 0202) e carne suína (SH 0203) e impacto positivo da concretização de um Acordo Preferencial de Comércio para carne bovina fresca (SH 0201), carne bovina congelada (SH 0202) e carne de frango (SH 0207). Tais resultados confirmam as hipóteses levantadas na literatura com relação à consolidação do referido acordo. Ou seja, os resultados indicam que o Brasil pode aumentar suas exportações de produtos agrícolas para a União Europeia caso ocorra um acordo preferencial que elimine as barreiras tarifárias impostas pelo bloco da UE.<br>Trade relations between the European Union (EU) and its trading partners have feature for the granting of tariff reduction or exemption for developing countries, through preferential agreements. With regard to preferential trade agreements (PTA) put in place by the European Union, stands out those performed with the group of African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries for agricultural and industrial products. The cooperative nature of politics in the ACP-EU agricultural sector has the objective of preserving the environment, food security, economic growth and sustainable development. Except for some preferred sealed agreements with some countries, the European Union has in the agricultural sector, one of the segments most subject to trade protection. With regard to Brazil, the European Union is the main market for its agricultural products. Even so, the Brazilian agricultural sector could have a better performance if the EU did not ascribe excessively high import tariffs to their products. Therefore, a gravity model is used in this analysis to measure the effect of trade creation or trade diversion as a result of the tariff applied by the European Union in relation for 48 selected trading partners, including Brazil and also the impact of a possible Preferential Trade Agreement between Brazil and the European Union. The analysis focuses on the effects for a selected group of agricultural products receiving the incidence of tariff peaks, including frozen beef, fresh beef, chicken, pork, raw sugar and fruit juice The period considered for the analysis covers the years from 1996 to 2013, which incorporates the enlargement of the European Union starting at 1995. The gravity model is estimated using the fixed effects model and the results show the existence of trade diversion with respect to European imports of fresh beef (HS 0202) and pork (HS 0203) and positive impact of the implementation of a Preferential Trade Agreement for fresh beef (HS 0201), frozen beef (HS 0202) and chicken (HS 0207). These results confirm the hypotheses rose in the literature with regard to the consolidation of the Agreement. That is, the results indicate that Brazil could increase its exports of agricultural products to the EU in the event of a preferential agreement eliminating tariff barriers imposed by the EU bloc.

Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) affect both the pattern of trade and the location choices of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). Thus, the formation of a PTA may have adverse effects on the excluded countries and result in inter-regional tax competition. Nonetheless, this connection has not so far been fully analysed in the literature. This thesis is an attempt to fill in this gap in the theoretical literature by examining the effects of the formation of a PTA on the location of industry and welfare of the countries involved, as well as investigating the impact of subsequent policy responses that may arise as a result of the adverse effects of the formation of a PTA. We motivate our theoretical analysis we first conduct a preliminary empirical study to investigate whether a recent decline in the statutory rates of corporation income tax (CIT) is caused by tax policy interactions among countries. To do so, we use data for 21 EU countries from 2000 to 2009 to carry out an econometric analysis of tax policy interactions among EU countries. Our results support the hypothesis that some European countries’ governments used statutory CIT rates to compete against other countries. We also find that, at the individual country level, the high personal income tax rate countries use the effective marginal tax rate while the lower personal income tax rate countries use the CIT rate to compete over attracting investment. We then construct a three-country general equilibrium model based on the New Economic Geography approach to analyse the possible effects of the formation of a PTA as well as the effects of the subsequent policy responses. We consider the situation in which two of the countries form a PTA and the third country acts as the ‘rest of the world’. The simulation results suggest that: - An eradication of intra-tariff between PTAs member countries always attracts investments from the excluded country.- A rise in the external tariff rate - by the excluded country – is not an effective policy to retain investments, where firms already agglomerate in PTA area.- The excluded country’s government has no incentive to reduce its CIT rate if the external tariffs are sufficiently high. Our theoretical setup also enables us to show that PTA member countries may respond to the reduction of the excluded country’s CIT rates. Specifically, the scenario in which only one of the member countries engages in tax competition with the excluded country, while another member keeps imposing its status quo CIT rate, the most innovative part of our contribution, can be used to explain the difference in CIT rates observed within the EU in which, in the presence of virtually free intra-EU trade, some members impose very low CIT rates and are able to attract a large portion of investments whilst other EU countries choose to maintain higher CIT rates.

Many studies consider the potential for preferential trade agreements (PTAs) to have differing effects on trade. Kohl (2014) and Baier et al. (2019) show that some PTA’s promote trade while the majority of PTAs have no significant effect. Some even lower trade. Why do these differing cases arise? One possibility is that the effects of trade agreements depend on specific provisions – provisions that differ across agreements. Another possibility is the potential for PTAs to impact trade differently depending on the presence of certain bilateral characteristics between trading nations such as physical distance or metaphorical types of distance such as culture or language. In my dissertation, “Heterogeneous Effects of Trade Agreements on Trade,” we explore these two avenues separately.In the first chapter we consider if differences in the prevalence of corruption between members of a PTA make trade agreements more or less effective at boosting trade. Such differences could create more uncertainty that limits the potential for trade even if a trade agreement lowers barriers, implying that such agreements will not boost trade. On the other hand, trade agreements could be most effective in such disparate countries. Not only might trade agreements remove barriers used by corrupt officials to extort firms, but a trade agreement could reduce the uncertainty of operating in a different business environment by establishing rules and regulations. Results in this paper are allowed to differ across several dimensions, including extensive versus intensive margin, whether the exporter or importer is more corrupt, and between South-South and South-North trade. Using a gravity model of trade spanning a panel of countries from 1996 to 2017, we find that PTAs increase trade more along the intensive margin when importing countries are more corrupt but boost trade more along the extensive margin when exporting countries are more corrupt. Results are stronger for trade between South-South (S-S) countries than between North-South (N-S) countries. Chapter two examines how specific provisions within trade agreements – particularly, provisions regarding environmental standards – affect trade between members and non-members. While there is a rising trend to incorporate different types of environmental provisions in preferential trade agreements (PTAs), few studies took explicit steps to assess the trade consequences of environmental provisions in PTAs. This paper employs a gravity model over the period from 1984 to 2016 and uses a new detailed dataset on a broad range of environmental provisions in PTAs to fill the gap in the literature by looking at possible trade diversion effects from trade agreements with deep environmental clauses. We follow Mattoo et al. (2017) and construct an index that captures importers’ average depth of trade agreements with the rest of the world where depth is taken as the extent that environmental provisions are covered. The inclusion of this depth variable allows us to see if any trade diversion effect arises from trade agreements with deep environmental provisions. We specifically focus on exporters with low environmental standards, as those are the countries that are likely to “host” trade in environmentally unsustainable goods. We also differentiate between different types of environmental policies and concentrate on trade in “dirty” products. Our results suggest that environmental provisions in PTAs are an effective tool of promoting environmentally sustainable trade in the world, as these types of policies tend to reduce “dirty” trade even with non-member nations. Finally, the third chapter considers the heterogeneous design of PTA’s more broadly, looking at the trade effects of different policy areas within trade agreements, while differentiating their impact on trade in new product varieties of goods versus trade in existing products. We specifically focus on 18 “core” provisions that Hofmann et al. (2019) mark as most economically relevant policies. We further distinguish three types of policies within the “core” group of provisions, namely: i) provisions that directly liberalize trade through either reduction in tariffs or simplification of standards, ii) policies that enable signatory nations to compete on equal grounds, and iii) provisions that specify the rules of investment. Previous studies that consider the effects of trade agreements on the margins of trade have either focused on the effects of different types of PTAs, rather than specific policies, or used limited data and outdated methodologies. We are contributing to the literature by assessing the impact of different groups of policies on the margins of international trade using a highly disaggregated dataset covering a large number of countries and years. We also employ Factor Analysis to check robustness of our findings using regular count indices. Our results indicate that provisions that tend to reduce barriers to trade through either simplification of standards or reduction in monetary charges tend to increase trade in existing varieties of goods, while the effect of investment provisions is either insignificant or might actually lower trade.

While the multilateral trading system views human and labour rights issues as outside of its remit, states increasingly incorporate regulation in these areas into their bilateral reciprocal preferential trade agreements, "HR-PTAs. This dissertation investigates the emergence of HR-PTAs, testing alternative explanations derived from conventional "public interest" and "private interest" theories of regulation against a new theory of "symbolic regulation." According to the public interest theory of regulation, regulation is motivated by benevolent legislators' commitment to correcting market or social problems. The private interest theory of regulation instead views regulation as the result of private interest groups capturing the regulatory apparatus in order to regulate in their own self-interest. Unlike its counterparts, the symbolic theory of regulation suggests that regulation may also be created for the primary purpose of reassuring regulatory advocates that their demands have been heard, rather than to regulate a given issue area. This dissertation argues that for the states behind them, HR-PTAs are primarily a symbolic form of regulation. Legislators create HR-PTAs to appease domestic human and labour rights organizations, while defending their trade interests through the non-enforcement of their provisions. Using longitudinal network analysis to analyse original data from 415 preferential trade agreements in force from 1989 to 2009, paired with case study evidence from the EU, US, and Canada, this dissertation finds support for the symbolic regulation explanation of HR-PTAs. It shows that a state's commitment to HR-PTAs depends less on the public interest or the desires of private interest groups than on its need to accommodate human and labour rights advocates. Symbolic regulation however should not be dismissed. It sets precedents, creates policy space, facilitates softer forms of cooperation, and can fuel political accountability politics. When this occurs, states may use HR-PTAs or other forms of symbolic regulation to achieve their seeming purpose.

Submitted by Livia Goulart Vilela (liviagv@yahoo.com) on 2012-09-26T23:27:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_Lívia_Final_v2.pdf: 1933004 bytes, checksum: 56ba00b78e8c42dd90363f775487104d (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Suzinei Teles Garcia Garcia (suzinei.garcia@fgv.br) on 2012-09-27T13:31:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_Lívia_Final_v2.pdf: 1933004 bytes, checksum: 56ba00b78e8c42dd90363f775487104d (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2012-09-27T13:32:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_Lívia_Final_v2.pdf: 1933004 bytes, checksum: 56ba00b78e8c42dd90363f775487104d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-09-04<br>The purpose of this paper is to examine possible welfare gains from trade arrangements between Brazil and China, from the perspective of a computable general equilibrium model, named GTAP model. After an extensive description of the commercial and economic structures of the countries, in addition to their comparative advantage, it will be possible to simulate Preferential Trade Agreements, and from these, analyze the results of welfare measured by the Equivalent Variation. Another aspect regarding the Sino-Brazilian relationship, which can be analyzed by this measure of welfare, is the exchange rate misalignment in both countries and its consequences for trade transactions. Using the referred tools, the study seeks to determine the impact of such misalignment in the welfare of the countries, once the exchange is corrected through an adjustment in the tariff.<br>O propósito deste trabalho é examinar possíveis ganhos de bem-estar provenientes de arranjos comerciais entre Brasil e China sob a ótica de um modelo de equilíbrio geral computável, o chamado 'modelo GTAP' (sigla para Global Trade Analysis Project). Com base em uma descrição extensiva das estruturas econômicas e comerciais dos países e das Vantagens Comparativas de cada um deles, é possível simular acordos preferenciais de comércio e analisar os resultados de bem-estar por meio da medida de Variação Equivalente. Outro aspecto referente ao comércio sino-brasileiro que pode ser avaliado pela medida de bem-estar é o desalinhamento cambial dos dois países e as consequências deste para as transações comerciais entre ambos. Utilizando o mesmo ferramental anteriormente citado, o trabalho busca avaliar o impacto de tal desalinhamento no bem-estar dos países, uma vez que o câmbio seja corrigido via ajuste tarifário.

The greatest concentration of regionalism in international trade today can be found in the Asian Pacific region, and the number of international trade agreements in that region is still rising. In the general literature on regionalism, some proponents claim that regionalism can be a test-site for developing countries to enhancing their institutional capacity, before they actively engage in future trade liberalising agreements. Could the institutional enhancement explain the rise of regionalism in the Asian region. This claim, however, remains empirically untested. This thesis aims to examine this claim by observing the effects inter-regional trade agreements have on developing countries, especially on provisions that eliminate regulatory barriers to trade, and how those provisions may enhance institutional capacity to tackle future trade agreements with regulatory barriers to trade. More importantly, the thesis examines whether those improvements contribute to developments of their own intra-regional trade agreements. The case study countries chosen are Singapore and Thailand because they have spearheaded the most trade agreements in the region. The thesis examines the effects of regionalism on domestic institutions both at the macro level - general institutions involved with trade policy making, and the micro level - specific institutions involved with the regulatory aspect of trade. To obtain a more comprehensive account of institutional development, the micro level includes two types of institutions: one on the development of trade facilitation, representing trade in goods; the other on the movement of persons, representing trade in services. Overall, developments at the macro and micro levels - improvements in negotiating capacity, moderate progress in governmental cooperation, creation of new governmental agencies, greater involvement of the business community and inputs from civil society- have all contributed to building the case study countries' institutional capacity. This in turn allowed them similarly to improve regulatory barriers to trade in their own intra-regional trade agreements, illustrating how trade agreements enhance developing countries' domestic institutions to engage in future trade agreements.

Thesis advisor: Robert Murphy<br>Given the increasing proliferation of preferential trade agreements, this work seeks to investigate the economic, political, and cultural relationships that may be built from the common foundation of a trade agreement. It evaluates the experiences of the European Union and the North American Free Trade Agreement and makes predictions and suggestions for future preferential trading partners, as well as analyzing the potential impact that PTAs will have on globalization and international relations<br>Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004<br>Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: International Studies<br>Discipline: College Honors Program

Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2007.<br>Thesis research directed by: Economics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.

The Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) is a unilateral trade liberalization program in which developed countries offer non-reciprocal tariff reductions (tariff preferences) on certain products imported from designated developing and least developed countries. GSP is considered an important tool in the World Trade Organization's approach to development. This dissertation--composed of three essays--explores whether low-income countries have achieved an increased access to high-income markets as a result of these non-reciprocal tariff preferences offered to their exports. The first essay provides an overview of the GSP program. The second essay presents an evaluation of the GSP program by considering the products and markets where low-income countries' exports are concentrated. Using a theoretically consistent gravity equation for primary and processed agri-food trade over the period 1962-2010, the results illustrate that the GSP program and modifications of it have delivered significant positive effects in developing countries' exports to developed country markets in agricultural trade but not necessarily so in non-agricultural goods. The third essay develops two theoretically founded novel indices to measure preference margins offered by high-income countries to low-income countries through tariff reduction. One index captures the restrictions bilateral tariff rates impose on market access conditions of a country as compared to the most favored nation rate, called the Exponential Trade Restrictiveness Index (ETRI). The other index captures the relative ease with which a country can access foreign markets compared to its competing suppliers, called the Exponential Relative Preferential Margin (ERPM). Then, these two bilateral indices are used to develop a model of sector-based bilateral trade to re-evaluate the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) in terms of relative market access preferences. The results show that the GSP has increased relative market accessibility for low-income countries and in turn boosted exports from these countries by 26 to 28 percent.<br>Ph. D.

The latest round of multilateral trade negotiations at the WTO, the Doha Round, is deadlocked, and it is unlikely that any further significant rule-making progress will be made there. The system's faltering has resulted in an unprecedented move towards preferential trade agreements between WTO Members as alternative negotiating platforms. The result is an ever-expanding divergence of the global trading system, which gives rise to added complexity and wider discrimination than would follow from alternatives - specifically the increased use of plurilateral agreements. Preferential agreements, particularly worryingly, may also have serious consequences for developing and least-developed countries in particular. This paper argues that, in light of the stalling of the Doha Round, greater effort should be made by WTO Members to pursue plurilateral agreements in specific policy areas and to move towards a system incorporating more 'variable geometry' which will result in progress in existing areas which have seen little movement since the Doha Round began. Given the recent proliferation of Preferential Trade Agreements and their potential negative effects on rule-making and the WTO, and on developing countries, it is vital that alternatives are explored in order to promote adaptability which would result in a more effective and relevant WTO.

Master of Arts<br>Department of Economics<br>Peri da Silva<br>Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) are known to facilitate liberalization with respect to only a few trading partners and thus they have been a topic of debate for the past two decades especially because their effect on most favored nation (MFN) tariffs is known to be ambiguous. We provide insights for analyzing whether the PTAs indeed hamper or support multilateral liberalization. Using product level official and actual tariffs we provide evidence from the United States (US) import data that the stumbling block effect on the US MFN bound tariffs is present only for goods that receive full preference in books or in actual. However, my dataset does not statistically support the stumbling block hypothesis in the case of Applied tariffs.

Doctor of Philosophy<br>Department of Economics<br>Yang M. Chang<br>There have been considerable discussions about why countries have interests in forming preferential trade agreements (PTAs), which typically take the forms of a “free trade area” (FTA) with Rules of Origin (ROO) and a “customs union” (CU) (World Bank, 2005). This dissertation contains three essays with three different models of trade under oligopoly to analyze various issues on preferential trade agreements. The first essay examines welfare implications of forming preferential trade arrangement (PTAs) between two asymmetric countries that differ in their market sizes. Key findings are as follows. First, when market size asymmetry between two countries is not too large and ROO requirements are not too restrictive, the formation of an FTA with effective ROO can be welfare-improving to both members. Second, the formation of a PTA is more likely to emerge between countries of similar in their market sizes, ceteris paribus. Third, compared to the pre-PTA equilibrium, there are greater reductions in external tariffs under an FTA than under a CU such that a non-member country is relatively better off under the FTA. The second essay presents a three country model of trade under Bertrand price competition to analyze differences in welfare implications between an FTA with ROO and a customs union (CU). It is shown that the maximum limit of ROO requirements over which there are welfare gains from trade for FTA members depends crucially on the degree of substitutability of final goods (or the intensity of product market competition). It is also found that member countries and their final-good exporters are better off in a CU than in an FTA. There are greater reductions in external tariffs under an FTA than under a CU such that a non-member country is relatively better off under the FTA. The third essay presents a three country model of FTA with Cournot quantity competition and derives the maximum enforceable level of ROO over which there are welfare gains from trade to each member country. It is shown that ROO and external tariffs are strategic complements such that the higher is the regional input restrictions, the higher is the external tariff necessary to induce firms to fully comply with ROO requirements. It is also shown that an FTA with effective ROO has a positive effect on the final-good trade. But the trade-diverting effect does not occur in the final-good sector.

In this paper, we discuss the endogenous formation of self-enforcing climate coalitions linked to the issue of a free trade agreement. As a framework, a strategic trade model is used in which countries may discourage greenhouse gas emissions by means of an import tariff on dirty goods. In addition, countries can set an emissions cap being effective on a permit market. Our main focus, however, is on the utilization of terms of trade privileges provided to members of a preferential free trade area. We propose evidence for that the welfare gains of trade liberalization are strongly promoting the formation of climate coalitions. In the parametrical simulation of the model, global emissions as well as climate change damages are found significantly reduced compared to the BAU scenario while global welfare is found significantly higher.

Since the inception of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in 1947, traditional trade barriers like tariffs and quotas were no longer at the heart of trade disputes under the multilateral trade framework. The economic interdependence trend has brought a number of social issues to the forefront of the international scene, and the conflict between trade values and social values have soon become the new theme of trade conflicts at the current stage. Hence, international trade rules were urged to address issues other than economic concerns, such as environmental protection, cultural value preservation and human rights. Clashes between trade liberalization and social values are harshly criticized for their alleged negative impacts on issues like equality, freedom, social justice, environment and culture. The World Trade Organization (WTO), as the only multilateral trade regime, is arguably extending its competence in dealing with conflicts other than trade issues. However, the conflicts are made more incomprehensible due to the absence of a clear and reconciled order in both substantive and procedure senses. This research is based on the aforementioned concerns, and focuses on the relationship between trade liberalization and a specific spot among the enormous range of social values: Trade in Culture. Departing from domestic regime, the research is going to critically evaluate domestic state of law and policies under the realm of WTO rules, in order to carry out their interactions with WTO regime. By analyzing to what extent they collide with each other, and the possible alternatives to develop cultural trade, the research considers the development of cultural trade in the way that is more responsive to the real problems of current restraints presented at the domestic level, so that implications to the WTO legal framework can be drawn.

In this paper, we discuss the endogenous formation of self-enforcing climate coalitions linked to the issue of a free trade agreement. As a framework, a strategic trade model is used in which countries may discourage greenhouse gas emissions by means of an import tariff on dirty goods. In addition, countries can set an emissions cap being effective on a permit market. Our main focus, however, is on the utilization of terms of trade privileges provided to members of a preferential free trade area. We propose evidence for that the welfare gains of trade liberalization are strongly promoting the formation of climate coalitions. In the parametrical simulation of the model, global emissions as well as climate change damages are found significantly reduced compared to the BAU scenario while global welfare is found significantly higher.

The rapid proliferation of North-South preferential trade agreements (PTAs) during the last quarter century has had broad implications for developing and emerging economies. As a result of North-South power asymmetries and the aggressive trade policy that has been characterized as ‘competitive liberalization,’ it has been argued that these agreements have produced asymmetric results in favor of Northern countries. This thesis advances a novel approach in the assessment of North-South preferential trade relations that goes beyond the simplistic interpretation of North-South trade politics as a phenomenon largely dominated by North-South power asymmetries. By acknowledging that not all North-South PTAs have the same characteristics, this thesis divides North-South PTAs into two sequential categories: first-order, i.e., Southern countries’ first North-South PTAs and second-order, i.e., Southern countries’ subsequent North-South PTAs. The thesis argues that, while first-order North-South PTA negotiations can produce asymmetric outcomes in favor of Northern countries because they have the ability to exert discriminative pressure on Southern countries, second-order North-South PTA negotiations follow a different logic. Having secured preferential access to Northern markets through first-order PTAs, Southern countries become immune to competitive pressures and can themselves exert discriminative pressure on Northern countries during second-order negotiations. The thesis examines the North-South PTA negotiations of Mexico, Chile, Korea, Colombia, and Peru, five countries of the Global South that have been especially active in North-South preferential trade. Based on the author’s personal interviews with EU and US trade officials and primary and secondary sources, this thesis conducts process tracing to account for the process of the five Southern countries’ first-order and second-order North-South PTA negotiations and reveal the impact of first-order North-South PTAs on the bargaining powers of Southern countries in second-order negotiations and hence the outcomes of second-order agreements. The thesis concludes that, albeit to varying extents, first-order agreements improve the bargaining powers of Southern countries in second-order North-South trade negotiations.

The rapid proliferation of North-South preferential trade agreements (PTAs) during the last quarter century has had broad implications for developing and emerging economies. As a result of North-South power asymmetries and the aggressive trade policy that has been characterized as ‘competitive liberalization,’ it has been argued that these agreements have produced asymmetric results in favor of Northern countries. This thesis advances a novel approach in the assessment of North-South preferential trade relations that goes beyond the simplistic interpretation of North-South trade politics as a phenomenon largely dominated by North-South power asymmetries. By acknowledging that not all North-South PTAs have the same characteristics, this thesis divides North-South PTAs into two sequential categories: first-order, i.e., Southern countries’ first North-South PTAs and second-order, i.e., Southern countries’ subsequent North-South PTAs. The thesis argues that, while first-order North-South PTA negotiations can produce asymmetric outcomes in favor of Northern countries because they have the ability to exert discriminative pressure on Southern countries, second-order North-South PTA negotiations follow a different logic. Having secured preferential access to Northern markets through first-order PTAs, Southern countries become immune to competitive pressures and can themselves exert discriminative pressure on Northern countries during second-order negotiations. The thesis examines the North-South PTA negotiations of Mexico, Chile, Korea, Colombia, and Peru, five countries of the Global South that have been especially active in North-South preferential trade. Based on the author’s personal interviews with EU and US trade officials and primary and secondary sources, this thesis conducts process tracing to account for the process of the five Southern countries’ first-order and second-order North-South PTA negotiations and reveal the impact of first-order North-South PTAs on the bargaining powers of Southern countries in second-order negotiations and hence the outcomes of second-order agreements. The thesis concludes that, albeit to varying extents, first-order agreements improve the bargaining powers of Southern countries in second-order North-South trade negotiations.

Les accords de commerce préférentiels (ACP) sont devenus des instruments importants au travers desquels lesEtats souverains conduisent leurs politiques économiques et façonnent leurs relations politiques internationales.Cette thèse analyse les enjeux transversaux et multidimensionnels des ACP. Dans un premier chapitre, nousmontrons que les domaines de négociation abordés dans les ACP, qui ne relèvent pas du mandat del’organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC), augmentent les échanges commerciaux. De plus, les mécanismesde règlement des différends (en anglais DSM) les plus contraignants favorisent le commerce alors que lesmécanismes moyennement contraignants ne sont pas efficaces. Le second chapitre se tourne vers le cotépolitique des ACP et identifie un canal important au travers duquel les DSM incorporés aux ACP peuvent avoirun impact profond sur la prévention des conflits militaires. Nous montrons que les ACP avec les DSMmoyennement contraignantes empêchent l’escalade des sanctions vers les conflits militaires, tandis que les pluscontraignants ne sont pas efficaces. En plus, les Etats qui sont proche politiquement, économiquement etsocialement, sont plus portés à conclure les DSM les plus contraignants. Le troisième chapitre identifie les ACPselon le niveau de légalisme des clauses d’investissement. Nous montrons que les investisseurs internationauxfont face aux risques d’expropriation liés au régime politique du pays hôte ainsi qu'aux relations diplomatiquesentre leur pays et le pays hôte. Notre analyse montre qu'un régime démocratique ainsi que les bonnes relationsdiplomatiques conditionnent positivement les effets des clauses d’investissement légalement contraignantes.Enfin, le quatrième chapitre se penche sur les clauses environnementales pouvant figurer dans les ACP. Ilidentifie les ACP selon le niveau de légalisme des clauses environnementales. Nous montons que les pays Nord-Nord concluent les clauses environnementales avec le niveau le plus contraignant alors que les paires Nord-Sudsont plus sujettes à adopter les clauses environnementales moyennement contraignantes<br>Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) have become important instruments through which sovereign statesconduct international economic as well as foreign policies. This thesis analyses multidimensional and crosscuttingissues in PTAs. In the first chapter, we show that policy issues incorporated in PTAs, but outside themandate of World Trade Organization (WTO), have a positive effect on trade. More specifically, highlylegalistic dispute settlement mechanisms (DSM) promote trade liberalization while medium legalistic DSMfeatures do not. The second chapter turns to the political side of PTAs and identifies an important channelthrough which DSMs in PTAs may have profound impact on the prevention of military conflicts. We show thatPTAs with medium level of DSMs prevent the escalation of sanctions to military conflicts, whereas higher leveldoes not. Further, the states that are more politically, economically and socially connected are more prone toform highly legalistic framework in PTAs. The third chapter identifies PTAs according to the level of legalismof investment provisions. Further, we show that international investors face risk of expropriation related to thedomestic political regime of host country as well as the diplomatic relations between home and host countries.Our analysis shows that highly democratic regime as well as the good diplomatic relationship conditionpositively the effects of legally enforced investment provisions. Finally, the fourth chapter identifies PTAsaccording to different levels of legalism of environmental provisions. We show that North-North countries signhighly legalistic environmental provisions whereas North-South country-pairs are more prone to sign mediumlegalistic environmental provisions

Les accords de commerce préférentiels (ACP) sont devenus des instruments importants au travers desquels lesEtats souverains conduisent leurs politiques économiques et façonnent leurs relations politiques internationales.Cette thèse analyse les enjeux transversaux et multidimensionnels des ACP. Dans un premier chapitre, nousmontrons que les domaines de négociation abordés dans les ACP, qui ne relèvent pas du mandat del’organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC), augmentent les échanges commerciaux. De plus, les mécanismesde règlement des différends (en anglais DSM) les plus contraignants favorisent le commerce alors que lesmécanismes moyennement contraignants ne sont pas efficaces. Le second chapitre se tourne vers le cotépolitique des ACP et identifie un canal important au travers duquel les DSM incorporés aux ACP peuvent avoirun impact profond sur la prévention des conflits militaires. Nous montrons que les ACP avec les DSMmoyennement contraignantes empêchent l’escalade des sanctions vers les conflits militaires, tandis que les pluscontraignants ne sont pas efficaces. En plus, les Etats qui sont proche politiquement, économiquement etsocialement, sont plus portés à conclure les DSM les plus contraignants. Le troisième chapitre identifie les ACPselon le niveau de légalisme des clauses d’investissement. Nous montrons que les investisseurs internationauxfont face aux risques d’expropriation liés au régime politique du pays hôte ainsi qu'aux relations diplomatiquesentre leur pays et le pays hôte. Notre analyse montre qu'un régime démocratique ainsi que les bonnes relationsdiplomatiques conditionnent positivement les effets des clauses d’investissement légalement contraignantes.Enfin, le quatrième chapitre se penche sur les clauses environnementales pouvant figurer dans les ACP. Ilidentifie les ACP selon le niveau de légalisme des clauses environnementales. Nous montons que les pays Nord-Nord concluent les clauses environnementales avec le niveau le plus contraignant alors que les paires Nord-Sudsont plus sujettes à adopter les clauses environnementales moyennement contraignantes<br>Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) have become important instruments through which sovereign statesconduct international economic as well as foreign policies. This thesis analyses multidimensional and crosscuttingissues in PTAs. In the first chapter, we show that policy issues incorporated in PTAs, but outside themandate of World Trade Organization (WTO), have a positive effect on trade. More specifically, highlylegalistic dispute settlement mechanisms (DSM) promote trade liberalization while medium legalistic DSMfeatures do not. The second chapter turns to the political side of PTAs and identifies an important channelthrough which DSMs in PTAs may have profound impact on the prevention of military conflicts. We show thatPTAs with medium level of DSMs prevent the escalation of sanctions to military conflicts, whereas higher leveldoes not. Further, the states that are more politically, economically and socially connected are more prone toform highly legalistic framework in PTAs. The third chapter identifies PTAs according to the level of legalismof investment provisions. Further, we show that international investors face risk of expropriation related to thedomestic political regime of host country as well as the diplomatic relations between home and host countries.Our analysis shows that highly democratic regime as well as the good diplomatic relationship conditionpositively the effects of legally enforced investment provisions. Finally, the fourth chapter identifies PTAsaccording to different levels of legalism of environmental provisions. We show that North-North countries signhighly legalistic environmental provisions whereas North-South country-pairs are more prone to sign mediumlegalistic environmental provisions

Even though for more than 15 years, deep integration in trade agreements has been a recurring topic for politicians, scholars, international institutions, non-governmental organizations, industry leaders and journalists; there is no consensus yet on what deep integration is, and how it can be assessed. There are continuous news reports about the efforts of political leaders to pursue deep integration, and constant mentions about the design of new treaties and mechanisms to achieve deep integration between countries. In general, the proliferation of trade agreements after the Second World War is widely acknowledged in international trade literature and is a trend that will continue in the near future. Along this trend, Latin American governments have established numerous trade agreements with developing and developed partners in all regions of the world. In addition, since the 1950s and 1960s, these governments have acknowledged trade integration as a mean to promote economic development, which makes it increasingly important to understand the wide differences in the nature and levels of deep integration in their trade agreements. Nevertheless, as in other regions, little attention has been paid to explain differences in the content of trade agreements. This research extends an endogenous trade theory framework, first to analyse limited liberalization; and second, to study a group of countries with particular characteristics of opacity and discretional decision-making. The framework adapts a categorization of deep integration, derives preferences of economic actors from economic trade theories, and extends aspects of veto player theory and access point theory to exploit further their potential as an integrated structure of analysis. Then, these three aspects are studied through a collective action framework. Finally, the insight of previous studies that have highlighted the importance of systemic and international variables in the formation and design of trade agreements is considered. The importance of systemic and international theories and variables is not contested; the domestic-level explanations are developed as a complement to the insight that theories of international relations have provided. Two main arguments are put forward The first one is that the underlying depth structure of the trade agreements studied fits a categorization of vertical and horizontal margins, which are qualitatively different: vertical policy benefits are broader and more excludable than horizontal ones. To test this argument, first, the complete texts of all dyadic trade agreements signed by Latin American countries from 1982 to 2010 (256 dyadic agreements) were manually coded to form a database of depth of provisions (a total of 28, 160 data points). To minimize error measurement, entries were compared with those of partially overlapping databases (publicly available or accessed by request). In the following areas, a total of 110 provisions per agreement were coded and measured: antidumping measures and countervailing duties, bargaining position, competition, decision power, dispute settlement mechanisms, environment, global and bilateral safeguards, government procurement, institutional capacities, investment, labour, legitimacy, permanency, number of members, rules of origin, services, technical barriers to trade, type of agreement, and support bodies and mechanisms. To the best of my knowledge, this is the most comprehensive and detailed database of the depth of provisions of trade agreements established by Latin American countries. Next, provisions were analytically assigned to each margin. At the horizontal margin, agreements vary in the extent of the areas covered, the barriers removed in each area, the limits placed to governments when domestic industries face injury, and the coverage and strength of the support and enforcement mechanisms in each area. At the vertical margin, agreements vary in type, legitimacy required for entry into force and for amendments, permanency, and scope of institutional capabilities. Finally, principal components analysis confirmed that each variable aligns in the component to which was analytically assigned. As expected, the analysis highlighted the existence of two main components, which corresponded to the vertical and horizontal margins. The second main argument in this research is that two main domestic aspects contribute to explain the wide variations in nature and levels of depth of the trade agreements established by Latin American countries after 1982. First, changes in the structure of concentration of the export sectors of Latin American countries. Second, the degree of political decisiveness and level of access of societal demands determined by the institutional settings of these countries. After most of the countries abandoned the economic model based in the substitution of imports, in the 1980s, the structure of the export sectors of the countries changed. Two forces pulled in different directions: unilateral liberalization towards concentration and diversification towards deconcentration. On the one hand, agreements vary in the extent of barriers removed in diverse trade related regulatory activities, and in the inclusion of support and enforcement institutions and mechanisms. This research argues that these aspects have implications over the economic benefits that different types of exporters are able to appropriate, and therefore over their preferences over aspects of deep integration and over the intensities of said preferences. Resourceful exporters with scale economies and/or fragmented production increased their static and dynamic gains from trade through vertical and horizontal integration. In addition, this research argues that the different extents of the governments’ political decisiveness and access to societal demands have important implications over the lobbying costs of levels and forms of deep integration, and therefore over the possibilities of different types of exporters to shape trade agreements according to their preferences and priorities. Combining the veto players theory and the access points theory (extending the former to consider competition from rents from lobbying, and extending latter to include settings of imperfect competition), suggests that decreases in the costs of lobbying veto players increased the possibilities of resourceful exporters with increasing returns to scale and/or fragmented production to achieve vertical integration. However, decreases in the costs of lobbying access points without veto power reduced these types of exporters’ advantages of capturing said points, which reflected negatively in horizontal depth. In these cases, predictions about deep integration based on of veto player theory and on access point theory, became conditional on the concentration of the export sector. Cross-sectional regression analysis was performed to test these arguments. The main results and those of robustness tests tended to show direct and indirect support for the arguments put forward in this research.

In the early 2000s, Korea and Japan competitively initiated their preferential trade agreements (PTAs) with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in response to the unexpected progress of the China–ASEAN Free Trade Agreement (FTA) negotiations. In contrast with China, Korea and Japan initially preferred to negotiate PTAs with individual Southeast Asian countries, rather than with ASEAN. In 2003, however, Korea redirected its strategy and began the Korea–ASEAN FTA. Japan continued to emphasise a bilateral approach to negotiations but sought harmonisation of the individual PTAs through the ASEAN–Japan Comprehensive Economic Partnership. Sharing common international political and economic challenges, why did Korea and Japan take diverging negotiation paths? This research investigates the factors that shaped Korea and Japan’s respective negotiation methods with ASEAN by focusing on the interplay of domestic interests, institutions and ideas. The research findings suggest that Korea and Japan initially preferred bilateral PTAs because of their efficiency and to minimise the backlash of the agricultural sector. Japan had a greater incentive to promote bilateral strategy than Korea, not only to counter China’s move, but also to utilise its diplomatic leverages against ASEAN. The direct causes of the two countries’ divergence, however, came from ideas and institutions. The influence of ideas became evident when Korea’s and Japan’s initial emphasis on the East Asia-based PTAs began to head toward the different directions. Japan was path-dependent of its initial step-by-step strategy focused in East Asia. In contrast, Korea accommodated the new ideas that aimed at cross-regional PTAs, making the Korea-ASEAN FTA a stepping stone for cross-regional PTAs rather than East Asia-based PTAs. Institutional factors account for the supply side of PTA decision-making processes by demonstrating how the intra-democracy variations, combined by bureaucracy discretion, empowered relevant decision-makers, which led to the reversal of negotiation progresses between Korea and Japan. The empirical research findings significantly contribute to the international political economy literature by testing the applicability of the domestic level analysis. They provide an alternative perspective to the existing debate on the compatibility of bilateralism and regionalism in East Asia and thus to the political economy of trade policy in the region. The findings also shed light on the country-specific factors shaping the economic regionalism of East Asia.

Esta tese aborda o desenvolvimento da regulação internacional sobre o comércio de serviços educacionais, em especial nos acordos preferenciais de comércio de Austrália, Chile, China, Cingapura, Estados Unidos, Índia e União Europeia. O seu objetivo foi avaliar o atual nível de liberalização comercial da educação superior no plano global, de modo que sua compatibilidade com o direito à educação pudesse ser criticamente analisada, assim como os seus possíveis impactos sobre a regulação da educação superior no Brasil. Para tanto, a pesquisa começa pela realização de entrevistas com atores que acompanham o processo de comercialização da educação superior no Brasil. Os passos seguintes envolvem a compreensão do funcionamento das disciplinas internacionais sobre o comércio de serviços, da formulação das posições no processo negociador e, finalmente, dos compromissos em serviços de educação superior em acordos preferenciais de comércio. Uma primeira hipótese é de que, mesmo sem acordos de comércio, o mercado brasileiro já se encontra significativamente liberalizado no que diz respeito aos investimentos estrangeiros em educação superior, sem qualquer restrição ao ingresso de capital internacional. Ainda assim, a regulação internacional do comércio de serviços aprofundaria esse processo a partir da ideia de consolidação do marco regulatório liberal doméstico e de mecanismos que conduzem à aceleração do processo de liberalização comercial.<br>This thesis analyses the development of international regulation on trade in educational services, especially in preferential trade agreements signed by Australia, Chile, China, Singapore, United States, India and the European Union. The goal was to determine a parameter of the current global level of trade liberalization on higher education, so that the compatibility between trade agreements and the right to education could be critically examined, as well as their possible impacts on the regulation of higher education in Brazil. Therefore, the research began by conducting interviews with professionals that accompany the commercialization process in the Brazilian higher education sector. The following steps involved understanding the operation of international disciplines on trade in services, the formulation of positions in the negotiating process, and finally, the commitments on higher education services in preferential trade agreements. A first hypothesis is that, even without trade agreements, the Brazilian market is already significantly liberalized regarding foreign investment on higher education, without any restriction on the inflow of international capital. Even so, international regulation on trade in services would deepen this process from an idea of consolidation of a liberal domestic regulatory framework and mechanisms leading to accelerate trade liberalization process.

O artigo analisa os capítulos sobre propriedade intelectual dos acordos preferenciais de comércio firmados pelos Estados Unidos com países da América Latina na década de 2000, discutindo tanto as motivações do país para a assinatura dos mesmos (e inserindo tal discussão em um framework teórico) quanto as implicações dos acordos para os direitos de propriedade intelectual de seus signatários. Nesse sentido, apresenta algumas teorias acerca das características intrínsecas a instituições internacionais multilaterais, em contraste com as bilaterais e regionais; tais teorias afirmam que os estados, ao lidarem com resultados indesejados de características institucionais, modificam instituições (ou criam novas instituições) de acordo com seus objetivos. Em seguida, apresenta o resultado de um levantamento bibliográfico acerca das motivações estadunidenses para a assinatura dos mencionados acordos preferenciais de comércio, com ênfase nas relacionadas aos direitos de propriedade intelectual; tal resultado é complementado com a análise dos documentos primários pertinentes. Por fim, compara o conteúdo dos mencionados capítulos entre si; também os compara com o Acordo TRIPS da OMC. O artigo conclui que as motivações estadunidenses coincidem com as expectativas teóricas; que os capítulos analisados são substancialmente diferentes do Acordo TRIPS; que eles contêm diversas diferenças entre si (as quais são, em parte, decorrentes de exigências do legislativo estadunidense); e que ainda há espaço para pesquisas sobre a política comercial estadunidense praticada no período, no que tange à sua interface com os direitos de propriedade intelectual.<br>The article analyzes the intellectual property rights chapters of the preferential trade agreements signed by the United States with Latin American countries during the 2000s, discussing both the country\'s reasons for signing such agreements (and inserting such discussion in a theoretical framework) and their implications to the intellectual property rights of its signatories. In this regard, it presents some theories about the features intrinsic to the multilateral international institutions, when contrasted with the bilateral and regional ones; such theories claim that states, when dealing with undesired effects of institutional features, modify institutions (or create new ones), in accordance with their objectives. Then, the article presents the findings of a literature review about the U.S. reasons for signing the aforementioned preferential trade agreements, emphasizing those reasons related to intellectual property rights; such findings are complemented by the analysis of the pertinent primary documents. Finally, it compares the content of the chapters with each other; it also compares them with the WTO TRIPS Agreement. It concludes that the U.S. reasons presented coincide with the theoretical expectations; that the analyzed chapters are substantially different from the TRIPS Agreement; that the chapters have many differences with each other (which are, in part, due to U.S. Congress requirements); and that there is still room for new researches on the U.S. trade policy practiced during the analyzed period, when it comes to its interface with intellectual property rights.

Este projeto tem por objetivo analisar o potencial comercial brasileiro no contexto da Cooperação Sul-Sul, através do estudo dos Acordos Comerciais do Brasil com a África do Sul e a Índia (Mercosul – SACU e Mercosul – Índia). O presente trabalho possui dois propósitos principais – analisar o status quo e o perfil dos acordos comerciais em pauta entre o Brasil, África do Sul e a Índia e sequencialmente verificar o potencial de aprofundamento do atual Acordo Mercosul – Índia rumo a uma futura Área de Livre Comércio como forma efetiva de fortalecimento econômico no contexto da estratégia brasileira frente aos países do IBAS e da Cooperação Sul-Sul. Para estudar os Acordos de Preferência Comercial selecionados, se utilizará a metodologia multicritério de análise das ofensividades e sensibilidades dos principais produtos brasileiros exportados e importados com estes mercados, o grau de abrangência, profundidade e a cobertura de tais acordos. Por fim, pretende-se inferir considerações gerais sobre o fortalecimento comercial, econômico e político no âmbito da Cooperação Sul-Sul que se poderia obter a partir da ampliação de tais acordos.<br>This project aims to analyze the Brazilian commercial potential in the context of South-South Cooperation, through the study of Brazil's Trade Agreements with South Africa and India (Mercosur - SACU and Mercosur - India). This work has two main purposes - to analyze the ‘status quo’ and the profile of trade agreements at issue between Brazil, South Africa and India, and sequentially verify the potential of deepening the current Mercosur Agreement - India towards a future Free Trade Area as an effective form of economic empowerment in the context of the Brazilian strategy at IBSA countries and in the South-South Cooperation. To study the selected trade preference agreements, the methodology approach to be used will be the multiple-criteria analysis of offensiveness and sensitivities of the main Brazilian products exported and imported with these markets, the degree of breadth, depth and coverage of such agreements. Finally, the intention is to infer general considerations on the commercial, economic and political empowerment within the framework of South-South cooperation that could be obtained from the expansion of such agreements.

<p>The aim of this thesis is to clarify the affect that preferential and regional trade agreements have on the World Trade Organization (WTO), as being establisher of the international trading regime. The essay is an explanatory literature study, which strives to answer the following questions:</p><p>Are regional and preferential trade agreements a threat or a complement to the WTO?</p><p>Is an undermining of the MFN principle weakening the WTO?</p><p>How do regional trade agreements made by the EU affect the future of the WTO?</p><p>The empirical material is to be analyzed using an explanatory framework, which is based on neo-liberal instutionalism, theories on regime changes and a game theoretical approach, using prisoner’s dilemma. I will employ the EU-ACP relation, the Cotonou agreement to exemplify how an agreement of this kind can have an influence on multilateral trade. The result shows that preferential agreements do have an impact on the WTO, one that is fairly negative in scope. Preferential trade agreements do pose a threat to the WTO, in its current structure and may be harmful to the international trading regime. It is partly because the MFN is widely discouraged that PTAs are stumbling stones to the organization. By signing agreement that do not comply with WTO regulations and considering its role in international trade, EU does affect the future of the WTO.</p>

A América do Sul, na história recente, foi palco de diversas ações de integração regional relacionadas ao comércio, influenciando os posicionamentos dos países em matéria de políticas de comércio interncional bem como formando um emaranhado de relações que se sobrepõe muitas vezes de formas antagônicas. Neste contexto, a presente dissertação aborda o histórico das principais blocos regionais que envolvem a América do Sul como base para mostrar a atual fragmentação deste subcontinente em três visões principais de política de comércio internacional, sendo uma visão intermediária caracterizada pelo Brasil e acompanhada pelos membros do MERCOSUL em uma vertente regional-multilateralista. Em um extremo estão Venezuela, Equador e Bolívia, representantes da ALBA, com seus governos de posicionamento extremo-nacionalista. E em posição antagônica a estes estão Chile, Peru e Colômbia, que conformam o eixo liberal-bilateralista. Objetivando comprovar que há uma tendência de fortalecimento da visão liberal-bilateralista na região será feito um estudo com base nas suas principais formas de atuação, ou seja, por meio da análise de Acordos Preferenciais de Comércio, mais especificamente FTAs bilaterais celebrados com países de distintas regiões com foco especial ao período imediatamente após a eclosão da crise de 2008, de 2009-2014. Finalmente, se a hipótese se confirmar, restando evidenciada a retomada do posicionamento bilateralista, após período de predominância da visão multilateralista na América do Sul, é importante apontar os desafios para o Brasil neste cenário.<br>South America, in recent history, has had several regional integration actions related to trade, influencing the countries positions in terms of international trade policies as well as forming a tangle of relationships that often overlaps with contrary views. In this context, this thesis addresses the history of the main regional blocs involving South America as a basis to show the current fragmentation of this subcontinent in three main views of international trade policy, with an intermediate vision characterized by Brazil and followed also by members of the MERCOSUR in a regional-multilateralist position. At one extreme, the countries Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia, ALBA representatives, present their extreme-nationalist position. And in an antagonistic position, Chile, Peru and Colombia constitute the liberal-bilateralist axis. In order to prove that there is a trend towards the strengthening of the liberal-bilateralist vision in the region, a research based on analysis of Preferential Trade Agreements will be held, focusing bilateral FTAs concluded with different countries regions with special attention to the period immediately after the outbreak of the 2008 crisis, from 2009 to 2014. Finally, if the hypothesis is confirmed, demonstrating the resumption of the bilateralist position after a period in which the multilateralist vision was predominant in South America, it is important to point the challenges of this scenario for Brazil.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:22:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marina Amaral Egydio de Carvalho.pdf: 2338211 bytes, checksum: 7f8ff1b67d179ab37fbeef8b2359b658 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-17<br>preferential trade agreements negotiated by South Africa, Brazil/Mercosur, China, U.S.A, India, Russia and the European Union. Such an analysis is relevant mostly because, after the creation of the WTO and of the Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT), several preferential trade agreements were negotiated, thus, extending or creating new rules on technical barriers its signatory countries. This study suggests some conclusions on how Brazil could negotiate this subject in future preferential trade agreements. Additionally, it suggests patterns and standards that may followed in future negotiations with the abovementioned countries. One of the scope of the work was to analyze how preferential trade agreements are related to the TBT Agreement, which are the similarities between the group of agreements analyzed, which were the new topics regulated in the trade agreements when compared to the WTO, which are the preferred policies of the subject countries and how Brazil could take advantage of this empirical analysis in future negotiations. The main purpose of this work is to encourage Brazil to develop a trade policy for negotiation of this specific topic, which may be actually followed and that, unless this is the actual trade objective of the negotiation, is not translated as a mere repetition of rules already in place<br>Esse trabalho analisa as regras sobre barreiras técnicas ao comércio constantes nos acordos preferenciais de comércio celebrados por África do Sul, Brasil/Mercosul, China, EUA, Índia, Rússia e União Europeia. Essa analise é relevante porque, após a criação da OMC e do Acordo sobre Barreiras Técnicas (TBT), diversos acordos preferenciais foram concebidos, estendendo ou aplicando novas regras sobre barreiras técnicas aos países partes dos acordos. Esse estudo sugere ponderações sobre como o Brasil pode negociar este tema em futuros acordos preferenciais de comércio. Principalmente, sugere padrões e similitudes que poderão ser observadas em negociações com os países acima mencionados. Durante esse trabalho analisou-se como os acordos preferenciais de comércio se relacionam com o Acordo TBT, quais as semelhanças entre os grupos de acordos analisados, quais os avanços regulatórios se comparados com as políticas previstas no acordo da OMC, quais as políticas preferidas dos países objeto do trabalho e como o Brasil pode aproveitar dessa análise empírica para se beneficiar em negociações futuras. O maior propósito desse trabalho é incentivar o Brasil a conceber uma política comercial de negociação, especifica para o tema de barreiras técnicas ao comércio, que possa ser aproveitada e que não se traduza pela mera repetição de normas já vigentes, a menos que este seja o efetivo objetivo comercial proposto

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2017-04-17T19:16:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Alícia Cechin_.pdf: 515927 bytes, checksum: 0cbde681385e2cdfaa91d02496e274b7 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-17T19:16:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alícia Cechin_.pdf: 515927 bytes, checksum: 0cbde681385e2cdfaa91d02496e274b7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-16<br>CNPQ – Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico<br>O aumento dos Acordos Preferenciais de Comércio (APCs) tem modificado o cenário do comércio internacional. No caso brasileiro, o país se mostra relativamente isolado no cenário das negociações comerciais preferenciais, não possuindo um conjunto de acordos comerciais importantes com parceiros extra-regionais. Nesse sentido, o estudo busca examinar através de um modelo de equilíbrio geral computável (GTAP), os efeitos que a criação de APCs com importantes parceiros comerciais do Brasil teria sobre variáveis-chave para a economia, especialmente bem-estar e comércio internacional. Além das reduções das tarifas de importação, o trabalho também explorou os efeitos da redução das barreiras não-tarifárias (BNTs). Os impactos da formação de acordos de livre comércio geralmente se concentram naqueles setores mais protegidos antes da criação do bloco. Nas simulações realizadas neste trabalho, isso também se observou. Os resultados mostraram um aumento expressivo nas exportações de produtos primários e de baixa intensidade tecnológica, quando simulada a redução parcial e plena das tarifas de importação, no entanto quando simula-se além da redução das tarifas de importação a redução das BNTs, verifica-se que o sistema produtivo brasileiro pode ser afetado de diferente forma. Com a redução plena de tarifas e BNTs, as exportações brasileiras de setores de maior conteúdo tecnológico seriam as mais beneficiadas, enquanto a liberalização parcial das BNTs, além de reduzir a magnitude das exportações em todos os acordos, iria estimular mais setores de menor conteúdo tecnológico em vários acordos. No que se refere ao ganho de bem-estar, verifica-se o mesmo comportamento das exportações, mas quando ocorre a redução das BNTs, o maior ganho de bem-estar é obtido em setores de maior intensidade tecnológica.<br>The increase in the PTAs (Preferential Trade Agreements) has modified the international trade scenario, in the case of Brazil, the country appears to be relatively isolated in the context of trade negotiations, lacking a set of important trade agreements with extra-regional partners. In this sense, the study seeks to examine, through a computable general equilibrium model (GTAP), the effects that the creation of PTAs with important trade partners of Brazil would have on key variables for the economy, especially welfare and trade International. In addition to the reduction of import tariffs, the work also explored the effects of reducing non-tariff barriers (NTBs). The impacts of forming free trade agreements generally focus on those sectors most protected before the bloc was created. In the simulations performed in this work, this was also observed. The results show a significant increase in exports of primary products and low technological intensity, when simulated the partial and full reduction of import tariffs, however, when the reduction of NTBs is allowed in addition to the reduction of import tariffs, it is verified that the Brazilian productive sector can be affected differently. With the full reduction of tariffs and NTBs, Brazilian exports of sectors with higher technological content would be the most benefited, while the partial liberalization of NTBs, besides reducing the magnitude of exports in all agreements, would stimulate more sectors of lower technological content in most agreements. With regard to welfare gains, the same behavior of exports is observed, when reduction of NTBs occur, the greatest welfare gain is obtained in sectors of higher technological intensity.

Depuis l’adoption de l’Accord sur les ADPIC en 1994, la question relative à la protection de la propriété́ intellectuelle occupe une place centrale dans les débats concernant le régime de commerce multilatéral de l’OMC. Certains ont salué́ l’Accord en tant que victoire pour le commerce international et l’intégration économique, mais très rapidement, un mouvement de contestation est apparu parmi la société civile et la doctrine soulignant l’inefficacité et même les conséquences nocives du régime commercial de propriété intellectuelle sur les pays en développement. Ces critiques se sont intensifiées avec la conclusion d’accords de partenariat économique comprenant des clauses ADPIC-plus renforçant davantage le régime de protection. Toutefois, très peu d’importance a été accordée jusqu’à présent au lien juridique entre le droit de la propriété intellectuelle et le commerce international. L’incorporation des normes de propriété intellectuelle dans les accords commerciaux internationaux est avant tout une mise en rapport entre deux branches juridiques qui autrefois étaient largement séparées. Chaque branche poursuit des objectifs précis et a évolué de manière indépendante, ce qui soulève de nombreuses questions concernant leur possible « cohabitation » et les effets juridiques liés à cette interaction systémique. Cette étude tente d’apporter des réponses à ces questions en analysant la situation spécifique des pays en développement, lesquels sont les plus affectés par le renforcement constant du niveau de protection de la propriété intellectuelle. L’objectif étant de déterminer comment le régime commercial de propriété intellectuelle peut être adapté à leurs besoins et intérêts<br>Since the adoption of the TRIPS Agreement in 1994, the protection of intellectual property has been at the center of the debates concerning the international trade regime. While some have hailed the Agreement as a great success for international trade and economic integration, scholars and civil society have rapidly voiced their concern highlighting the inefficiency and even the harmful effects resulting from the implementation of a trade regime for intellectual property. These critiques have intensified following the conclusion by developing countries of a series of free trade agreements containing provision raising the level of protection for intellectual property rights. Yet, scholars have so far given very little attention to the concept of “trade-relatedness” as well as to the legal aspects of the relationship between intellectual property and international trade. The inclusion of intellectual property norms in international trade agreements is first and foremost a linkage between two distinct legal regimes. Each regime has its own objectives, rational and has evolved independently from the other. Numerous questions therefore arise as to how these two sets of norms could coexist and what legal effects are likely to flow from such a systemic interaction. This study seeks to provide answers to these questions by analyzing the specific situation of developing countries as they are the most affected by the rising standards of intellectual property protection. The aim is to determine the modalities and conditions under which the trade regime for intellectual property could be adapted to the interests and needs of developing countries

碩士<br>輔仁大學<br>經濟學系碩士班<br>105<br>We focus on the influence of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) on the global free trade under two types of PTAs: free trade agreements (FTAs) and custom unions (CUs) in a three country and oligopolistic model. We find that both of PTAs will reach global free trade eventually. Moreover, global free trade is more likely to happen under CU that under FTA.

University College London - School of Slavonic and East European Studies Univerzita Karlova v Praze - Charles University in Prague - Faculty of Social Sciences International Masters in Economy, State & Society - Economics and Business Andrés Morales Interiano UCL Student Number: 14082525 The Czech Republic's Participation in the Association Agreement between the European Union and Central America and its Policy Implications Master's Thesis Supervisors: Dr Filipa Figueira (UCL) and Dr Pavel Vacek (Charles University) 20 May 2016 - Prague, Czech Republic Abstract: Preferential Trade Agreements have become evermore popular in the worldwide market economy and have raised much interest in academics and policy-makers alike. This paper studies the participation that the Czech Republic had in the Association Agreement between the European Union and Central America during the pre- negotiation and negotiation rounds, and the effects that it brought to the Czech Republic's trade policies and trade flow with the mentioned region. It focuses on a qualitative approach of the Political Economy of Regionalism and liberal perspective to explain how the Czech Republic participated in this agreement previous to its signature in 2012 and views some of the consequences it has caused after its provisional application. It finds...

W ciągu ostatnich dwóch dekad handel międzynarodowy gwałtownie wzrósł. Towarzyszyła temu jednoczesna znaczna redukcja ochrony celnej w większości krajów. Redukcja taryf celnych została osiągnięta w wyniku kolejnych rund wielostronnych negocjacji handlowych lub przez ustanowienie preferencyjnych porozumień handlowych (PTA), a czasami przez jednostronną liberalizację handlu. Badania empiryczne wskazują również na jednoczesną do redukcji ceł rosnącą tendencję stosowania środków pozataryfowych (NTM) w handlu. Środki te mogą częściowo hamować wzrost handlu osiągnięty przez niższe cła. środków pozataryfowych (NTM) w handlu są tradycyjnie nakładane do realizacji celów gospodarczych i handlowych, zaś intencją wdrażania środków pozataryfowych jest zazwyczaj realizacja innych celów polityki państwa, często z natury pozaekonomicznych. Do takich celów należą: ochrona środowiska naturalnego, publiczna ochrona zdrowia, ochrona konsumentów, bezpieczeństwo wewnętrzne, itp. Coraz bardziej powszechne stosowanie NTM skłoniło uczonych do konsensusu (popartego badaniami empirycznymi), że środki pozataryfowe de facto służą państwom głównie do realizacji celów ekonomicznych. Powyższe cele to zwiększenie restrykcji importowych, poprawa warunków wymiany handlowej (TOT) oraz kompensowanie ewentualnych strat ekonomicznych wynikających z liberalizacji ceł. Kee i in. (2009) wskazują na podstawie danych zebranych z kilku źródeł, a wśród nich unikalnego zestawu danych dotyczących NTM ad-valorem, że wyżej opisana sytuacja może być bardziej skomplikowana. Dane porównawcze pokazują, że kraje o niskich cłach również stosują niższe NTM ad valorem i odwrotnie, co sugeruje komplementarny związek pomiędzy tymi dwoma rodzajami instrumentów polityki fiskalnej. Tę samą dodatnią korelację ceł i NTM można znaleźć w wynikach analizy danych wskaźnika pokrycia NTM w liczbie produktów objętych NTM, na różnych poziomach agregacji taryf. Powyższe wyniki łącznie wskazują, w jaki sposób protekcjonistyczna polityka taryfowa jest często powiązana z ostrzejszymi środki regulacyjnymi. Dodatnia korelacja pomiędzy tymi dwoma środkami polityki celnej wydaje się stanowić paradoks, który wymaga dalszych badań. Niniejsza rozprawa doktorska ma na celu pokazanie jaki wpływ na politykę handlową mają środki pozataryfowe (NTM) w różnych krajach i w odniesieniu do różnych produktów. Powyższy cel ma być osiągnięty, po pierwsze, poprzez przedstawienie aktualnego stanu badań empirycznych dotyczącego restrykcyjności handlowej NTM. Po drugie, praca przedstawia trzy wybrane zagadnienia związane ze znaczeniem NTM w polityce handlowej. Zagadnienia te przedstawiono w kolejnych częściach pracy. Pierwsze z nich to zjawisko substytucji pomiędzy NTM i cłami stosowanymi w różnych grupach krajów. W kolejnej części praca zawiera analizę porównawczą dotyczącą ocen prawnych i ekonomicznych w mechanizmie rozstrzygania sporów Światowej Organizacji Handlu (WTO) w ramach określonych rodzajów NTM. W ostatniej części pracy przeprowadzona jest empiryczna analiza rynku oliwy poświęcona odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy NTM działają jako środek stymulujący czy ograniczający handel. Pierwszy rozdział pracy doktorskiej przedstawia kontekst teoretyczny i empiryczny dotyczący restrykcyjności handlowej NTM, w szczególności dotyczy on Środków Sanitarnych i Fitosanitarnych (Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures - SPS) oraz Barier Technicznych w Handlu (Technical Barriers to Trade - TBT). W przeglądzie literatury analizowano następujące pytania: W jaki sposób poszczególne środki NTM wpływają na eksport i import? Jakie są efekty handlowe NTM w krajach rozwijających się? Czy małe i średnie przedsiębiorstwa są bardziej narażone na negatywne efekty NTM? Jak bariery NTM wpływają na konkretne sektory? Czy porozumienia o harmonizacji i wzajemnym uznaniu krajowych regulacji rzeczywiście wpływają na zwiększenie przepływów handlowych? Tytuł pierwszej pracy brzmi "Ograniczanie handlu przez środki pozataryfowe: Teoria i przegląd badań empirycznych". Tekst został zgłoszony do publikacji w czasopiśmie International Journal of Economics and Finance, obecnie jest rozpowszechniany przez bibliotekę SSRN. Drugi rozdział przedstawia empiryczne badanie, mające na celu zbadanie korelacji taryf celnych i NTM, badając zmienną kraju w kontekście różnic rozwoju gospodarczego. Opiera się ona na zbiorze danych skonstruowanym przez Kee i in. (2009), który zawiera ekwiwalent ad valorem w NTM na bardzo zdezagregowanym poziomie produktu dla około 100 (rozwiniętych i rozwijających się) krajów. Wykorzystując zmienność między krajami, opisywana praca wykazuje silną substytucyjność w krajach o niskich dochodach, która zmniejsza się wraz ze wzrostem rozwoju gospodarczego kraju, aż do momentu przekształcenia się w komplementarność w krajach o wysokich dochodach. Tytuł drugiej pracy brzmi "Tariffs & Non-Tariff Measures: Substitutes or Complements. A Cross-Country Analysis”. Została ona opublikowana w czasopiśmie Bank i Kredyt 48(1): 45-72. (2017). Trzeci rozdział pracy doktorskiej analizuje oceny prawne i ekonomiczne, zastosowane do rozwiązywania sporów w ramach Światowej Organizacji Handlu, które dotyczą zastosowania NTM. W szczególności przeprowadzono ocenę skuteczności stosowania danych środków do zamierzonego celu, a także identyfikowano inne możliwie dostępne alternatywy. Autorzy skupiają się na sporach dotyczących barier technicznych, w których interpretowano artykuł XX (b) Układu Ogólnego w sprawie Taryf Celnych i Handlu (GATT), artykuł 5.6 Umowy SPS i artykuł 2.2 Umowy TBT. Na podstawie powyższych przepisów stwierdzono, że nie ma istotnych różnic pomiędzy opiniami prawnymi, odnoszącymi się do interpretacji terminu "konieczny". Jednak tego samego nie można powiedzieć o ekspertyzach ekonomicznych, w których oceniano czy użycie danego środka jest konieczne. Praca pokazuje, że ocena ekonomiczna argumentacji sporów różni się znacznie w zależności od tego, czy została przeprowadzana analiza ilościowa czy jakościowa. W pracy zidentyfikowano przypadki, w których po sporządzeniu opinii prawnych, na temat sposobu lub konieczności zastosowania danego środka, przeprowadzono analizy ekonomiczne, w celu uzupełnienia opinii prawnych służących do rozwiązywania sporów dotyczących tych trzech różnych artykułów GATT/WTO. Niniejsza praca napisana wspólnie z dr. Kamala Dawar z Uniwersytetu w Sussex. Tytuł trzeciej pracy brzmi "How ‘Necessary’? A Comparison of Legal and Economic Assessments Under GATT Dispute Settlements, Article XX(b), TBT 2.2 and SPS 5.6”. Praca ukaże się w czasopiśmie Journal of Trade, Law and Development. Special Issue 8:1 (lipiec 2017). Czwarty rozdział pracy doktorskiej, będący studium przypadku zbadano, czy i w jakim stopniu NTM mogą służyć jako środki stymulujące a nie ograniczające handel. W pracy wykorzystano dane z sektora sprzedaży oliwy z oliwek do oszacowania modelu empirycznego, który pozwala zidentyfikować, jakie środki NTM w silnie wpływają na poziom handlu dwustronnego. Praca umożliwia rozróżnienie, które środki regulacyjne można powiązać ze zwiększaniem handlu, a które z jego ograniczaniem. Hipoteza niniejszej części brzmi, że większość środków pozataryfowych dobrze spełnia cele, do których osiągnięcia były pierwotnie zaprojektowane. Dzięki temu środki NTM spełniają potrzeby konsumentów jakimi są bezpieczeństwo żywności i zdrowie, przy jednoczesnym zwiększeniu dostępnej informacji i przejrzystości rynku, co z kolei zwiększa import produktów z oliwy z oliwek. Czwarty tytuł pracy brzmi "The Trade-Enhancing Effects of Non-Tariff Measures on Virgin Olive Oil” i ukaże się w czasopiśmie International Journal of Food and Agricultural Economics w lipcu 2017. Tytułem podsumowania, praca wskazuje, że zagadnienie wpływu środków TBT i SPS na handel międzynarodowy jest bardziej skomplikowane niż się na pierwszy rzut oka wydaje. W przeciwieństwie do ustalonego wcześniej przez badaczy konsensusu na temat substytucyjności ceł i środków NTM, praca wskazuje na substytucyjność spadającą wraz ze wzrostem rozwoju ekonomicznego kraju a także na silną komplementarność między tymi dwoma środkami polityki handlowej w krajach rozwiniętych. Ponadto, praca wskazuje, że instytucje rozwiązywania sporów handlowych w niedostatecznym stopniu biorą pod uwagę ekonomiczne efekty NTM w porównaniu do analizowanych efektów prawnych. To zjawisko może utrudnić realizację celów WTO związanych z liberalizacją handlu. Praca pokazuje również, że same środki NTM mogą de facto – jak w przypadku oliwy – być wprowadzone zgodnie z postulowanymi celami nieekonomicznymi i wpływać dodatnio na handel międzynarodowy.<br>During the past two decades, international trade has been increasing rapidly which over-lapped with a significant gradual elimination of tariff protection implemented by most countries. Tariff reduction has been achieved as a result of successive rounds of multilateral trade negotia-tions, or by the creation of preferential trade agreements (PTAs), and occasionally, by unilateral trade liberalization. Alongside the worldwide reduction of tariff rates, accumulated evidence shows a growing propensity in the use of non-tariff measures to trade (NTMs), which may partially offset the advancements achieved by lower tariffs. Traditionally, tariff measures are imposed to pursue economic and trade objectives, while the intention behind the use of non-tariff measures is to realize policy objectives, which are non-economic, by nature. Among these purposes can by envi-ronmental protection, public health, consumer safety, homeland security, etc. The growing trend of using NTMs, in turn, has led to a consensus among scholars, also supported by several empirical analyzes, that NTMs de facto serve countries to achieve mainly economic goals. These goals are the enhancement of import restrictiveness, the improvement of terms-of-trade, and the compensation for possible economic losses in the presence of tariffs liberalization. Contrastingly, evidence based on several sources, among them a unique dataset on ad-valorem of NTMs, elaborated by Kee et al. (2009), imply that there may be a more complicated picture. A cross-country portrait shows that countries with low tariffs, also apply lower ad-valorem NTMs, and vice versa, suggesting complementary relations between those two types of policy in-struments. A similar positive correlation between tariffs and NTMs is also found by results of data analysis of NTMs coverage ratio, in number of products affected by NTMs, at various levels of aggregation. Taken together, these results demonstrate how a protectionist tariff policy is often paired with tougher regulated measures. The positive correlation between the two policy measures creates at first glance a paradox, which requires further investigation. The PhD dissertation aims to uncover various policy implications of NTMs on the interna-tional trade, across countries and products. It does so by, firstly, reviewing the state of the art in the empirical work which revolves around the trade impact of NTMs. Secondly, the dissertation addresses three particular dimensions related to trade policy implications of NTMs. The first di-mension examines the policy substitution and complementarity between NTMs and tariffs in vari-ous groups of countries. The second part provides a comparison framework of the legal and eco-nomic assessments in the WTO dispute settlement mechanism that involve the use of specific NTMs. In the last part, an empirical analysis is performed, on the virgin olive oil sector, to examine whether particular NTMs can actually serve as trade boosters rather than trade-restricting measures. The first chapter of the dissertation provides an up-to date review of the empirical literature on the trade impact of NTMs, particulary the Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (SPS) and Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT). It displays the available responses that the empirical literature provides to the major questions regarding the trade effects of NTMs. For instance: How do specific NTMs affect imports and exports? What is the trade-effect of NTMs on developing countries? Do small- and medium sized firms suffer more from compliance costs associated with NTMs compared to larger firms? How are particular products/sectors affected by NTMs? Do harmonization and mu-tual recognition agreements necessarily enhance trade? The title of the first paper is “Quantifying the Trade Effect of Non-Tariff Measures: A Review of the Empirical Literature”. The second chapter of the PhD research presents an empirical study, designed to investigate the correlation between tariffs and NTMs, by studying the country variation in the context of eco-nomic development differences. It builds on a dataset constructed by Kee et al (2009), which cal-culated the ad-valorem equivalent of NTMs at a very disaggregate product for about 100 (develop-ing and developed) countries. By exploiting the country variation, the paper demonstrates that the strong substitutability in low-income countries, gradually diminishes with the rise in the economic development of countries, until it transforms to complementarity in high-income countries. The pa-per “Tariffs & Non-Tariff Measures: Substitutes or Complements. A Cross-Country Analy-sis”, has been published in Bank i Kredyt. 48(1): 45-72. (2017). The third chapter analyzes the legal and economic assessments that have been applied to re-solve WTO disputes that involve the use of NTMs. In particular, it provides an analysis of assess-ments of the contribution of the measures to the objective pursued, along with identifying any rea-sonably available alternatives. In doing so, it focuses on those disputes relevant in encompassing an interpretation of GATT Article XX(b), SPS Agreement Art. 5.6 and TBT Agreement Art. 2.2. This paper reveals that although there are no significant differences between the legal tests, relating to the interpretation of the term "necessary", the same cannot be said for the economic assessments that need to be undertaken to determine whether the contribution of the measure it seeks to sup-port, is necessary. The paper, written jointly with Dr. Kamala Dawar of the Sussex University demonstrates that the economic analyses of disputes vary widely depending on whether a quantita-tive or qualitative assessment is undertaken. After setting out the legal tests that regulate assess-ments of a contribution of a measure or its necessity, it identifies those economic assessments that have been undertaken to complement or substitute the legal tests used to resolve disputes involving these different provisions of the GATT/WTO legal framework. The paper “How ‘Necessary’? A Comparison of Legal and Economic Assessments Under GATT Dispute Settlements, Article XX(b), TBT 2.2 and SPS 5.6”, is expected to be published in the Journal of Trade, Law and De-velopment. 8:1. (July 2017). The fourth chapter of the PhD research aims to examine whether and to what extent NTMs can serve as trade boosters rather than trade restrictive measures. It uses the virgin olive oil sector data in order to estimate an empirical model and identify which NTMs affect the level of bilateral trade the most. Moreover, it allows differentiating which regulation measures could be associated with trade enhancement compared to those that impede trade. The hypothesis of this paper is that the majority of the non-tariff measures actually fulfill the purposes which they were originally de-signed to achieve. By doing so, these NTMs respond to the consumer’s demand for food safety and human health, while increasing available information and transparency, and in turn, expand the magnitude of imports of virgin olive oil products. The paper “The Trade-Enhancing Effects of Non-Tariff Measures on Virgin Olive Oil”, has been published in the International Journal of Food and Agricultural Economics. 5(3): 9-26 (2017). By way of conclusion, the dissertation asserts that TBT and SPS measures impact interna-tional trade in a more substantial manner than meets the eye. In the outset, a review of the empirical literature on the trade-effects of NTMs is put forward, in order to uncover the key findings that it provides to various possible aspects regarding the trade effects of NTMs. In the second part, it val-idates that, in contrast to the consensus among scholars on the substitutability between tariffs and NTMs, the substitutability trend actually diminishes with the rise in the economic development, while a strong complementarity between the two import policy measures appears amid developed countries. The third part highlights the insufficient consideration of the economic effects of NTMs by the dispute settlement bodies, compared to legal assessments, which could regrettably under-mine the WTO’s objectives to freer trade. Finally, unlike the majority of scholars’ claim, the fourth part asserts that NTMs do not necessarily restrict trade. It does so by demonstrating that in the case of virgin olive oil, NTMs can actually achieve the purposes they were originally designed to fulfill, while contributing to the bilateral trade among countries favorably.

In recent years, preferential trade agreements (PTAs) have proliferated rapidly, creating a spaghetti bowl of bilateral treaties. A growing share are North-South- FTAs between developed countries and emerging markets. Why the sudden proliferation of these agreements, when most-favoured-nation tariffs are at a historically low level? This dissertation argues that PTAs are the product of a competitive dynamic among states—but not a competition over export markets. Rather, firms and countries compete over access to locations for FDI. Growth of the service sector and global integration of production networks motivate multinational firms to invest in emerging market countries. At the same time, manufacturing firms have strong incentives to seek strict rules-of-origin. In service industries, market structures work against late entrants. Preferential liberalization thus discriminate strongly against third parties. The combination of bilateral agreements and increased FDI flows has an unintended effect: excluded firms lobby for defensive agreements with host countries, triggering a rapid proliferation of FTAs. This study develops a model that explains these dynamics and tests it in several case studies. The in-depth case studies cover the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the two defensive agreements Japan and the EU signed with Mexico, followed by a range of survey cases, including the Japanese initiative for an FTA with Thailand and US and EU FTAs with Chile. The findings of the study imply that bilateral agreements come close to sectoral liberalization and threaten to undermine the multilateral trade regime. However, given the competitive dynamic of PTAs, preferential liberalization is going to become even more popular in the future.<br>Arts, Faculty of<br>Political Science, Department of<br>Graduate

The first part of the thesis addresses the effect of rules of origin regulations on the use of domestic factors of production in the country of origin. In the case of a firm that is a perfect competitor in the final product market these regulations have two effects: first there is a direct substitution effect due to the regulation that will increase the use of the domestic factor and second, there is an indirect output effect due to the increased cost that will reduce the demand for the domestic factor. In the case of a firm that has a monopoly power in the final product market, the declining marginal revenue curve faced by the firm causes the reallocation of output between domestic and foreign plants. This reallocation may further decrease the demand for the domestic factor of production. The second part of the thesis addresses the problem of a government trying to maximize welfare through use of rules of origin regulations when there is conflict among various domestic interests. Numerical computations using this model showed that the optimal rule of origin was very sensitive to the technical parameters of the model which suggests that policy decisions with respect to rules of origin should be made at the greatest level of disaggregation that is feasible.

Defence date: 8 December 2015<br>Examining Board: Prof. Petros C. Mavroidis, EUI (Supervisor); Prof. Bernard Hoekman, EUI; Mr. Juan A. Marchetti, World Trade Organization; Prof. Jean-François Bellis, Université Libre de Bruxelles.<br>Paragraph 2(a) of the GATS Annex on Financial Services is generally known as the Prudential Carve-Out (PCO). Essentially, it allows WTO Members to adopt the measures they deem appropriate for prudential reasons when regulating trade in financial services. The provision has not yet been interpreted in WTO dispute settlement proceedings. However, it is extremely relevant in light of the 2008–2009 financial crisis and the worldwide regulatory developments that ensued. A number of scholars have looked into the issue and it seems to be their common view that, technically, the PCO ought to be classified as an ‘exception’ to the obligations and the commitments contained within the GATS. This classification leads to important interpretative consequences, mostly with regard to the allocation of the burden of proof in the event of a dispute. The main argument of this thesis is that the PCO should rather be classified as a 'provision that excludes the application of other provisions'. This alternative interpretation is more consistent with the negotiating history of the provision, the negotiators’ intention, as well as the underlying economic rationale. Characterising the PCO in this manner also has implications for the allocation of the burden of proof (which under this interpretation would fall on the complainant and not on the defendant) and for the degree of deference that WTO judges should pay to the rights and the prerogatives of the regulators in the domain of financial services. The thesis is structured as follows: Chapter 1 introduces the research question and methodology of the thesis and provides a review of the existing literature. Chapter 2 is devoted to the negotiating history and the economic rationale for the PCO and gives an account of developments in prudential regulation after the entry into force of the GATS as well as of relevant discussions between WTO Members in the Committee on Trade in Financial Services of the GATS. Chapter 3 analyses the PCOs in all Preferential Trade Agreements notified to the WTO Secretariat as of December 2014, highlights the main features and classifies the different categories of PCOs that have emerged. Chapter 4 is dedicated to the new approach advocated by the thesis. The final chapter (Chapter 5) suggests an agenda for a reform of the PCO of the Annex on Financial Services of the GATS, taking into account the developments that have occurred in trade negotiations at the preferential level over the last twenty years.

碩士<br>大葉大學<br>事業經營研究所<br>94<br>High development of global economy causes the transboundary pollution. The regional trade agreement prevails at the moment, this paper extends north and south trade models of the two-country, various-good by Copeland and Taylor(1995), set up a oligopoly model of three-country, two-firm and adopt the trade structure of the third market. This thesis aims to examine the host country adopt the different alliance strategic(free to levy a tax, most favored nation treatment, free trade area) with a developed and undeveloped country on the consideration of environment protection, the influence of optimal tariff, level of output and social welfare, respectively. This paper adopt two kinds of extreme situations of pollution tax to tend to zero or infinite for the convenience of analysis that in the social welfare. We obtains the following conclusions: When pollution tax to tend to zero, the meaning of free to levy a tax and most favored nation, and the social welfare is the same. The meaning of free trade with B or C-country, and the social welfare is the same. When the host country’s government levies tax to two countries at the same time, the limited degree is relatively little, so the host country’s social welfare is relatively high. When pollution tax to tend to infinite, the host country's policy is unrestricted and make the social welfare reach highest in the situation of free to levy a tax; Average while levying tax freely that the tariff will be ordered, the host country’s policy is restricted at present, and social welfare will be reduced gradually in the situation of most favored nation treatment. When host country adopt free trade with C country that the limited degree is the greatest, so the host country’s social welfare will reach the minimum level.

Dissertação de mestrado em European and Transglobal Business Law<br>The global multilateralism has been the option for the expansion of trade and economic investments. The objectives of free trade exceeded the traditional notion of trade in goods liberalization to include contemporary topics such as services, investment and intellectual property and to be consistent with the rules established by the World Trade Organization (WTO). The interest of developing countries to implement inter-regional trade agreements with developed countries is one way to ensure necessary political and economic reforms and attracting more foreign direct investment. In this context, economic and world order can be characterized by the coexistence of regionalism and multilateralism. In general, preferential trade agreements have taken on increased importance since the failure of the Doha Round and consequently have proliferated in recent years. These agreements are an exception to the principle of the most favorable nation, laid down and regulated by the WTO. The negotiations on market access among the largest and most influential regions of Europe and Latin America can vary since mutual political influence to economic returns. Thus, the negotiations emerged on a trade preferential agreement between the European Union and Mercosur in 2000 to the present day. These negotiations have already suffered many forward and backward steps, and is expected its conclusion in the near future. The future of political and economic relations and cooperation between the EU and Mercosur will depend on the final results of the negotiations already ongoing. Therefore, the interests at stake must be expressed in all their diversity and fully considered, so that the conclusion of trade negotiations will be successful and initiate a new era of political and economic relations between the two regional blocs. Brazil has assumed an increasingly important role in Latin America and strengthened its position within Mercosur. In turn, the EU was not indifferent to their growth and, given its close relationship both culturally as history, established a strategic partnership in 2007 with Brazil. The bi-regional trade agreement, on the EU side, should increase market access for their goods and services and assist in the institutional strengthening of Mercosur, due to the free movement of goods and services as well as clearer and more efficient customs procedures. Towards Mercosur, negotiations should provide, on the one hand, greater access for Mercosur products and services to the European market and, on the other hand, a greater incentive for European direct foreign investment. Hence, Mercosur is expected to increase its exports to the EU due to the removal of trade barriers in the European market. Regarding the role of Brazil, its dominance in Latin America and particularly Mercosur and its long-term relationship with the EU could facilitate the successful conclusion of negotiations between the two blocs, functioning as a mediator. Thus, on the EU side has to mediate the reduction of protectionist policy of the Mercosur and consequently the opening of the European markets and industrial sector, particularly the automotive sector. On the side of Mercosur, you have to mediate EU barriers to agricultural sector.<br>O multilateralismo global tem sido a opção para a expansão do comércio e dos investimentos económicos. Os objectivos do livre comércio superaram a noção tradicional de liberalização do comércio de produtos para incluírem temas contemporâneos, como serviços, investimentos e propriedade intelectual e serem consistentes com as regras estabelecidas pela Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). O interesse dos países em desenvolvimento de implementar acordos de comércio inter-regionais com países desenvolvidos é assegurar uma via para reformas políticas e económicas necessárias e atrair um volume maior de investimento estrangeiro directo. Neste contexto, a ordem económica e mundial pode ser caracterizada pela coexistência do regionalismo e do multilateralismo. Em geral, os acordos preferenciais de comércio têm assumido maior relevância desde o fracasso da Rodada de Doha e, consequentemente têm proliferado nos últimos anos. Estes acordos são uma excepção ao princípio da nação mais favorável, previsto e regulado pela OMC. As negociações de acesso aos mercados entre as maiores e mais influentes regiões da Europa e da América Latina podem variar desde influências políticas mútuas a retornos económicos. Deste modo, surgiu as negociações de um acordo preferencial comercial entre a União Europeia e o Mercosul, em 2000 até aos nossos dias. Estas negociações já sofreram muitos avanços e recuos, estando previsto a sua conclusão num futuro próximo. O futuro das relações políticas e económicas e da cooperação entre a UE e o Mercosul dependerá dos resultados finais das negociações já iniciadas. Deste modo, os interesses em jogo devem ser expressos em toda a sua diversidade e considerados integralmente, de forma que a conclusão das negociações comerciais obtenha sucesso e inicie uma nova era das relações políticas e económicas entre os dois blocos regionais. O Brasil tem assumido um papel cada vez mais importante na América Latina e fortalecido a sua posição dentro do Mercosul. Por sua vez, a UE não foi indiferente ao seu crescimento e, tendo em conta a sua relação de proximidade tanto nível cultural como histórico, estabeleceu uma parceria estratégica em 2007 com o Brasil. O acordo comercial bi-regional, do lado da UE, deve incrementar o acesso ao mercado para os seus bens e serviços e auxiliar no fortalecimento institucional do Mercosul, devido à livre circulação de bens e serviços, bem como procedimentos aduaneiros mais claros e eficientes. Em relação ao Mercosul, as negociações devem proporcionar, por um lado, maior acesso dos produtos e serviços do Mercosul ao mercado europeu. E, por outro lado, maior incentivo para o investimento estrangeiro directo europeu. Deste modo, o Mercosul deverá aumentar as suas exportações para a UE, devido à remoção das barreiras comerciais do mercado europeu. Relativamente ao papel do Brasil, a sua posição dominante na América latina e, particularmente no Mercosul e a sua relação de longa duração com a UE poderá facilitar a conclusão com sucesso das negociações entre os dois blocos, funcionando como um mediador. Assim, pelo do lado da UE, tem de mediar a redução da política proteccionista do Mercosul e, consequentemente a abertura aos mercados europeus do sector industrial e, em particular, o sector automóvel. Pelo lado do Mercosul, tem de mediar os entraves da UE ao sector agrícola.

Os efeitos da globalização económica foram e são estudados todos os dias. São apontados efeitos positivos e efeitos negativos pelas mais variadas vertentes. O aumento desmedido da competitividade face à abertura dos mercados é, não só, visto como também sentido por todos. Os meios usados para enfrentar esse aumento de competitividade não são, por vezes, os mais lícitos, principalmente do ponto de vista social. Os EUA e alguns países da Europa já há muito que tentam travar as desigualdades existentes entre as suas legislações laborais quando comparadas com as dos países em desenvolvimento. Acusam esses mesmos países de usufruírem das fragilidades da sua legislação laboral, e consequentemente de mão-de-obra extremamente barata, para aumentar a competitividade externa. Neste seguimento, os países desenvolvidos tentam há décadas que sejam estabelecidos padrões de trabalho que garantam a igualdade de direitos laborais nas relações comerciais. No entanto, essa tentativa é vista pelos países em desenvolvimento como uma medida proteccionista e acusam os países desenvolvidos de se servirem da mesma para proteger os próprios mercados. O debate em torno da chamada “cláusula de proteção social” apareceu nos inícios da década de 90 e passou por um longo e controverso percurso. Hoje em dia, encontra-se presente em vários acordos de comércio preferencial e importa perceber como é aplicada, bem como a sua eficácia. Em última análise, entender se serve efetivamente como um mecanismo de defesa dos direitos de trabalhadores, ou se, por outro lado, funciona mais na teoria do que na prática.<br>The effects of economic globalization continue to be studied every day, with various authors pointing out positive and negative effects. The unfettered increase of competitiveness caused by the opening upo f markets is not only seen but also felt by all. At times, the means used to face this increase aren’t themost lawful ones, especially from the social point of view. The USA and some European countries have been trying for a long time to tackle the current imbalance between their own labour laws and the ones from developing countries. The former blame the latter of taking advantage of the weaknesses in their labour legislation, and, consequently, benefitting from extremely cheap workforces, as a way of increasing their external competitiveness. Thus, developed countries have been trying for decades to establish labour standards that protect the equality of labour rights in trade relations. However, developing countries see this as a protectionist measure created by developed countries as a way to protect their markets. The debate around so called “social protection clause” emerged in the early 1990’s and has been through a long and contentious path. Today, it’s part of several preferential trade agreeements and it is important to understand how it is applied and how eficiente it is. Ultimately, understand if it is, in fact, a defence mechanism for worker’s rights, or if works more in theory than in practice.

Cette thèse comporte trois essais en macroéconomie en économie ouverte et commerce international. Je considère tour à tour les questions suivantes: sous quelles conditions est-il optimal pour un pays de former une union économique? (essai 1); l'augmentation de la dispersion transversale des avoirs extérieurs nets des pays est-elle compatible avec une dispersion relativement stable des taux d'investissement? (essai 2); le risque de perte de marché à l'exportation du fait de l'existence des zones de commerce préférentiel joue t-il un rôle dans la décision des pays exclus de négocier des accords commerciaux à leur tour? (essai 3). Le premier essai examine les conditions d'optimalité d'une union économique. Il s'intéresse à une motivation particulière: le partage du risque lié aux fluctuations du revenu. Dans la situation initiale, les pays ont très peu d'opportunités pour partager le risque à cause des frictions: les marchés financiers internationaux sont incomplets et il n'y pas de mécanisme pour faire respecter les contrats de crédit entre pays. Dans ce contexte, une union économique apparait comme un arrangement qui pallie à ces frictions entre les pays membres seulement. Cependant, l'union dans son ensemble continue de faire face à ces frictions lorsqu'elle échange avec le reste du monde. L'arbitrage clé dans le modèle est le suivant. D'un coté, l'intégration économique permet un meilleur partage du risque entre pays membres et la possibilité pour le partenaire pauvre d'utiliser la ligne de crédit du partenaire riche en cas de besoin. De l'autre coté, l'union peut faire face à une limite de crédit plus restrictive parce que résilier la dette extérieure est moins coûteux pour les membres l'union. De plus, le fait que le partenaire pauvre peut utiliser la limite de crédit du partenaire riche génère une externalité négative pour ce dernier qui se retrouve plus fréquemment contraint au niveau des marchés internationaux des capitaux. En conformité avec les faits observés sur l'intégration économique, le modèle prédit que les unions économiques sont relativement peu fréquentes, sont plus susceptibles d'être créées parmi des pays homogènes, et généralement riches. Le deuxième essai porte sur la dispersion des avoirs extérieurs nets et la relation avec la dispersion des taux d'investissement. Au cours des récentes décennies, la dispersion croissante des déséquilibres extérieurs et les niveaux record atteints par certaines grandes économies ont reçu une attention considérable. On pourrait attribuer ce phénomène à une réduction des barrières aux mouvements internationaux des capitaux. Mais dans ce cas, il est légitime de s'attendre à une augmentation de la dispersion au niveau des taux d'investissement; ceci, parce que le financement des besoins en investissements constitue une raison fondamentale pour laquelle les pays échangent les capitaux. Les données indiquent cependant que la dispersion des taux d'investissement est restée relativement stable au cours des récentes décennies. Pour réconcilier ces faits, je construis un modèle d'équilibre général dynamique et stochastique où les pays sont hétérogènes en raison des chocs idiosyncratiques à leurs niveaux de productivité totale des facteurs. Au niveau des marchés internationaux des capitaux, le menu des actifs disponibles est restreint à une obligation sans risque et il n'y a pas de mécanisme pour faire respecter les contrats de crédit entre pays. A tout moment, un pays peut choisir de résilier sa dette extérieure sous peine d'exclusion financière et d'un coût direct. Ce coût direct reflète les canaux autres que l'exclusion financière à travers lesquels les pays en défaut sont pénalisés. Lorsque le modèle est calibré pour reproduire l'évolution de la dispersion transversale des avoirs extérieurs nets, il produit une dispersion relativement stable des taux d'investissement. La raison principale est que les incitations que les pays ont à investir sont liées à la productivité. Avec l'intégration financière, même si les opportunités d'emprunt se sont multipliées, les incitations à investir n'ont pas beaucoup changé. Ce qui permet de générer une dispersion accrue de la position des avoirs extérieurs nets des pays avec une dispersion relativement stable des taux d'investissement. Le troisième essai analyse un aspect de l'interdépendance dans la formation des accords commerciaux préférentiels: j'examine empiriquement si le risque de diversion des exportations en faveur des pays membres des zones de commerce préférentiel est un facteur déterminant dans la décision des pays exclus de ces accords de négocier un accord à leur tour. Je construis un indicateur qui mesure le potentiel de diversion des exportations auquel font face les pays et estime un modèle probit de formation des zones de commerce préférentiel créées entre 1961 et 2005. Les résultats confirment que les pays confrontés à un plus grand potentiel de détournement des échanges sont plus susceptibles de former une zone de commerce préférentiel à leur tour.<br>This thesis consists of three essays in open economic macroeconomics and international trade. I consider the following questions: Which countries find it individually optimal to form an economic union? (essay 1); is the rising cross-sectional dispersion in net foreign asset positions consistent with a relatively stable dispersion in investment rates? (essay 2); is the risk of trade diversion due to existing preferential trade areas an important factor in excluded countries decision to seek one? (essay 3). The first essay studies the individual optimality of economic integration. It emphasizes the risk-sharing benefits of economic integration. In an initial situation, countries have very limited possibilities to share idiosyncratic endowment risk because of financial frictions: international financial markets are incomplete and contracts not enforceable. A union is an arrangement that solves both the market incompleteness and the lack of enforcement problems among member countries. The union as a whole still faces these frictions when trading in the world economy. The model emphasizes the following key trade-off. There are two benefits from economic integration: better risk-sharing among member countries and the possibility for poor partners to use the rich partners' credit lines. The costs are the following: borrowing limits become tighter because defaulting on international debt becomes less costly for union partners. Since poor partners may benefit from the rich partner's credit limit, this generates a negative externality: rich partners will find themselves more often borrowing-constrained in a union compared to standing alone in the world economy. Consistently with evidence on economic integration, the model predicts that economic unions occur relatively infrequently and are more likely to emerge among homogeneous and rich countries. The rising dispersion of external imbalances over the recent decades and the record-high levels reached by some major economies has received considerable attention during the recent years. The second essay focuses on one of such imbalances: the net foreign asset positions (NFA). One can view this rising dispersion as a consequence of the reduction in barriers to capital flows. But in such case, one would expect the dispersion in investment rates to go up as well because one fundamental reason countries borrow and lend internationally is to finance their investments needs. Instead, the dispersion in investment rates was relatively stable. To explain this puzzling fact, I undertake a quantitative analysis of the global dispersion of net foreign asset positions and investment rates. The framework is an integrated model of world economy where countries differences arise from idiosyncratic shocks to their total factor productivity levels. International capital flows is restricted: the menu of assets traded is exogenously restricted to a risk-free bond, and international lending contracts are not legally enforceable. At any time, a country may choose to repudiate its foreign debt subject to financial exclusion and an output cost. The output cost captures margins other than financial exclusion through which defaulting countries can be punished. When calibrated to match the evolution of the cross-sectional dispersion in net foreign asset positions, the model produces a relatively stable dispersion in investment rates. The reason is because the incentives to invest are related to the productivity, not to the borrowing and lending opportunities. Although the opportunities to borrow and lend internationally have increased, the incentives to invest have not changed much, thereby generating a large cross-sectional dispersion in NFA positions with a relatively stable dispersion in investment rates. The third essay investigates empirically whether the risk of trade diversion faced by countries excluded from preferential trade areas (PTA) is determinant in their decision to seek a preferential trade agreement. Using the trade complementarity index, I derive a measure of the potential of trade diversion and estimate a probit model of the formation of PTAs between 1961 and 2005. The results show that country-pairs facing a larger potential of trade diversion are more likely to form a PTA in the future.