Relevant bibliographies by topics / Prints, Venezuelan

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Prints, Venezuelan'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Prints, Venezuelan"

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McBeth, Brian S. "Venezuela's Nascent Oil Industry and the 1932 US Tariff on Crude Oil Imports, 1927–1935." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 27, no. 3 (2009): 427–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610900000835.

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ABSTRACTAfter a brief description of the initial development of Venezuela's crude oil industry, this paper examines the impact the 1932 US tariff on crude oil imports had on the country. The US tariff on crude oil imports stabilised domestic crude oil prices but prevented consumers from benefting from lower prices in refned petroleum products. The large us international integrated crude oil companies gained from higher crude oil prices for their domestic production while supplying their european markets with mostly cheap crude oil from their newly developed Venezuelan oilfelds. The tariff increased the Venezuelan oil industry's vulnerability to international events because it narrowed the competitive edge it had over domestic us crude oil production. consequently, the Gómez dictatorship in Venezuela at the time became more dependent on the oil companies operating in the country since they could reduce production considerably, or even leave the country as quickly as they entered with a negative impact on government revenues.
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Venezuelan, A., and James Ausman. "The devastating Venezuelan crisis." Surgical Neurology International 10 (July 26, 2019): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.25259/sni_342_2019.

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The Venezuelan crisis is filling the headlines and truly deserves the world’s attention. It is a wake-up call to all as it holds relevant lessons for both developing and developed countries. The country suffers a severe humanitarian crisis. Its economy has declined at a faster pace than any other peacetime economy worldwide. Hardship and repression have led millions to flee the country creating a refugee crisis in Colombia and other neighboring countries, and millions more are expected to flee unless conditions improve. It raises serious security concerns in the whole Western Hemisphere. The country of Venezuela sits on and owns the largest oil reserves in the world. Oil helps explain the “rent-seeking” behavior that is at the root of this crisis. (“Rent-seeking” is simply getting money from the government for the oil it sells and giving little or nothing back to the government in return. -EEd) However, oil cannot be blamed for this crisis – it helped Venezuela get out of the poverty trap and become a modern democratic society in the 20th century. This crisis comes from the perverse combination of bad politics, bad policy, and corruption that besieged the country over the last 20 years. Since he was elected in 1998, Hugo Chávez paved the way to authoritarianism while making the economy more vulnerable to the ups and downs of oil prices. Chávez died in early 2013. When Nicolás Maduro, his anointed heir, was elected to succeed him, the economy was in bad shape and institutions were already weak, but problems had been papered over thanks to high oil prices and the money the government made from its sale. When oil prices were high worldwide, Venezuelan governments did not save money for possible future economic losses. When oil prices began falling in 2014 and threatened the money from “rent-seeking” by many Venezuelans, Maduro chose the road to overt authoritarianism instead of seeking to restore the basics of an open society and a prosperous economy: the rule of law, property rights, transparency, prudent fiscal and monetary policy, and essential public goods such as education, health, housing, transportation, and infrastructure. This paper is a brief history of how the present Crisis in Venezuela developed and how it can be reasonably resolved. The Venezuelan people are suffering. There are lessons here for everyone in the world (A Venezuelan and James Ausman).
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Bhattacharya, Subhendu, and Y. Nisha. "Economic and Social Turmoil in Venezuela Caused by Autocracy and Misgovernance." International Journal of Research in Engineering, Science and Management 3, no. 12 (December 19, 2020): 80–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.47607/ijresm.2020.412.

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Venezuela was once a thriving economy but it experienced one of the worst political crisis and economic catastrophe in modern times. The failure of leadership and erroneous policy measures were instrumental in this disaster. After Hugo Chavez, his successor Nicolás Maduro from socialist PSUV party took over in 2013. His extension through the general election in May 2018 remained shrouded under controversy. There was massive corruption, social repression, deceleration of productivity, economic indecision, higher dependence on oil, rampant human rights violation, and shutdown of businesses noticed during his regime. Venezuela is an oil rich country with the leading verified oil reserves in the world. Its economy is highly dependent on oil exports but oil production has plummeted tremendously. The nation failed to diversify in other lines of production even as oil prices started to fall since 2014 and the economy suffered beyond measure. As per IMF estimate, Venezuela's economy has shrunk by more than one-third between 2013 and 2017 approximately. Its currency value reduced to rubble, inflation skyrocketed, GDP growth rate went into tailspin and debt defaulted. There is unprecedented humanitarian crisis in Venezuela in recent times. Rise in violence and crime, hunger, malnutrition and poverty led millions of people to flee the country. As per the United Nations’ record, about 4.8 million Venezuelans left the nation since the crisis erupted in 2014. US imposed sanction on Venezuela in 2015 which further got intensified in 2017. There is now international pressure on Nicolás Maduro to step down and to allow his opponent Juan Guaidó to run the country. In the times of the Corona virus outbreak, this crisis has aggravated for the economically impaired nation.
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Leroy, David. "La agricultura de los Andes venezolanos: De la intensificación a la crisis, 1960-2019." Historia Agraria Revista de agricultura e historia rural, no. 84 (July 13, 2021): 173–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.26882/histagrar.084e03l.

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The Venezuelan Andes constituted one of the poorest regions of the country during the 1950s-1960s. This region was affected by oil exploitation and rapid urbanization. However, with the introduction of irrigated horticulture at that time, the Andean production systems were radically changed with the development of crops of high commercial value. For several decades, the Venezuelan Andes were an important source of enrichment and a new growth pole for the country. From the 1990s, however, with the intensification of horticultural activities, problems began to manifest themselves in both socio-economic and environmental terms. This process was accentuated from 2013 with the economic, political and social crisis that continues to affect Venezuela. Today the country's Andean farmers face several obstacles (fuel shortages, dollarization of the economy, loss of consumer purchasing power, high input prices) that make agricultural investment particularly risky. In a context of food shortages and hyperinflation, subsistence farming is returning to the Venezuelan Andes, allowing farmers to produce enough food for themselves and their families.
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Jošić, Hrvoje, and Fran Maček Pandak. "Nizozemska bolest u Bolivarijanskoj Republici Venezueli." Notitia, no. 3 (November 16, 2018): 125–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.32676/n.3.10.

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Ever since its independence, Venezuela has based its economy on the manufacturing and export of a single product. In the 19th century, those products were cocoa and coffee beans, which were replaced by oil in the 20th century. This led to the Dutch disease which harmed other sectors of the economy, so the often corrupt governments bought social peace with socialist policies and government spending. During the 1980s, the first significant plunge in oil prices in the 20th century forced the Venezuelan government to conduct liberal reforms in order to receive assistance from the International Monetary Fund. These led to a significant decline in the standard of living and GDP, as well as, mass protests. Due to the popular discontent, the 1998 presidential elections were won by Hugo Chavez, a former military officer and the leader of the failed coup, who used the rebound in oil prices to start socialist reforms and economic recovery. Expropriations of privately owned assets and price controls weakened the domestic economy and led to inflation, while the rise in government spending strained the public finances. The big drop in oil price in 2014 caused the collapse of Venezuelan economy as well as social and political crisis. The data used in making this paper is from the Venezuelan government and its departments and institutes, as well as from the United Nations, the World Bank, other organisations and Venezuelan and foreign newspapers and web portals.
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Morse, Kimberly J. "When the Priest Does Not Sympathize with el Pueblo: Clergy and Society in El Oriente Venezolano, 1843-1873." Americas 59, no. 4 (April 2003): 511–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2003.0050.

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When 22 Capuchin friars landed in Barcelona in 1843, they could not anticipate the troubles they faced in the years to come. As refugees from the Spanish Carlista wars, Gallegos and Catalans who did not even speak much Spanish, the friars must have been happy enough to serve a nation that did not want them dead—yet. In their contract with the Venezuelan government, the 22 Capuchin friars who labored in Venezuela'sOrientepromised to stay in Venezuela for at least ten years. In return, the Venezuelan government promised to pay them 400 pesos annually, to leave all spiritual matters in the hands of the missionaries, and to cede to the missionaries all authority in Indian mission matters.If only things worked out that well. The Capuchin friars found themselves inextricably bound in complex relationships of race and class, often intertwined with matters of land and labor. Poverty and politics (or the politics of poverty) did not allow clergy to use their position as parish priests to maintain any degree of neutrality in the tug of war between the white elite and the poor, primarily Indians, ex-slaves, and the mixed race descendants of all groups. To the contrary, poverty and politics made clergy important players in the ongoing high stakes game of chess between the elite and the masses.
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Coker, Trudie. "Globalization and Corporatism: The Growth and Decay of Organized Labor in Venezuela, 1900–1998." International Labor and Working-Class History 60 (October 2001): 180–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547901004513.

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The contradictory goals of state capital accumulation and redistribution eventually led to the demise of corporatism in Venezuela and probably in much of Latin America. When the Venezuelan state was at its zenith of intervention in the economy, it globalized accumulation via foreign debt. Rather than emphasize accumulation and redistribution as it had during the 1960s and 1970s, accumulation to service the debt became the state's central goal by the 1980s. Declining oil prices by the early 1980s highlighted the weakness of a state caught in the grips of antithetical demands from labor and an increasingly impoverished population, on the one hand, and private capital demanding debt repayment, on the other hand. By definition, corporatism creates a dependency between the state and organized labor. Historically, labor depended on the state for economic subsidies, and the state relied on labor to maintain legitimacy. By the late 1990s, lack of labor autonomy literally dragged labor down with a state drowning in debt and incapacitated by lack of legitimacy. While corporatism is more a relic of things past, the positive implications of increasing labor autonomy are dismal as organized labor has been disarticulated and the democratic state is all but a skeleton.
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Chávez, Joaquín M. "Dreaming of Reform: University Intellectuals during the Lemus regime and the Civic-Military Junta in El Salvador (1960-1961)." Diálogos Revista Electrónica 9 (January 20, 2008): 1730. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/dre.v9i0.31310.

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Lieutenant-Colonel José María Lemus, a protégé of President Oscar Osorio (1950-1956), roseto power in 1956. Lemus is often remembered as an authoritarian ruler, but at the outset of hispresidency he allowed the return of exiles and abolished the “Law in Defense of Democraticand Constitutional Order,” sanctioned during Osorio’s anti-communist crackdown in 1952.Lemus governed El Salvador during a period of declining prosperity as coffee prices plungedin the international markets, forcing an economic restructuring which had particularly negativeconsequences for the poor. But more importantly, the changing political landscape in LatinAmerica posed enormous challenges to Lemus, as opposition forces ousted Venezuelan dictatorMarcos Pérez Jiménez in January 1958 and revolutionaries led by Fidel Castro took power in Cubain January 1959. Political events in Venezuela and Cuba inspired a new wave of mobilization inEl Salvador led by the recently formed Partido Revolucionario Abril y Mayo (PRAM) and FrenteNacional de Orientación Cívica (FNOC) which challenged Lemus’ authoritarian regime. Whilethe local press followed step by step events in Cuba as reported by U.S. press agencies, Lemusand the Revolutionary Party of Democratic Unification (PRUD), the official party, showed arenewed determination to prevent the spread of “Cuban-inspired subversion” in El Salvador. Tothis end, Sidney Mazzini, a representative of the PRUD at the National Assembly envisioned theformation of what he termed a “sanitary cordon” around Cuba.
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KILIÇ-, Nazife Özge. "HOW OIL PRICES IMPACT THE ECONOMIC GROWTH OF VENEZUELA?" Turkish Studies-Economics,Finance,Politics Volume 14 Issue 2, Volume 14 Issue 2 (2019): 395–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.29228/turkishstudies.22939.

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PHILIP, G. "When Oil Prices were Low: Petroleos de Venezuela (PdVSA) and Economic Policy-making in Venezuela since 1989." Bulletin of Latin American Research 18, no. 3 (July 1999): 361–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1470-9856.1999.tb00140.x.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Prints, Venezuelan"

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Lopez, Barazarte Maria Angelica BARAZARTE. "IT WAS, IT IS, WHAT IF." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1499449654080401.

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Samouth, Eglantine. "Dire l’événement quand il surgit. Les journées d’avril 2002 au Venezuela dans trois quotidiens nationaux : une analyse discursive." Thesis, Paris Est, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PEST0035/document.

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En avril 2002, le président du Venezuela, Hugo Chávez Frías est éloigné du pouvoir pendant environ quarante-huit heures et remplacé par un président provisoire, Pedro Carmona Estanga, qui dissout l’ensemble des pouvoirs publics. Malgré sa brièveté, cet épisode a marqué l’histoire du Venezuela et témoigne de façon paroxystique des antagonismes sociaux et politiques que connaît ce pays. La présente recherche a pour but d’analyser la construction discursive de cet événement dans un corpus de trois quotidiens nationaux, en observant comment s’esquisse son sens au moment où il surgit. Dans un premier temps, nous exposons le contexte historico-politique et médiatique dans lequel se sont déroulés ces événements, avant de nous interroger sur la notion d’événement. Il en ressort que l’événement n’est pas une réalité saisissable en tant que telle, mais une réalité signifiée, dans laquelle le langage joue un rôle fondamental. Dans un deuxième temps, nous examinons de quelle manière l’apparition de l’événement se matérialise dans le dispositif des journaux, en accordant une attention particulière aux différents niveaux de titres. La troisième partie de la thèse est consacrée à l’étude la nomination de l’événement, tout d’abord, dans les titres et les Unes, puis à l’intérieur des articles. Les analyses de corpus montrent que le discours des journaux face à cet événement se caractérise par une certaine indétermination, par un usage abondant de l’implicite et par une tendance à l’effacement des journalistes derrière des faits qui semblent s’imposer comme une évidence
In April 2002, the President of Venezuela, Hugo Chávez Frías, was removed from power for approximately forty-eight hours and replacing by an acting president, Pedro Carmona Estanga, who disbanded all of the public authorities. In spite of its brevity, this episode marked the history of Venezuela and testifies acutely to the social and political antagonisms experienced by this country. This research aims to analyse the discursive construction of this event within a corpus of three national daily newspapers, by observing how its meaning takes shape during the moment the events took place. Firstly, I present the historical and political context in which these events occurred and media’s situation in Venezuela, before exploring the notion of the event in general terms. As a result, I show that the event is not a reality that can be captured as such, but is in fact a signified reality, in which language plays a fundamental role. Secondly, I examine in what ways the event is materialised in the dailies’ structure, while according particular attention to the various hierarchical levels of the headlines. The third part of the thesis is dedicated to the study of the event naming act, firstly in the headlines and front pages, then within articles. The corpus analyses show that the discourse of the newspapers in front of this event are characterised by a certain vagueness, by abundant usage of implicit modes of address and by the journalists’ tendency to hide behind facts that seem to impose themselves naturally
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Holdorf, Ruben Dargã. "A mídia e o outro: estudo da construção das figuras dos presidentes de Argentina, Chile e Venezuela em Veja, Carta Capital, Folha de S.Paulo e O Estado de S. Paulo." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2013. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/4509.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:12:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ruben Darga Holdorf.pdf: 4082110 bytes, checksum: 8f484aa92d8b8568b4d8bba9b1069c8e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-21
This research examines the modes of construction of the texts about Latin-American presidents which appeared in the Brazilian press media in the years 2000, 2005 and 2010, which years were marked by an intense alternance of power in most countries of this continent. It endeavors to analyze how the media devices design the idealization of the Other, when in the role of president. We start with the assumption that the media sets out slogans calling their audiences to approve of some presidents and to disapprove of others, and that by so doing it supports an impoverished democracy. They also trace a boundary line separating Brazil from the Latin-American countries in the topologic-political spaces of the Self and of the Other, making an opposition without subtleties and complexities. The main theoretical bases of this research are Ernesto Laclau s discourse, the reflections on Democracy and on The Self/The Other written by Chantal Mouffe, and Boaventura Santos definition of borderline. Involving periodics of expressive circulation, which maintain correspondents in the several countries of the continent and which rely on information provided by international news agencies to produce the contents relative to Latin America, the research corpus consists of the following newspapers and magazines: Folha de S.Paulo, O Estado de S. Paulo, Veja and Carta Capital
Esta pesquisa investiga os modos de construção das narrativas sobre os presidentes latino-americanos na mídia impressa brasileira, nos anos 2000, 2005 e 2010, assinalados pela intensa alternância de poder na maior parte dos países do continente. Trata-se de analisar o modo pelos quais os dispositivos midiáticos projetam e idealizam o Outro-presidente e seu estilo de governar. Partimos da hipótese de que as mídias enunciam palavras de ordem ligadas à democracia, convocando seus públicos para aprovar uns e repovar outros presidentes e, em assim fazendo, sustentam uma democracia empobrecida. Além disso, demarcam uma linha fronteiriça, separando o Brasil dos países latino-americanos nos espaços topológico-políticos do Mesmo e do Outro, ao modo de uma oposição sem sutilezas e complexidades. São bases teóricas principais da pesquisa a teoria do discurso de Ernesto Laclau, as reflexões sobre democracia e o Mesmo/Outro de Chantal Mouffe e a definição de linha fronteiriça , ou abissal , de Boaventura Santos. Envolvendo periódicos de expressiva tiragem, que mantêm correspondentes na América Latina e empregam os serviços das agências noticiosas internacionais para produzir seus conteúdos sobre o continente, o corpus da pesquisa compreende os seguintes jornais e revistas: Folha de S.Paulo, O Estado de S. Paulo, Veja e Carta Capital
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Javůrek, Karel. "Reprezentace vybraných socialistických a komunistických zemí v českém tisku v roce 2010." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-304755.

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Theme of this diploma work are news related to selected socialist and communist countries in the Czech press. Characteristic works are the specifics of media countries with the socialist (or communist) government in the Czech press. Theoretical work is beyond theory Frankfurt and Birmingham schools. The basis of the analysis work will stereotypes concerning the socialist and communist countries, the Czech news media contents. The findings will then be the basis for in-depth interviews with the news media workers and the staff representative bodies of the countries. The goal is to reveal the motives and the construction of stereotypes at the production of media content.
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Books on the topic "Prints, Venezuelan"

1

Galería de Arte Nacional (Venezuela). Arte y destreza del grabado en la colección Galería de Arte Nacional. Caracas: Fundación de Galería de Arte Nacional, 2000.

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Palacios, María Fernanda. Movimiento del grabado en Venezuela: Una memoria. Caracas, Venezuela: Comisión de Estudios de Postgrado, Facultad de Humanidades y Educación-Universidad Central de Venezuela, 2003.

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Pissarro, Camille. Camille Pissarro: Una visión impresionista en Venezuela. [Buenos Aires]: Centro Cultural Borges, 1999.

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Horacio, Cárdenas. Bibliografía y hemerografía del Estado Táchira, 1729-1989. [Caracas]: Biblioteca de Temas y Autores Tachirenses, 1992.

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Claessens, Stijn. Pricing average price options for the 1990 Mexican and Venezuelan recapture clauses. Washington, D.C: World Bank, 1990.

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Claessens, Stijn. Oil price instability, hedging and an oil stabilization fund: The case of Venezuela. Washington, D.C: World Bank, International Economics Department, International Trade Division, and Europe and Central Asia/Middle East and North Africa Regions Technical Department, Finance and Private Sector Development Group, 1994.

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Coleman, Jonathan Roger. Tariff-based commodity price stabilization schemes in Venezuela. Washington, DC (1818 H St. NW, Washington 20433): International Economics Dept., World Bank, 1991.

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1923-1990, Palacios Luisa, and Biblioteca Nacional (Venezuela), eds. Luisa Palacios, el taller y la invención del TAGA. [Caracas: Biblioteca Nacional, 1994.

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Gaztambide, María C. El Techo de la Ballena. University Press of Florida, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9781683400707.001.0001.

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In El Techo de la Ballena, María C. Gaztambi depresents an account of the visual arts production of the Caracas-based collective El Techo de la Ballena (active 1961−69). In spite of evident convergences with other global art tendencies, these radicalized artists from Venezuela anchored their multidisciplinary interventions in a fundamental retrograde stance which, in the author’s view, represented a deliberate inversion of an internationallyaligned modernity hinging on the need for constant evolution and progress in the visual arts. El Techo’s against-the-grain position became the basis for a disorderly project of grief that counteracted the swiftness by which Venezuela fast-tracked its modernization (in the sense of material and technological progress) and consumed international modernism (its cultural production). Against this fragmentary development, El Techo deployed an integrated approach to art-making that included artworks with multiple meanings, alternative exhibition spaces, politicized actions, as well as highly confrontational printed materials. All these elements came together into a single, indivisible body of work merging the visual, the poetic, the performative, and the political. Yet Venezuela’s eroded local environment required an outright unsettling through extreme scatological content and strategies that the balleneros qualified as “a biological art, violently exuded from our bowels…” Theirs was a total output that tested the limits of art to provoke an anesthetized local public under the motto of cambiar la vida, transformar la sociedad(to change life, to transform society).
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Ignacio, Antivero, and Banco Central de Venezuela, eds. Series estadísticas de Venezuela (1989-1999). Caracas: Banco Central de Venezuela, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Prints, Venezuelan"

1

Cromwell, Jesse. "The Political Power of Covert Commerce." In The Smugglers' World, 271–301. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469636887.003.0010.

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This chapter analyzes the Rebellion of Juan Francisco de León (1749-1752) as a conflict demonstrating the political volatility of illicit trade. It asks how and why this rebellion developed and what the ideologies of its insurgents were. In 1749, León, a minor official, led a multiclass, multiracial uprising against the Caracas Company that lasted nearly three years and culminated with the temporary expulsion of both the governor of Venezuela and the Caracas Company from the capital. León’s rebellion was linked to dismally low prices paid by the Caracas Company to Venezuelan producers for their cacao, frustration with the increasing power of the Basque outsiders, and the Company’s role in closing the colonial safety valve of smuggling. Reacting to these affronts, Venezuelans, with the military aid of Dutch sympathizers, defended communal concepts of economic justice and asserted their commercial autonomy nearly sixty years before the colony’s struggle for independence. At its core, this uprising sought to return Spanish imperial trade policy to an earlier colonial status quo of measured commercial neglect and undeclared free trade that was, in fact, incredibly progressive for the political economies of early modern states.
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"Venezuela." In Oil Prices and the Future of OPEC, 56–58. Routledge, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315667058-11.

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