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1

Haron, Muhammed. "The Cape Malays: An Imagined Community in South Africa – A Bibliographical Essay." African Research & Documentation 88 (2002): 35–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00017209.

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1994 was indeed an eventful year for South Africans in general and for the South African Muslims in particular. During the early part of April 1994 the Muslims celebrated the tercentenary of Islam in South Africa, and towards the end of that month they went to the polls along with other South African citizens to participate in South Africa's first democratic elections. It was thus a memorable experience for the Muslim community who joyfully expressed their national and religious identity respectively.The South African Muslim community, particularly those who hailed from the province of the Western Cape, has always raised the question of identity. During the years of apartheid and before, the vast majority of them never identified themselves as South Africans since they rejected the legislated racial policies of the White minority regime. The Population Registration Act of 1950 divided the South Africans into four distinct categories, namely Whites, Indians, Africans, and Coloureds.
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Møller, Valerie. "The South African pension system." Ageing and Society 18, no. 6 (November 1998): 713–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x98227152.

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A. Sagner. 1998. The 1944 Pension Laws Amendment Bill: old-age security policy in South Africa in historical perspective, ca. 1920–1960. Southern African Journal of Gerontology7, 1, 10–14.S. van der Berg. 1998. Ageing, public finance and social security in South Africa. Southern African Journal of Gerontology7, 1, 3–9.The latest issue of Southern African Journal of Gerontology traces the origins of the South African social pensions system and addresses contemporary issues. In her editorial, Monica Ferreira (1998) notes that South Africa is one of only two countries in Africa that operates a social old-age system. Although the value of the South African social pension system is low in terms of real income (R490 in July 1998 – approximately US$100), the pension is generous in comparison with other developing countries. The take-up rate of the pension is virtually 90 per cent in the case of Africans, who historically were the most disadvantaged group under apartheid.
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Turner, Carla. "The Eugenic Underpinnings of Apartheid South Africa, and its Influence on the South African School System." Theoria 71, no. 178 (March 1, 2024): 75–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/th.2024.7117804.

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Abstract In Apartheid South Africa, eugenic notions formed an underlying justification for the superiority of the white race over Africans, through the works of international eugenicists like Galton and Pearson, and locally through prominent South African eugenicist H. B. Fantham. These ideas are expressed and elaborated upon in Emevwo Biakalo's essay ‘Categories of Cross-Cultural Cognition and the African Condition’. His work serves particularly to highlight that the mind and cognitive processes of Africans were considered very different from their white counterparts, and thus they would require different approaches to education. I demonstrate here how these views served as part of the underlying justification for Apartheid in South Africa, particularly in Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd's insistence on creating separate and distinct educational systems for different races. This eugenic legacy is still visible in South Africa's radically unequal education system to this day.
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VINSON, ROBERT TRENT. "Up from Slavery and Down with Apartheid! African Americans and Black South Africans against the Global Color Line." Journal of American Studies 52, no. 2 (May 2018): 297–329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875817001943.

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Across the twentieth century, black South Africans often drew inspiration from African American progress. This transatlantic history informed the global antiapartheid struggle, animated by international human rights norms, of Martin Luther King Jr., his fellow Nobel Peace Prize winner the South African leader Albert Luthuli, and the African American tennis star Arthur Ashe. While tracing the travels of African Americans and Africans “going South,” this article centers Africa and Africans, thereby redressing gaps in black Atlantic and African diaspora scholarship.
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VINSON, ROBERT TRENT. "‘SEA KAFFIRS’: ‘AMERICAN NEGROES’ AND THE GOSPEL OF GARVEYISM IN EARLY TWENTIETH-CENTURY CAPE TOWN." Journal of African History 47, no. 2 (July 2006): 281–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853706001824.

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This article demonstrates that black British West Indians and black South Africans in post-First World War Cape Town viewed ‘American Negroes’ as divinely ordained liberators from South African white supremacy. These South-African based Garveyites articulated a prophetic Garveyist Christianity that provided common ideological ground for Africans and diasporic blacks through leading black South African organizations like the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (UNIA), the African National Congress (ANC) and the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union (ICU). This study utilizes a ‘homeland and diaspora’ model that simultaneously offers an expansive framework for African history, redresses the relative neglect of Africa and Africans in African diaspora studies and demonstrates the impact of Garveyism on the country's interwar black freedom struggle.
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6

CHRISMAN, LAURA. "American Jubilee Choirs, Industrial Capitalism, and Black South Africa." Journal of American Studies 52, no. 2 (May 2018): 274–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187581700189x.

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Focusing on the Virginia Jubilee Singers, an African American singing ensemble that toured South Africa in the late nineteenth century, this article reveals how the transnational reach of commercialized black music informed debates about race, modernity, and black nationalism in South Africa. The South African performances of the Jubilee Singers enlivened debates concerning race, labor and the place of black South Africans in a rapidly industrializing South Africa. A visit from the first generation of global black American superstars fueled both white and black concerns about the racial political economy. The sonic actions of the Jubilee Singers were therefore a springboard for black South African claims for recognition as modern, educated and educable subjects, capable of, and entitled to, the full apparatus, and insignia, of liberal self-determination. Although black South Africans welcomed the Jubilee Singers enthusiastically, the article cautions against reading their positive reception as evidence that black Africans had no agenda of their own and looked to African Americans as their leaders in a joint struggle.
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7

Becker, Charles M. "Economic Sanctions against South Africa." World Politics 39, no. 2 (January 1987): 147–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010438.

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In this paper, I shall dispute the widely held belief that all effective sanctions would greatly hurt poor South African blacks. Rather, it is likely that bans on exports of high technology to South Africa and imports of South African gold and diamonds would cause labor-intensive sectors to expand, thereby limiting the impact of a general recession on unskilled nonwhites. Still, several types of sanctions, such as those on oil, would have a severe impact on poor nonwhites. In addition, forced divestment would result in windfall capital gains for white South Africans; such gains would not be realized, however, if the ban were on new investments only. Finally, I shall discuss the need for infrastructural aid to help South Africa's neighbors weather the storm. Judicious aid to these countries is also important in inducing both Western and South Africanowned investments away from South Africa.
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8

Tewolde, Amanuel Isak. "Reframing Xenophobia in South Africa as Colour-Blind: The Limits of the Afro Phobia Thesis." Migration Letters 17, no. 3 (May 8, 2020): 433–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v17i3.789.

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Many scholars and South African politicians characterize the widespread anti-foreigner sentiment and violence in South Africa as dislike against migrants and refugees of African origin which they named ‘Afro-phobia’. Drawing on online newspaper reports and academic sources, this paper rejects the Afro-phobia thesis and argues that other non-African migrants such as Asians (Pakistanis, Indians, Bangladeshis and Chinese) are also on the receiving end of xenophobia in post-apartheid South Africa. I contend that any ‘outsider’ (White, Asian or Black African) who lives and trades in South African townships and informal settlements is scapegoated and attacked. I term this phenomenon ‘colour-blind xenophobia’. By proposing this analytical framework and integrating two theoretical perspectives — proximity-based ‘Realistic Conflict Theory (RCT)’ and Neocosmos’ exclusivist citizenship model — I contend that xenophobia in South Africa targets those who are in close proximity to disadvantaged Black South Africans and who are deemed outsiders (e.g., Asian, African even White residents and traders) and reject arguments that describe xenophobia in South Africa as targeting Black African refugees and migrants.
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AHLUWALIA, PAL. "The Struggle for African Identity: Thabo Mbeki's African Renaissance." African and Asian Studies 1, no. 4 (2002): 265–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921002x00024.

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ABSTRACT This paper examines South African President Thabo Mbeki's notion of the African Renaissance. Representations of Africa have been challenged in the past by movements such as negritude and pan-Africanism. Thabo Mbeki's proclamation of the African Renaissance can be seen as another attempt to fight and challenge prevailing representations of Africa. An African Renaissance that does not degenerate into essentialism (particularlism) has the potential to transform the lives of the many Africans who have been ravaged by the continuing legacy of colonialism. The author argues that if the call for an African Renaissance is to have any lasting impact on the African condition, it must be careful to avoid taking the essentialist positions advocated by earlier ideological movements such as negritude. The essay contends that the call for an African Renaissance is an important effort which needs to be adopted by Africans beyond the borders of South Africa.
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Matthews, Sally. "SHIFTING WHITE IDENTITIES IN SOUTH AFRICA: WHITE AFRICANNESS AND THE STRUGGLE FOR RACIAL JUSTICE." Phronimon 16, no. 2 (January 29, 2018): 112–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2413-3086/3821.

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The end of apartheid predictably caused something of an identity crisis for white South Africans. The sense of uncertainty about what it means to be white has led to much public debate about whiteness in South Africa, as well as a growing body of literature on whites in post-apartheid South Africa. One of the many responses to this need to rethink white identity has been the claim by some that white South Africans can be considered to be African or ought to begin to think of themselves as being African. This paper argues that whites’ assertion of an African identity does not necessarily assist in the achievement of racial justice, but that some kind of shift in white identity is required in order for whites to be able to contribute to the achievement of a racially just South Africa. In making this argument, the paper brings contemporary discussions on race and whiteness, and in particular discussions about racial eliminativism, to bear on the question of whether or not white South Africans may rightly claim an African identity.
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Blaauw, Phillip, Anmar Pretorius, Christie Schoeman, and Rinie Schenck. "Explaining Migrant Wages: The Case Of Zimbabwean Day Labourers In South Africa." International Business & Economics Research Journal (IBER) 11, no. 12 (November 29, 2012): 1333. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v11i12.7413.

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There has been an increasing inflow of migrants and refugees into South Africa during the last two decades. The origin of these migrants is mainly from South Africas long-established sources of migrant workers, including countries from the Southern African Development Community. Over the last decade, African immigrants have encountered brutal manifestations of resentment at their presence in South Africa. The reasons for this are multifaceted, but one of the pertinent perceptions is that immigrants from the countrys northern borders are taking South Africans jobs. It is often claimed that casual immigrant workers are willing to work for very low daily wages. In doing so, they get temporary employment in the informal and formal economy at the expense of South African workers, who have much higher reservation wages in the same informal labour market. This is the first study to focus on the wages of migrant day labourers in South Africa by investigating the determinants of day labour wages for migrant day labourers from Zimbabwe. The respondents for this study were interviewed during the first countrywide survey of day labourers in South Africa during 2007. The paper concludes that the income from migrant day labourers from Zimbabwe often exceeds that of the average day labourer in South Africa. The Zimbabweans are, in many cases, better qualified than the average day labourer in South Africa. The main determinants of these migrant wages are their formal level of schooling, language proficiency and the completion of vocational training courses.
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Fleming, Tyler, and Toyin Falola. "Africa's Media Empire: Drum's Expansion to Nigeria." History in Africa 32 (2005): 133–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2005.0008.

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Publishing in Africa remains so difficult an enterprise that many publishers have collapsed, their dreams disappearing with them. This is especially true of the print media, particularly newspapers and magazines. During the past century, many magazines and newspapers failed to establish a loyal readership, keep costs down, insure wide circulation, or turn a huge profit. Consequently, not many African magazines can be viewed as “successful.” Drum magazine, however, remains an exception.In 1951 Drum, a magazine written for and by Africans, was established in South Africa. Drum enjoyed a great deal of success and is now widely recognized as having been a driving force in black South African culture and life throughout the 1950s and 1960s. In the South African historiography Drum has been thoroughly researched. The magazine's impact on South African journalism, literature, gender configurations, African resistance, and urban South African culture has been documented and often lauded by various scholars. Many former members of the South African edition's payroll, both editors and staff alike, have gone on to become successes in literature, journalism, and photography. Often such staff members credit Drum for directly shaping their careers and directly state this in their writings. Consequently, Drum is often associated only with South Africa. While Drum greatly influenced South Africa, its satel¬lite projects throughout Africa were no less important. These satellite projects cemented Drum's reputation as the leading magazine newspaper in Africa and each edition became fixtures in west African and east African societies.
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Otavio, Anselmo. "Por uma nova inserção regional: o legado de Mandela na política externa da África do Sul/For a new regional integration: the legacy of Mandela in South Africa’s Foreign Policy." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 4, no. 3 (December 21, 2015): 645–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2015.v4n3.10.p645.

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O artigo em referência tem como objetivo compreender a interação entre a África do Sul e o continente africano durante a administração Mandela (1994-1999). Através de revisão bibliográfica de caráter variado, como discursos presidenciais, documentos, livros e artigos encontrados em Centros de Estudos Africanos e em Revistas acadêmicas especializadas na área, e por meio da análise da atuação de Pretória em determinados eventos ocorridos no continente africano, busca-se concluir que embora pautada em uma política externa diametralmente oposta a realizada durante o regime do apartheid, a África do Sul foi incapaz de romper com as desconfianças por parte dos países africanos acerca de seus interesses, fator este que afetou na intensificação do processo de integração sul-africana no continente.Palavras-chave: África do Sul. Apartheid. Mandela. Política Externa. Integração Regional. Abstract: The paper in reference aims to understand the interaction between South Africa and the African continent during the Mandela administration (1994-1999). From the action of Pretoria in certain events on the African continent, this paper seeks to demonstrate that even based on other principles, the Mandela administration didn’t realize the desired transformations, because the country was not able to break the distrust by African countries, a factor that affected the intensification of the south African process of integration into the African continent. The methodology was worked through a revision of a variety of bibliography, such as reports, official documents from South African government, books and articles from Center of Africa Studies and specialized publishers in this mentioned topic.Keywords: Apartheid. Foreign Policy. Mandela. South Africa. Regional Integration. DOI: 10.20424/2237-7743/bjir.v4n3p645-669
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Shai, Kgothatso Brucely, and Olusola Ogunnubi. "[South] Africa's Health System and Human Rights: A Critical African Perspective." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, no. 1(J) (March 15, 2018): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i1(j).2090.

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For more than two decades, 21st March has been canonised and celebrated among South Africans as Human Rights Day. Earmarked by the newly democratic and inclusive South Africa, it commemorates the Sharpeville and Langa massacres. As history recorded, on the 21st March 1960, residents of Sharpeville and subsequently, Langa embarked on a peaceful anti-pass campaign led by the African National Congress (ANC) breakaway party, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC). The pass (also known as dompas) was one of the most despised symbols of apartheid; a system declared internationally as a crime against humanity. In the post-apartheid era, it is expectedthat all South Africans enjoy and celebrate the full extent of their human rights. However, it appears that the envisaged rights are not equally enjoyed by all. This is because widening inequalities in the health-care system, in schooling, and in the lucrative sporting arena have not been amicably and irrevocably resolved. Furthermore, it is still the norm that the most vulnerable of South Africans, especially rural Africans, find it difficult, and sometimes, impossible to access adequate and even essential healthcare services. Central to the possible questions to emerge from this discourse are the following(i) What is the current state of South Africa’s health system at the turn of 23 years of its majority rule? (ii) Why is the South African health system still unable to sufficiently deliver the socioeconomic health rights of most South African people? It is against this background that this article uses a critical discourse analysis approach in its broadest form to provide a nuanced Afrocentric assessment of South Africa’s human rights record in the health sector since the year 1994. Data for this article is generated through the review of the cauldron of published and unpublished academic, official and popular literature.
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Alden, Chris, and Mills Soko. "South Africa's economic relations with Africa: hegemony and its discontents." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 3 (July 28, 2005): 367–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05001011.

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South Africa's growing economic presence across the African continent has sparked a debate in public and scholarly circles as to its intentions. While some have been quick to see South African business and parastatals as part of a larger hegemonic project pursued by Pretoria, the authors’ more structured analysis of economic ties with Africa reveals a more complex picture. Institutionalised forms of regional cooperation, such as SACU and SADC, must be contrasted with the activities of South African multinationals and parastatals on the wider African stage to understand the possibilities and limitations of hegemonic practice open to South Africa. Beyond its own region, a key determinant will be its relations with the other leading African power, Nigeria, as well as its ability to compete with other external actors. Finally, the role of ideology is a crucial measure of South African hegemony, and while certainly its ‘soft power’ is evident at the societal level, some African elites actively resist the pull of South Africa-based ideas.
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Henama, Unathi Sonwabile, and Portia Pearl Siyanda Sifolo. "Tourism Migration in South Africa." International Journal of Innovation in the Digital Economy 8, no. 1 (January 2017): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijide.2017010103.

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This article explores the tourism migration within the South African context, thereby focusing on the current dynamics, challenges and future prospects. Tourism and migration are significant towards globalisation. Almost all countries have jumped on the tourism bandwagon as a result of the positive economic benefits that include improving the balance of payments, attracting foreign exchange, and increasing state coffers through the taxation of non-residents. South Africa has also adopted tourism into the developmental policies. Although Africa's share of the global tourism market remains less than 10%, the continental bodies such as the African Union under the wing NEPAD recognises that tourism and migration as an important factor to societies. This paper adopts the content analysis to address the tourism migration, dynamics, challenges and future prospects as a critical phenomenon. Tourism has deep characteristics of a plantation economy that does not benefit the majority of the societies, particularly in South Africa. Despite being a geographical dispersed country, the tourism industry in South Africa faces numerous challenges such as the integration of Black South Africans as product owners; reported high rates of crimes, lack of integration of locals in the tourism industry, the lack of aviation competition, paucity of ports of entry, and most recently the cyber-crime and the visa regulations etc. However, South African tourism remains resilient as a major destination due to its fauna and flora and increasing market niches are developing such as adventure tourism, health tourism and volunteer tourism. South Africa plans to be one of the top 20 destinations by 2020; steps are in place to ensure that South Africa achieves this objective.
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Enaifoghe, Andrew O., and Toyin C. Adetiba. "South African Economic Development in SADC Sub-Regional Integration." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, no. 1(J) (March 15, 2018): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i1(j).2097.

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Following the end of colonialism in the Southern African sub-region, the SADC has experienced a thorough rearrangement with South Africa as the front-runner as opposed to her pre-1994 stance on integration. African regional cooperation has nevertheless been revitalised in some ways as a result of the two major events which started in the beginning of the 1990s that include the abolition of the apartheid regime in South Africa, and the eventual stabilisation of both political and economic relationships in the Southern Africa sub-region. This study employs the use of content analyses to assess the position of South Africa investments in SADC. Through the use ofregional integration, the studyfurther examined various South Africa’s Key Economy Performance since 1994 which are the main contributing factors to South African economic growth; furthermore it looks at her material, commodity and political investment in the subregional integration process to determine if it serves as the strategy for National Economic Development for South Africa.The paper find out thatregardless of South Africa’s economic clout within the SADC region, its Foreign Direct Investment is predominantly from its investment and market penetration of Southern Africa region while maintaining constant economic growth.
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Barbosa Filho, Evandro Alves, and Ana Cristina de Souza Vieira. "ANALISANDO A TRANSIÇÃO DA ÁFRICA DO SUL À DEMOCRACIA: neoliberalismo, transformismo e restauração capitalista." Revista de Políticas Públicas 24, no. 1 (June 24, 2020): 328. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v24n1p328-346.

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Desde 1994 a África do Sul pôs fim à sua estrutura oficial de segregação, baseada na ultra exploração da força de trabalho negra e na total segregação racial: o Apartheid. Embora esse sistema tenha acabado e o país seja governado pelo antigo movimento de libertação nacional, o African National Congress (ANC), as desigualdades sociais se aprofundaram. O objetivo deste artigo é analisar os processos políticos que condicionaram a transição Sul-africana do Apartheid à democracia. A pesquisa tem natureza qualitativa e foi realizada por meio de revisão bibliográfica da sociologia crítica sulafricana, da análise de documentos oficiais e na análise crítica de discurso. O estudo identificou que a transição à democracia foi tutelada pela mais rica fração da burguesia sul-africana e viabilizada pelo ANC, que aderiu às ideologias neoliberais.Palavras-chave: Apartheid. África do Sul. Transição. Neoliberalismo.ANALYZING SOUTH AFRICA'S TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY: neoliberalism, transformism and capitalist restorationAbstractSince 1994 South Africa has put an end to its official segregation structure, based on the overexploitation of the black workforce and total racial segregation: The Apartheid. Although this system is over and the country is ruled by the former national liberation movement, the African National Congress (ANC), social inequalities have deepened. This paper aims to analyze the political processes that conditioned the South African transition from Apartheid to democracy. The research has a qualitative approach and It was conducted through a bibliographical review of South African critical sociology, analysis ofofficial documents and critical discourse analysis. The study found that the transition to democracy was led by the wealthiest fraction of the South African bourgeoisie and made possible by the ANC, which adopted the neoliberal ideologies.Keywords: Apartheid. South Africa. Transition. Neoliberalism.
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Mpofu, William Jethro. "Thabo Mbeki’s Decolonial Idea of an African in the African Renaissance." Thinker 93, no. 4 (November 25, 2022): 36–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/the_thinker.v93i4.2204.

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In this essay, I deploy a liberation philosophical perspective in order to understand Thabo Mbeki’s decolonial imagining of an African in the African Renaissance. It is my understanding that the African of the African Renaissance is one who has awakened to the task of undoing coloniality in the African postcolony. For instance, that an African has to declare that ‘I am an African’ in Africa, as Mbeki does, reflects the troubled and also troubling idea of being African in the African postcolony. It might seem that being human, and African in Africa, is an idea under question that must still be declared or defended. Whether one is an African or not in the postcolony is not a given, as colonialism succeeded in changing the being and belonging of Africans in Africa. Through colonialism, settlers became local in Africa and Africans became aliens in their own native territories. Colonialism, especially in its apartheid expression in South Africa,questioned the humanity of Black Africans, displaced them, and dispossessed them of their land. It is the uprooted, displaced, and dispossessed African represented in Mbeki who makes the remark that: ‘At times, and in fear, I have wondered whether I shouldconcede equal citizenship of our country to the leopard and the lion, the elephant and the springbok, the hyena, the black mamba and the pestilential mosquito.’ This dehumanised African is the subject who travels from the dystopia of colonialism to the utopia of reconciliation and a renaissance of Africa. This is the African who was caught in the tragic optimism of the liberation ‘dreamer’, but was later to concede that after the end of juridical colonialism, South Africa remained ‘two nations’ racially and socially. Even a globally celebrated democratic Constitution did not come close to solving the political and social equation, the paradox, where South Africaremains the ‘most unequal country in the world’. For the African of Mbeki’s representation and observation, the dream of liberation from colonialism collapsed into a nightmare of coloniality, and the starting point of an African renaissance is the decolonial effort todare dream and imagine another Africa and other Africans built from the ashes of the colonisers and the colonised. This essay is also an observation of the dilemma of a philosopher of liberation who was torn in between the necessity of justice for the victims of colonialism and the importance of reconciliation with the colonisers in the African postcolony.
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Ibrahim, Yusuf Kamaluddeen, Abdullahi Ayoade Ahmad, and Usman Sufyan Duguri. "The Complexities of South African Xenophobia on Nigerian Nationals." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 4, no. 2 (November 18, 2020): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/4.2.7.

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The Nigerian-South African relationship is couched in the paradigm of intricate interdependence. The elements that brought the two African major powers closer include political, cultural, and economic dimensions. Therefore, any dissimilarity of interest between both countries would ruin their relationship and implicate the whole African Union concept that unites Abuja/Pretoria relations. Over 100 South African companies permeate the Nigerian market in several economic sectors and most are successfully operating in Nigeria. Nigerian companies such as First Bank, among others, are also operating in South Africa. As long as South Africa and Nigeria are both dominant powers in their respective sub-regions, a threat like xenophobia needs to be eradicated and coordinate some effective policies for Africa's development. The study employed a qualitative method and library sources, past literature on different xenophobic trends noted in the journal articles, books, and others, on the South African xenophobia and its implications on Nigeria/South African relationship. The study adopted the frustration-aggression theory and it found that incessant xenophobic attacks on Nigerian nationals and other foreigners in South Africa are based on prejudices. The study went further with suggestion to provide some panacea to the catastrophe of South African xenophobia.
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Tamarkin, Noah. "Religion as Race, Recognition as Democracy." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 637, no. 1 (July 25, 2011): 148–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716211407702.

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Apartheid South Africa enacted physical, structural, and symbolic forms of violence on racially marked South Africans, and postapartheid South Africa has enacted ambitious—though also limited—laws, policies, and processes to address past injustices. In this article, the author traces the South African political histories of one self-defined group, the Lemba, to understand how the violence they collectively experienced when the apartheid state did not acknowledge their ethnic existence continues to shape their ideas of the promise of democracy to address all past injustices, including the injustice of nonrecognition. The Lemba are known internationally for their participation in DNA tests that indicated their Jewish ancestry. In media discourses, their racialization as black Jews has obscured their racialization as black South Africans: they are presented as seeking solely to become recognized as Jews. The author demonstrates that they have in fact sought recognition as a distinct African ethnic group from the South African state consistently since the 1950s. Lemba recognition efforts show that the violence of nonrecognition is a feature of South African multicultural democracy in addition to being part of the apartheid past. The author argues that the racialization of religion that positions the Lemba as genetic Jews simplifies and distorts their histories and politics of race in South Africa.
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Radebe, Mandla J. "Book Review: A Brief History of South Africa: From Earliest Times to the Mandela Presidency." Thinker 92, no. 3 (September 2, 2022): 96–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/thethinker.v92i3.1463.

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The writing of South African history has been contentious, mainly due to the exclusion of the majority African people whose pastachievements have often been ignored or treated contemptuously. Various tendencies in the writing of this history sought to dispute Africans’ claim to South Africa. The Afrikaner tendency, for example, portrayed Africans as not being indigenous to this country (Theal, 1897). On the other hand, the liberal tradition considered South Africa as constituting a single nation with white people making up thecore while black people in general, and Africans in particular, had to be integrated on the basis of meeting particular standards (Nxumalo, 1992).
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Sonn, Tamara. "Islamic Studies in South Africa." American Journal of Islam and Society 11, no. 2 (July 1, 1994): 274–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v11i2.2436.

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Background of South African IslamIn 1994, South Africans will celebrate three centuries of Islam inSouth Africa. Credit for establishing Islam in South Africa is usuallygiven to Sheikh Yusuf, a Macasser prince who was exiled to South Africafor leading the resistance against the Dutch colonization of Malaysia. Thefitst Muslims in South Africa, however, were actually slaves who hadbeen imported, beginning in 1677, mainly from India, the Indonesianarchipelago, Malaysia, and Sri Lanka, by the Dutch colonists living in theCape. The Cape Muslim community, popularly but inaccurately knownas "Malays" and known under apattheid as "Coloreds," is the oldest Muslimcommunity in South Africa. The other major Muslim community wasestablished over a century later by indentured laborers and tradespeoplefrom northern India, a minority of whom weae Muslims. The majority ofSouth African Indian Muslims, classified as "Asians" or "Asiatics," nowlive in Natal and Tramvaal. The third ethnically identifiable group, classifiedas "Aftican" or "Black," consists mainly of converts or theirdescendants. Of the entire South African Muslim population, roughly 49percent are "Coloreds," nearly 47 pement are "Asians," and, although statisticsregarding "Africans" ate generally unreliable, it is estimated thatthey are less than 4 percent. Less than 1 percent is "White."Contributions to South African SocietyAlthough Muslims make up less that 2 petcent of the total population,their presence is highly visible. There ate over twenty-five mosques inCape Town and over one hundred in Johannesburg, making minarets asfamiliar as church towers Many are histotic and/or architectuml monuments.More importantly, Muslims ate uniquely involved in the nation'scultwe and economy. The oldest extant Afrikaans-language manuscriptsare in the Arabic script, for they ate the work of Muslim slaves writingin the Dutch patois. South African historian Achrnat Davids has tracedmany linguistic elements of Afrikaans, both in vocabulary and grammar,to the influence of the Cape Muslims. Economically, the Indian Muslimsaxe the most affluent, owing primarily to the cirmmstances under whichthey came to South Africa. Muslim names on businesses and buildingsare a familiar sight in all major cities and on those UniveAty campusesthat non-Whites were allowed to attend during apartheid ...
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Oosthuizen, Gerhardus C. "Ecumenical Burial Societies in South Africa: Mutual Caring and Support that Transcends Ecclesiastical and Religious Differences." Missiology: An International Review 18, no. 4 (October 1990): 463–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969001800406.

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Burial societies play a significant role in the African community in South Africa. Even in the most deprived circumstances, Africans concern themselves with burials of dear ones worthy of the person and the occasion. The sense of mutual support which has always been foremost in the African community comes to expression within the context of the burial societies. Each burial society is a mutual aid organization. Each member contributes towards this communal assistance. In no other organization associated with the churches are denominational and ecclesiastical barriers of so little concern as in the context of these burial societies. Here many non-Christians receive for the first time the Christian message. A few thousand such burial clubs or societies exist in South Africa, with several million members from South Africa's black community.
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25

Sonn, Tamara. "Middle East and Islamic Studies in South Africa." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 28, no. 1 (July 1994): 14–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400028443.

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Although muslims make up less than two percent of South Africa’s total population, they are a well-established community with high visibility. In 1994 South Africans will celebrate 300 years of Islam in South Africa. The introduction of Islam to South Africa is usually attributed to Sheikh Yusuf, a Macasser prince exiled to South Africa for leading resistance against Dutch colonization in Malaysia. But the first Muslims in South Africa were actually slaves, imported by the Dutch colonists to the Cape mainly from India, the Indonesian archipelago, Malaya and Sri Lanka beginning in 1667. The Cape Muslim community, popularly but inaccurately known as “Malays” and known under the apartheid system as “Coloureds,” therefore, is the oldest Muslim community in South Africa. The other significant Muslim community in South Africa was established over 100 years later by northern Indian indentured laborers and tradespeople, a minority of whom were Muslims. The majority of South African Indian Muslims now live in Natal and Transvaal. Indians were classified as “Asians” or “Asiatics” by the apartheid system. The third ethnically identifiable group of Muslims in South Africa were classified as “African” or “Black” by the South African government. The majority of Black Muslims are converts or descendants of converts. Of the entire Muslim population of South Africa, some 49% are “Coloureds,” nearly 47% are “Asians,” and although statistics regarding “Africans” are generally unreliable, it is estimated that they comprise less than four percent of the Muslim population. Less than one percent of the Muslim population is “White.”
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Bouillon, Antoine. "Les migrations africaines vers l’Afrique du Sud de l’apartheid à Mandela : la pompe aspirante toujours discriminante." Politique africaine 67, no. 1 (1997): 56–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1997.6065.

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Immigration : from apartheid to Mandela. South-Africa, the great attractor. Hundreds of thousands of African immigrants from surrounding countries have been transformed by the South African political transition into “ illegal aliens”. South Africa has neverthelss become a privileged destination for thousands of refugees and migrants. Pre-apartheid and apartheid South Africa set up a system of control meant to promote “white” immigration and prohibit “black” immigration, while allowing categories of workers to enter and stay on temporary contracts, as part of the migrant labour system. The 1990 democratic transition saw an increased repression of “illegals” complement the implementation of a liberal asylum policy, but recently a regularization scheme has made room for Southern African (SADC) immigrants, while ignoring people from the “other Africas”.
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Ntuli, Miracle, and Tendai Gwatidzo. "A Comparative Analysis Of Immigrants And Natives Occupational Attainment In Post-Apartheid South Africa." International Business & Economics Research Journal (IBER) 12, no. 9 (September 5, 2013): 1061. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v12i9.8073.

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This study investigates the occupational status of South African natives and immigrants, considering the intersection between race and nativity. Using census data for 2001, the study finds that whites dominate the top end of the occupational distribution, while the reverse is the case for Africans, irrespective of nativity. Thus, in post-Apartheid South Africa, race explains more of an individuals occupational status than country of origin the legacy of apartheid still lingers on. The study also finds that South African-born Africans are more likely to compete for the same occupations with African immigrants from non-SADC countries than those from SADC countries. To some extent, this violates the claim that African immigrants from SADC countries steal natives jobs.
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Katrak, Ketu H. "Jay Pather Reimagining Site-Specific Cartographies of Belonging." Dance Research Journal 50, no. 2 (August 2018): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0149767718000219.

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This essay examines Jay Pather's site-specific workCityscapes(2002) within a theoretical discussion of the conjuncture and disjuncture of space and race in South Africa. Jay Pather, a South African of Indian ancestry, an innovative choreographer and curator of site-specific works, creatively uses space to inspire social change by providing access and challenging exclusions—social, cultural, political—of black and colored South Africans during apartheid (1948–1994) and after. A progressive vision underlies his avant-garde work expressed via a hybrid choreographic palette of South African classical and popular dance styles, Indian classical dance, modern and contemporary dance. His choreography is performed across South Africa and the African continent as well as in Denmark, Mumbai, and New York City.
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Gorelik, Boris. "Moulding South African Public Opinion on Economic Cooperation with Russia." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN, no. 4 (December 15, 2021): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2021-57-4-19-33.

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A study of over 300 articles and opinion pieces in popular and academic publications in South Africa, issued in 2016–2021, shows that South African journalists and political scientists are sceptical of large state-sponsored economic projects involving Russian state companies. Statements by the Russian partners that the current economic initiatives uphold the tradition of Soviet assistance to the anti-apartheid movement are interpreted by critics of the South African government as demagoguery and exploitation of history. Such authors assert that Russian-South African state cooperation in business led to “dodgy deals” which were concluded in the interests of South African high officials as well as entrepreneurs associated with them. South African journalists and political scientists focus on internal political and economic problems, presenting Russian initiatives as an aggravating factor. Many leading members of the ANC and the EFF have spoken in favour of cooperation with Russian state companies. Such initiatives are also often supported by the Independent Media & News publications. Collaboration between Russian private companies and their local partners does not tend to raise objections from observers in that country. South Africans welcome joint ventures with Russian participation which not only create jobs and provide advanced training to their local personnel but also contribute to import substitution by establishing manufacturing facilities in South Africa. The previous failures have not discredited trade and economic cooperation with Russia. South Africans do not seem to be opposed to Russian economic initiatives, apart from major state projects which are often scrutinised by the media. A considerable number of South Africans view Russia as an alternative to the Western influence and favour economic collaboration between our countries.
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Angu, Pineteh E., and Thecla Ngwi Mulu. "The Changing Material Conditions of Cameroonian Migrants in South Africa: What does this say about an “Afrophobic” post-apartheid State?" African Human Mobility Review 6, no. 2 (April 23, 2021): 130–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.14426/ahmr.v6i2.803.

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Violent attacks on African migrants have produced a richer body of knowledge on African transnational migration, xenophobia/Afrophobia, and their intersections with questions of citizenship and autochthony, especially in a country that historically has always been a home for African migrants. Constellations of narratives now vilify South Africa as a demonic state whose hatred of Africans and fixation on exorcising them have short-circuited the process of nation-building. The vilification of South Africa also tells us that many researchers, scholars, and even migrants are unaware of the ways that the country has transformed the lives of its increasing African migrant population. This article reflects on the changing material conditions of Cameroonians in South Africa to understand why this “Afrophobic†state is still a key migration destination for Cameroonians. Drawing on personal exilic experiences, observations, and relevant literature, we argue that despite the victimization of Africans, including Cameroonians, this constitutional democracy has opened up political, economic and sociocultural opportunities for many Cameroonians residing permanently in the country. In forging this argument, the article interrogates the political landscape in Cameroon and examines key economic and sociocultural moments/activities in South Africa as well as accomplishments in this migrant community, to elicit how access to different opportunities in South Africa has significantly transformed the lives of Cameroonians.
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31

Mthombeni, Zama. "Xenophobia in South Africa." Thinker 93, no. 4 (November 25, 2022): 63–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/the_thinker.v93i4.2207.

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Despite the human rights principles established in South Africa’s Constitution, there have been recurrent waves of xenophobia throughout the country’s history. Foreigners who live in South Africa have been perceived as the victims of xenophobia and South Africans as the perpetrators. This paper aims to problematise the usage of the ‘ubuntu’ ideology as a utopian African ethic to promote ‘universal’ African humanism. It seems that apartheid’s heritage, which produced the present-day South Africa in which these xenophobic events occur, is often overlooked when South Africans are characterised as xenophobic and in need of ubuntu salvation. The study makes the case that colonial and political issues, which continue to have an impact on high levels of poverty and unemployment, should be considered as ongoing contributors to xenophobia. Several anti-immigration organisations have emerged as discussion points in the country. This study will only concentrate on one of these: Operation Dudula. This paper critically examines the reasons why Operation Dudula is continuing to expand despite protests from civil society organisations. This paper demonstrates, via media stories, how the media primarily portrays the organisation as vigilante that vex ubuntu and African unification. The paper makes the claim that marginalised South Africans are ‘Native Foreigners’, as opposed to simply perpetrators, drawing on Neocosmos’ idea of native foreigners. Instead of being considered as a problem that needs ubuntu’s salvation, the paper argues that anti-immigrant organisations should be understood as a sign of unsolved colonial and political problems that need to be addressed.
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Khosa, Risimati Maurice, and Vivence Kalitanyi. "Migration reasons, traits and entrepreneurial motivation of African immigrant entrepreneurs." Journal of Enterprising Communities: People and Places in the Global Economy 9, no. 2 (May 11, 2015): 132–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jec-07-2014-0011.

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Purpose – This paper aims to investigate migration reasons, traits and entrepreneurial motivation of African immigrant entrepreneurs in Cape Town, South Africa, as there is limited research on immigrant entrepreneurship in South Africa. Design/methodology/approach – The empirical research was conducted under mixed methods paradigm where primary data were gathered from a sample of 93 participants using the convenience sampling technique. Data were gathered through a survey of 72 semi-structured personal interviews and 21 self-administered questionnaires and analysed using SPSS version 21. Findings – The empirical research unveiled that immigrant entrepreneurs migrate into South Africa for different reasons: political instability and economic reasons were the chief reasons for migration. Immigrants engage into necessity entrepreneurship as a need to survive in the host country and to confront discrimination in the job market. Therefore, immigrant entrepreneurs in Cape Town are pushed, rather than pulled, towards entrepreneurship. Practical implications – This paper also suggests further research that will evaluate education levels of immigrant entrepreneurs in South Africa, as there is a controversy about the education levels of immigrant entrepreneurs. Social implications – South Africans need to understand that African foreign entrepreneurs are job creators rather than job takers and to be aware of the skills brought into the country by these entrepreneurs. Accordingly, the current study contributes to peaceful cohabitation between South Africans and African foreign entrepreneurs. Originality/value – This paper provides an empirical analysis of migration reasons, traits and entrepreneurial motivation of African immigrant entrepreneurs in South Africa and also provides an entrepreneurial migration progression.
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Ahwireng-Obeng, Fred, and Desmond Piaray. "Institutional obstacles to South African entrepreneurship." South African Journal of Business Management 30, no. 3 (September 30, 1999): 78–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajbm.v30i3.758.

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Institutional risk factors exert a powerful negative influence on entrepreneurial investment decisions in South Africa. This conclusion emerges from a study of South African manufacturing and service sectors based on a previous one conducted on a world-wide scale by the World Bank in 1997. The South African study examines six institutional variables by sector-type and market-access and finds that entrepreneurs of young, small and non-exporting firms particularly perceive these institutional obstacles as a real problem most of the time. This observation compares closely with the World Bank's report on sub-Saharan Africa. There are several implications for the finding. Despite far-reaching institutional reforms much more will be required if South Africa's transition to a democratic polity and open, liberal economy is to yield the widely-expected post-apartheid dividends of rapid economic growth, high levels of employment and more equitable distribution of income and wealth. In the present circumstances, the country's prospective role as a growth-pole for Southern African regional development and the propelling force of an African renaissance is unlikely to materialise.
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34

Nkqubela Aphiwe Jackson Ntloko. "Social workers' historical and contemporary understanding of the social development approach." People Centred – The Journal of Development Administration 8, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jda.v8i2.6.

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Colonialism and apartheid influenced South African social welfare policies. After South Africa gained political freedom in 1994, democratic social welfare laws like the White Paper for Social Welfare were implemented (1997). Despite democratic social development initiatives, poverty, unemployment, and inequality marginalise most South Africans. Eurocentrism dominates social work practice and education with significant proposals for higher education decolonisation and indigenisation. Participatory action learning action research approach was used for this study (PALAR). PALAR uses critical, transformational, and democratic research methods to build a social work practice approach for African social systems in South Africa. For this research, an Afrocentric social work practice model was co-constructed for South Africa by black social workers who were purposefully and conveniently selected. The objective was to understand social workers' historical and present conceptualisations of the social development approach. Preliminary findings imply that social development does not address structural inequalities in South Africa, such as race and the land question. For example, after a decade of its adoption, the approach has not significantly addressed large-scale poverty and unemployment. Social development in practice is welfarist, disempowering, not community-based, and insensitive to African culture. Social development services are not adequately integrated. Social development in South Africa towards social welfare is a miscarriage; lacks relevance and appropriateness outside the Euro-North American axis and remains Eurocentric in all aspects. The social development approach does not represent the African values system and nor relatable to the African social systems. South African social work needs to be reimagined. Indigenous knowledge systems need to take precedence to realise relevance of social work practice approaches in South Africa. An Afrocentric turn to social work practice for South Africa's relevance is a viable answer. How to cite this article using ASWNet style Ntloko, N. A. J. (2023). Social workers' historical and contemporary understanding of the social development approach. People centred – The Journal of Development Administration (JDA), 8(2), 48. Social Work and Development Student Conference (SWDSC), 16 June 2023. https://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jda.v8i2.6 Conference Abstract Social Work and Development Student Conference (SWDSC) Held on 16 June 2023, Day of the African Child (DAC) Organised by Africa Social Work and Development Network (ASWDN) Conference Organising Committee: Danzel Rademan, University of the Free State, South Africa (Chairperson); Atuhairwe Collins, Student, Master of Social Work, Makerere University, Uganda (ViceChairperson); Never Winnie James Sebit, South Sudan; Bachelor in Social Work, RCSS, India (Secretary); Tatenda Sukulao, Bachelor of Social Work, Midlands State University, Zimbabwe (Vice-Secretary); Norman T. Manyika, Student, Bachelor of Social Work, University of Zimbabwe (Committee member) and Takudzwa Banda, Bachelor of Social Work, University of Zimbabwe (Committee member). Visit journal website: https://jda.africasocialwork.net
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Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Sabelo J., and Bongani Ngqulunga. "Introduction: From the idea of Africa to the African idea of Africa." Thinker 93, no. 4 (November 25, 2022): 6–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/the_thinker.v93i4.2201.

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This special issue is part of the collaborative research project initiated by the Chair in Epistemologies of the Global South with Emphasis on Africa, based at the University of Bayreuth in Germany, and the Johannesburg Institute for Advanced Study (JIAS), based at the University of Johannesburg in South Africa. The collaborative project is entitled “The Changing African Idea of Africa and the Future of African Studies.” At the University of Bayreuth, the research project is also part of The African Multiple Cluster of Excellencesupported by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (grant number EX 20521-390713894). The overarching agenda of The African Multiple Cluster of Excellence is that of reconfiguring African Studies, and at the centre of this is the imperative of doing AfricanStudies with Africans while also privileging African voices and intellectual/academic productions.
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36

Mashabela, James Kenokeno. "Africa Independent Churches as Amabandla Omoya and Syncretism in South Africa." Religions 14, no. 11 (October 30, 2023): 1369. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14111369.

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This article presents a historical contribution of African Independent Churches in South Africa, particularly with references to the Ibandla lamaNazaretha of Isaiah Shembe, Zion Christian Church (ZCC) of Engenas Lekganyane and the St John’s Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) of Christina Nku. There is no doubt that these churches continue to be attractive and relevant to the South African context in the 21st century. They form an integrated part of African Christianity in South Africa. The article investigates ways in which these churches respond to the spiritual and cultural needs of Africans. It is interesting to look at how the Holy Spirit, healing, prayer and prophecy manifest in these churches. The concept of African Spirituality is discussed and contextualised within these churches.
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Kido, Akira, Rie Susukida, Masakazu Oya, Noboru Fujitani, Hiroshi Kimura, and Masaaki Hara. "FXIIIA Subtypes in Indonesians, Bangladeshis, Tibetans, South African Blacks and South African Whites." Anthropologischer Anzeiger 59, no. 1 (March 30, 2001): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1127/anthranz/59/2001/35.

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38

Kottam, Vyshali. "Innovations in South Africa’s South-South Cooperation Model." Jindal Journal of Public Policy 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 173–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjpp.v3i1.126.

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The following paper discusses the case of South Africa in South-South Cooperation and attempts to identify and illustrate some of the innovations in South Africa’s South-South Cooperation Model, particularly the model of the South African Development Partnership Agency (SADPA). It also clarifies about tripartite partnerships and notes the success and active participation of South Africa in the IBSA (India-Brazil-South Africa) coalition. It broadly outlines the background, vision and principles that have shaped South Africa’s role as a Development Partner in the continent of Africa along with mapping its patterns of development assistance and its underlying institutional framework. This paper also attempts to provide an understanding of issues in the South African Development Assistance Framework and the need for an umbrella agency like SADPA, which has the potential to be the most innovative model of South-South Cooperation if implemented in its entirety
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Kalitanyi, Vivence. "African immigrants in South Africa: Job takers or job creators?" South African Journal of Economic and Management Sciences 13, no. 4 (December 1, 2010): 376–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajems.v13i4.91.

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During the last decade African immigrants have been met with and exposed to severe forms of hostility towards their presence in this country. A significant number of these migrants have successfully applied their entrepreneurial flair in establishing small enterprises and employing workers, often to the envy of their local counterparts. This paper presents the findings of an empirical study conducted in 2007 on job creation by African immigrant entrepreneurs for South Africans with face-to-face interviews with 120 African immigrant entrepreneurs. These findings were triangulated 7 non-governmental organisations that interact with immigrants in Cape Town. A review of the literature on migration, entrepreneurship and immigrant entrepreneurs formed the basis for the study The findings indicate that more than 80% of African immigrant entrepreneurs interviewed employ South Africans in their businesses. Despite a generally negative national perception towards immigrants, this study has also revealed that entrepreneurial skills are transferred from immigrant entrepreneurs to their South African employees. Whilst the study was only conducted in the suburban areas of Cape Town, the researcher believes that the results represent the general trend for South Africa. Furthermore, the study only involved those migrants who come from African continent. The overall result is the acknowledgement of the contribution that non-citizens are making to the country’s growth and development. The findings suggest recommendations geared towards policy changes regarding South African immigration law, an inclusive research about the role of immigrants on job creation in South Africa, as well as the consideration of immigrant entrepreneurs when allocating financial support.
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40

Feinberg, H. M. "South Africa and Land Ownership: What's in a Deed?" History in Africa 22 (January 1995): 439–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171925.

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The subject of African land ownership is and will continue to be a highly emotional issue of great importance in the new South Africa. Africans and Afrikaners alike have strong historical ties to the land. Thousands of Africans owned land outside the Reserves before 1948. These landowners included large numbers of Africans who purchased over 3,000 farms and lots between 1913 and 1936 in the Transvaal, Natal, and even the Orange Free State (plus uncounted African buyers in the Cape Province). Individuals, tribal groups, or people organized into partnerships owned land. In the 1990s Africans complain bitterly about land losses, especially after 1948 as a result of the apartheid policy of forced removals which aimed to eliminate the so-called “black spots” from white areas. In addition, some Africans point to the problem of land losses between 1913 and 1948, and others resent the severe restrictions resulting from the Natives Land Act, Act No. 27 of 1913, which prevented Africans from freely buying land in three of the four provinces of South Africa after 1913.On 8 November 1994 the South African Parliament passed the Restitution of Land Rights Act, a law which is intended to allow Africans to reclaim their lost land. Claims by former owners or their descendants will be buttressed by legal documents of one type or another. Some of these legal documents have an interesting and unintended use, however: historians can take advantage of them to build an understanding of African land ownership before and after apartheid began in 1948.
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Chen, Xiangting. "The skewed social image of white South Africans in Nadine Gordimer’s The Conservationist." E3S Web of Conferences 189 (2020): 03031. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202018903031.

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-In this article he examines the social identity crisis of White South Africans in Nadine Gordimer’s “The Conservationist”. Gordimer describes the psychology, social deformities and human distortions of the repressed white people in post-colonial South Africa. At that time, white South Africans were tortured by colonial guilt and racial contradictions. While recognizing the culture of their European ancestors, they wanted to integrate into the black South African society. This paper analyzes the decline of South African white identity and the phenomenon of white exodus from the perspective of the protagonist’s thoughts and behaviors, and combines the political and social problems during those days.
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42

Kaungu, Gideon Muchiri. "Reflections on the Role of Ubuntu as an Antidote to Afro-Phobia." Journal of African Law 65, S1 (March 17, 2021): 153–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855321000024.

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AbstractThis article argues that xenophobic acts towards black foreigners remain a human rights challenge in South Africa. Foreign nationals, mostly black Africans, continue to experience physical attacks, discrimination and looting of businesses, as well as targeted crime. Prevalent xenophobic attitudes continue to trouble the conscience of all well-meaning South Africans. There is ample evidence that xenophobia has morphed into afro-phobia, the hatred of black foreigners. Xenophobia continues to evolve and attackers are increasingly linking the presence of foreign nationals to socio-economic challenges facing the country. This article argues that, even though South Africa's Constitution does not expressly identify Ubuntu as a national value, it does recognize customary law and many of its provisions are anchored in Ubuntu philosophy. This article proposes Ubuntu, or African “humanness” whose “natural home” should be located in South Africa, as a pragmatic social intervention and a morally sustainable solution to address xenophobia that would be acceptable to both South Africans and foreign nationals.
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43

West, Gerald O., and Tahir Fuzile Sitoto. "Other Ways of Reading the Qur'an and the Bible in Africa." Postscripts: The Journal of Sacred Texts, Cultural Histories, and Contemporary Contexts 1, no. 1 (April 28, 2005): 47–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/post.v1i1.47.

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This article explores how religion possesses and is possessed by Africans. It does this by recognising both the power of religion to configure and of Africans as agents who reconfigure what they encounter in their African contexts. The central question of this article is how placing African agency and context in the forefront reconfigures talk of Islam and Christianity in Africa. The question is taken up through an analysis of two African religious leaders, Shaykh Ahmadu Bamba from West Africa and Isaiah Shembe from South Africa.
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Mlambo, Victor H., Toyin C. Adetiba, and Xolani Thusi. "Using Technology to Address Cross Border Crime and Illegal Migration: The Case of South Africa." Pogranicze. Polish Borderlands Studies 10, no. 3 (October 4, 2022): 205–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/brs4830.

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The 1996 Constitution of South Africa includes the right of every South African to freedom and security. It is the government’s responsibility to guarantee that national security is maintained and that residents within the limits of South African borders are protected. Based on this assumption, the issue of border management and migration regulations is presumed to be critical. Poor border management and unregulated migration jeopardise national security and endanger residents’ freedom and security. This article contends that South Africa’s inadequate border control and unrestrained migration have jeopardised the country’s national security. As a result of the inadequacy of border control in South Africa, South Africans have resorted to various xenophobic actions, with many foreign nationals losing their lives in the process. This article examines the current policy responses to migration and security at border crossings and what has gone wrong in South African border management. A qualitative research technique was used to fulfil the goals of this paper.
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Assie-Lumumba, N’Dri Therese. "Behind and beyond Bandung: historical and forward-looking reflections on south-south cooperation." Bandung: Journal of the Global South 2, no. 1 (July 25, 2015): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40728-014-0011-5.

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In their respective struggles for liberation the Asians and Africans, as oppressed people, joined forces in the first half of the 20th century by forming several pre-Bandung organizations. On the African side people of African descent, from the continent and the Diaspora, united to provide the leadership for substantive participation to the common African-Asian front that led to the Bandung conference of April 18-24 1955. The intelligentsia of African descent, including young students in Western Europe and the United States, played leadership roles in shaping the movements. Among them are W. E. B. Du Bois of the United States and Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana. In terms of the post-Bandung establishment of enduring legacies, it is worth indicating that the resolutions and some of their applications led to global coalitions including the Non-Aligned Movement and G77 within the United Nations. On the occasion of the 50th anniversary that was marked by the April 22-24 2005 Asian-African Summit held in Indonesia African and Asian leaders decided to rekindle the spirit of Bandung and renew their commitment to attain its goal through renewed cooperation between Asia and Africa in adopting the New Asian-African Strategic Partnership (NAASP). Despite the continued challenges that African countries face in varying degrees, a regained confidence building on their assets, especially with different generations of people of the continent and historic and recent Diaspora, with it would be possible to build a global front toward the reaffirmation of global common humanity guided by the spirit of Bandung.
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Burgess, Steven M., and Nicola Oldenboom. "South African and Singaporean exporters: Their attitudes, information sources and export problems." South African Journal of Business Management 28, no. 2 (June 30, 1997): 53–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajbm.v28i2.789.

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South Africa's emergence from years of political and regulatory trade barriers has focussed attention on South African exporters. In a replication of Elliot Krasnostein's study of 54 Singaporean exporters, the perceptions, attitudes and characteristics of a representative sample of 321 experienced South African exporters and their decision makers were investigated. Consistent with other international studies, the results suggest that managerial, organizational and environmental forces and perceptions motivate export behaviour. However, South African firms clearly are responding to unique situational factors and national export resources as well. The findings indicate that managerial leadership, supportive attitudes and extensive exporting experience are widely available in South Africa. Secondary information sources could be improved and freight costs reduced to improve South African export effectiveness.
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47

McKendrick, B. W., and M. Leketi. "Politics and Human Welfare: Retinitis Pigmentosa Patients in South Africa." Journal of Visual Impairment & Blindness 84, no. 6 (June 1990): 249–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0145482x9008400603.

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Many welfare organizations serving visually disabled people limit their role to restorative and therapeutic services. In changing apartheid South Africa, the well-being of visually disabled people is still affected by racial division in society. By examining the impact of apartheid on the well-being of African and white South Africans with retinitis pigmentosa, evidence is presented to justify the involvement of South African welfare organizations in the wider political and social change process.
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48

Gordon, Steven Lawrence. "Understanding semantic differential measures in modern South Africa: attitudes of Black Africans towards White South Africans." South African Journal of Psychology 48, no. 4 (September 28, 2017): 526–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0081246317725921.

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The future success of South Africa’s unique democracy depends on the development of harmonious race relations. Understanding the factors underlying the country’s interracial attitudes is, consequently, important. Social identity theory suggests that Black African attitudes towards White people are connected to their evaluations of South Africa’s other racial minorities. This thesis seems counterintuitive given that White people are associated with a long history of political, economic, and social oppression in the collective memory of many Black African communities. Nationally representative data from the South African Social Attitudes Survey were used to validate the thesis that Black Africans’ evaluations of White people correlated with their assessments of other racial groups. Pairwise correlation analysis was employed to test the article’s hypothesis. The results presented in this article showed that Black Africans’ evaluations towards the White minority correlated with their evaluations of other racial minorities in South Africa. Multivariate analysis, specifically a standard (ordinary least squares) linear regression, was used to confirm the bivariate analysis. Black Africans’ attitudes towards White people were strongly correlated with attitudes towards the country’s two other major racial minorities. This finding held even controlling for contact with White people as well as a range of socio-economic characteristics. The outcomes of this article invite closer examination of the factors that underlie the generality of outgroup evaluations among South Africa’s Black African majority.
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d, d. "Parental Financial Socialisation of Young Black African Adults in South Africa." GLOBAL BUSINESS FINANCE REVIEW 29, no. 1 (February 28, 2024): 72–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17549/gbfr.2024.29.1.72.

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Purpose: Parental financial socialisation is necessary to help young adults to effectively manage their finances and improve their financial well-being. This study examined parental financial socialisation of young black African adults by their parents in rural and low-income area in South Africa. Design/methodology/approach: Parental financial socialisation was measured through parental financial behaviour, parental financial monitoring, parental financial discussions, parental financial communications, and parental finan-cial teaching. This study adopted quantitative research approach and self-administered questionnaire to collect data from young black African adults in Fetakgomo Tubatse and Intsika Yethu municipalities because these municipal-ities are the most rural and low-income areas in South Africa. Descriptive statistics were used to analyse data. The composite score was calculated to determine parental financial socialisation. Findings: The overall score of Parental financial socialisation was 53%, which is moderate. Thus, young black African adults are financially socialised by their parents. This result was surprising as parents in rural and low-income areas uphold cultural norms and values and consider discussing certain issues like money with children a taboo. Research limitations/implications: Due to the low levels of general literacy among the respondents, which neg-atively affected data collection; some young adults did not understand the questionnaire and withdrew from partic-ipating in the study. Furthermore, even though confidentiality and anonymity were guaranteed, respondents were reluctant to participate in the study. They feared exposing their financial position and displayed a lack of trust. Originality/value: This study is the first to investigate parental financial socialisation of young black African adults in rural and low-income area in South Africa. This study concluded by providing recommendations and suggestions for future research.
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Hagenmeier, Cornelius, Tapiwa Shumba, and Obeng Mireku. "THE ADMISSION AND ENROLMENT OF FOREIGN LEGAL PRACTITIONERS IN SOUTH AFRICA UNDER THE LEGAL PRACTICE ACT: INTERNATIONAL TRADE LAW AND CONSTITUTIONAL PERSPECTIVES." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 19 (July 25, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2016/v19i0a734.

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Globalisation requires ever closer co-operation between legal professionals hailing from different national jurisdictions. This interactive global environment has fostered growing international training and mobility among legal practitioners and the internationalisation of legal education. Increasing numbers of law students get trained in other countries as part of their undergraduate degrees or even come to foreign shores to obtain law degrees. Many students hailing from other African countries study towardsLLBdegrees at South African universities. Major commercial law firms ensure that they can offer in-house expertise on major foreign legal systems and co-operate with partner firms in other parts of the globe.The General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), to which South Africa is a party, is a multilateral agreement focusing on the liberalisation of trade in services amongst member countries. Services under the GATS system include legal services. The commitments made by South Africa under this agreement require that South Africa allows foreign legal practitioners to establish a commercial presence or be transferred to South Africa. The Bill of Rights entrenched in Chapter 2 of the South African Constitution guarantees fundamental rights including the right to equality and freedom of trade, occupation and profession. With the coming into force of the new Legal Practice Act 28 of 2014, which provides a legislative framework for regulating the affairs of legal practitioners, including their admission and enrolment, it is necessary to assess the extent to which the Act complies with the GATS rules and the South African Constitution.This paper examines the new Legal Practice Act 28 of 2014, and examines whether the Act addresses the conflicts that have always existed between the regulation of the legal profession and the admission of legal practitioners in South Africa with South Africa's commitments under the GATS system. Using the doctrinal legal method, it analyses and evaluates the rules governing the admission of foreign attorneys in South Africa from two perspectives. First, it considers them in the light of the international law obligations of the country and second it evaluates whether or not they comply with the South African Constitution, and more specifically with the Bill of Rights entrenched in the South African Constitution. While the new legislation may assist in ensuring the compliance of South Africa with the relevant GATS rules, it will depend on the regulations which still have to be promulgated to what extent the new legal framework will achieve the full compliance of South Africa with all relevant GATS rules.The paper concludes with recommendations for the reform of the Legal Practice Act. It argues that while the requirement to be a South African permanent resident in order to qualify for admission as an attorney may be justifiable in terms of GATS and in terms of South African constitutional law, it is not in South Africa's best interest to retain it. Consequently, the paper calls for the repeal of the permanent residence requirement for admission as an attorney in the county.
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