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Journal articles on the topic 'Succession in the presidency'
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1
Gilbert, Robert E., and Erik P. Bucy. "Introduction: Presidential disability and presidential succession." Politics and the Life Sciences 33, no. 2 (2014): 2–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2990/33_2_2.
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This introduction to the special issue on presidential disability and succession focuses on the distinctly positive contributions that invocations of the Twenty-Fifth Amendment have made to American political life since the Amendment's ratification in 1967. It also underlines the importance for Presidents, their family members and aides to understand the necessity for putting the welfare of the country first, above all else—even at times above the wishes of a disabled Chief Executive. As the articles in this special issue make clear, the Twenty-Fifth Amendment provides an effective constitutional mechanism by which the country's well-being can be maintained while simultaneously showing compassion and respect for a disabled leader. The idea for this issue emerged from a conference organized by Professor Robert E. Gilbert focusing on presidential disability and succession held on the campus of Northeastern University in April 2014. Papers from the conference assembled here clarify and add to the historical record about presidential inability while illuminating the many political, legal, and constitutional contingencies that future presidential administrators may face. Contributors to this issue have varied disciplinary and professional backgrounds, including expertise in American politics, constitutional law, the presidency and vice presidency, presidential impairment, and, of course, the Twenty-Fifth Amendment to the Constitution.
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Hill, Fiona. "The Next Mr. Putin? The Question of Succession." Daedalus 146, no. 2 (April 2017): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00433.
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Vladimir Putin, the person and the president, is the wild card in Russian politics. After what could be a quarter of a century in power by 2024 (either as president or prime minister), Putin's departure could prove utterly destabilizing. Russia's principal political problem is determining who or what replaces Putin as the fulcrum of the state system in the decade ahead. This essay considers the question of whether “Putin's Russia” – a hyperpersonalized presidency supported by informal elite networks – can transform into a depersonalized system that is rooted in formal institutions with clear, predictable mechanisms to mitigate the risks of a wrenching presidential succession.
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Choesin, Vasta Charmandira. "The Indonesian Vice‑Presidency: Problems in Leadership Succession." Contemporary Southeast Asia 11, no. 2 (September 1989): 138–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs11-2b.
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Feerick, John D. "Presidential inability: Filling in the gaps." Politics and the Life Sciences 33, no. 2 (2014): 11–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2990/33_2_11.
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This article focuses on potential gaps caused by the absence from the Twenty-Fifth Amendment of provisions to deal with the disability of a Vice President and the omission from the statutory line of succession law of provisions comparable to Sections 3 and 4 of the Twenty-Fifth Amendment for when there is an able Vice President. The analysis offers a critical review of the latent ambiguities in the succession provision to the United States Constitution, noting problems that have arisen from the time of the Constitutional Convention, to John Tyler's accession to office, to numerous disability crises that presented themselves throughout the twentieth century, to the present day. As the world becomes more complex and threats to the presidency more common, continued examination of our succession structure and its adequacy for establishing clear and effective presidential succession provisions under a broad range of circumstances is of paramount concern. This article embraces this robust discussion by offering some suggestions for improving the system in a way that does not require a constitutional amendment. The first part of the analysis traces the events that have driven the development of the nation's succession procedures. The second part examines the inadequacies, or “gaps,” that remain in the area of presidential inability, and the third part sets forth recommendations for resolving these gaps.
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Manning, John F. "Not Proved: Some Lingering Questions about Legislative Succession to the Presidency." Stanford Law Review 48, no. 1 (November 1995): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1229152.
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Crockett, David A. "The Contemporary Presidency: Unity in the Executive and the Presidential Succession Act." Presidential Studies Quarterly 34, no. 2 (June 2004): 394–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-5705.2004.00050.x.
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Burkhardt, Fabian. "Institutionalizing Personalism: The Russian Presidency after Constitutional Changes." Russian Politics 6, no. 1 (March 30, 2021): 50–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00601004.
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Abstract The 2020 constitutional changes considerably increase presidential powers while sending mixed signals about presidential transition. The main driver of the amendments were term limits. The “zeroing” of Putin’s presidential terms enhances certainty for himself by fostering uncertainty for others. But there is more to the amendments: Numerous changes are not new, they simply align the constitutional text with subconstitutional powers the presidency had been accumulating. The embedding of term limit circumvention in a comprehensive constitutional overhaul is a risk-hedging strategy to avert resistance by weakening the signal about Putin’s intentions. Constitutional changes are therefore an instrument of elite coordination. The amendments also increase presidential flexibility. This expedited regime personalization is detrimental to governance and will make repression more prevalent. But it also creates more risks for Putin. Regardless of how presidential succession will play out, Putin’s legacy will be a highly personalized authoritarian regime with a constitutionally unconstrained presidency.
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Sharma, Pramodita, James J. Chrisman, and Jess H. Chua. "Succession Planning as Planned Behavior: Some Empirical Results." Family Business Review 16, no. 1 (March 2003): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-6248.2003.00001.x.
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This paper uses the theory of planned behavior to hypothesize the influence of the incumbent's desire to keep the business in the family, the family's commitment to the business, and the propensity of a trusted successor to take over on the extent to which family firms engage in succession planning activities. We test these hypotheses using data collected from presidents in 118 family firms. The results show that the propensity of a trusted successor to take over significantly affects the incidence of all succession-planning-related activities. Succession planning may, then, be the result of push by the successor more than of pull by the incumbent. Such a view has negative implications for the succession process that the family firms in our sample follow.
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Remington, Thomas F. "The Evolution of Executive-Legislative Relations in Russia since 1993." Slavic Review 59, no. 3 (2008): 499–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2697343.
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Boris El'tsin's abrupt departure from the presidency on New Year's Eve 1999 began a new phase in Russia's postcommunist political development. With the presidency no longer occupied by the author of the constitution, the question arises whether his successor will consider himself more bound by the constitutional arrangements in place since 1993, or less. Rather than to speculate on Vladimir Putin's political personality, this paper will instead examine the record of president-parliament relations since 1993 for indications concerning whether Russia's institutions have begun to settle into those of a consolidated constitutional democracy.
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Mujiburohman, Dian. "The Practice of Presidential Succession in Indonesia." PADJADJARAN Jurnal Ilmu Hukum (Journal of Law) 07, no. 02 (2020): 250–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v7n2.a6.
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This study analyzed Article 8 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia on the presidential succession in Indonesia. The 1945 Constitution clearly regulates presidential and vice-presidential election period for once in five years. However, the practice of presidential succession can be unpredictable. This article aims to elaborate the management of presidential succession in Indonesia. The study in this article employed normative research method by applying a statute approach. The finding of the study proves that based on Article 8 of the 1945 Constitution; there are four circumstances of presidential substitutions. They are decease, resignation, dismissal, and inability to carry out duties. However, in the actual practices that have been happened several times, the presidential successions in Indonesia were not always caused by the four conditions. The examples are the successions of Soekarno, Soeharto, and Abdurrahman Wahid. The three Presidents were dismissed without transparent legal reasons. Their dismissals were based merely on political decisions, not legal reasons. In addition, political transitions, internal conflicts, and economic crises contributed to the presidential successions in Indonesia.
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Mujiburohman, Dian. "The Practice of Presidential Succession in Indonesia." PADJADJARAN Jurnal Ilmu Hukum (Journal of Law) 07, no. 02 (2020): 250–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v7n2.a6.
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This study analyzed Article 8 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia on the presidential succession in Indonesia. The 1945 Constitution clearly regulates presidential and vice-presidential election period for once in five years. However, the practice of presidential succession can be unpredictable. This article aims to elaborate the management of presidential succession in Indonesia. The study in this article employed normative research method by applying a statute approach. The finding of the study proves that based on Article 8 of the 1945 Constitution; there are four circumstances of presidential substitutions. They are decease, resignation, dismissal, and inability to carry out duties. However, in the actual practices that have been happened several times, the presidential successions in Indonesia were not always caused by the four conditions. The examples are the successions of Soekarno, Soeharto, and Abdurrahman Wahid. The three Presidents were dismissed without transparent legal reasons. Their dismissals were based merely on political decisions, not legal reasons. In addition, political transitions, internal conflicts, and economic crises contributed to the presidential successions in Indonesia.
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Freda, Isabelle. "Screening Power: Harry Truman and the Nuclear Leviathan (ENG)." Comparative Cinema 7, no. 12 (May 18, 2019): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31009/cc.2019.v7.i12.03.
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Harry Truman’s succession to the United States presidency upon Franklin Roosevelt’s death in 1945 thrust an obscure and inexperienced politician into the center of one of the 20th century’s most critical historical moment: the final months of World War II, as the United States was preparing to deploy nuclear weapons for the first time. Truman’s clear unequalness (in both image and substance) to the tasks at hand, in juxtaposition with the epic scale of the tasks themselves, provides a unique exposure of the illusory nature of presidential authority in the Nuclear Age. Using Thomas Hobbes’s Leviathan as a means of delineating the theory and image of political sovereignty, this essay examines three distinct moments from the early days of Truman’s administration that serve to elucidate the absence of presidential power and control that continues to this day to underlie the media apparatus that defines the American presidency.
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Jakubiak, Łukasz. "Prezydenckie orędzia do izb parlamentu w rozwiązaniach konstytucyjnych i praktyce politycznej Francji." Przegląd Sejmowy 6(161) (2020): 69–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2020.81.
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The article is devoted to the presidential messages addressed to the chambers of parliament within the French political system. On the threshold of the Third Republic, the then regulations banned the President from speaking in parliament and this was also maintained under the constitutions of the Fourth and Fifth Republics. As a consequence, the presidential messages had to be read by the Presidents of the National Assembly and of the Senate. The constitutional changes introduced in 2008 created the opportunity to appear in person before the chambers of parliament assembled as Congress. This amendment has affected the practice of applying Article 18 of the 1958 Constitution, which currently regulates both forms of presidential messages. The aim of the article is to assess the impact of the 2008 amendment on the French presidency, as well as to analyze the practice of formulating messages by successive presidents of the Fifth Republic, in order to identify the basic similarities and differences between them. The wider institutional context is no less important in this respect. One of its components is the significantly strengthened position of the French head of state, compared to the Third and Fourth Republics. The latter feature of the existing system of government seems to considerably affect the presidential messages formulated from the beginning of Charles de Gaulle’s presidency until now
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Vargas-Hernández, José G., and Laura Adame-Rodríguez. "Analysis of the Perception of Belonging and the Commitment to the Generational Transition." International Journal of Applied Behavioral Economics 8, no. 4 (October 2019): 17–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijabe.2019100102.
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Generational succession is an issue that is of vital importance in family businesses, since the permanence of the company depends on the success of the process. All the steps to follow, as well as the literature on the subject, are studied in the case presented, which is limited to a consortium of companies dedicated to foreign trade, whose corporate is located in the city of Veracruz, with 30 years in the market and that is in the process of transition from the Council Presidency of the father to his son. The analysis includes the existing generational differences in the way of thinking and therefore in the way of managing several companies on which more than 600 employees depend and seeks to identify if there are some variables that ensures the success of a generational succession process.
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Golovko, O. S. "The presidency place and functions in the democratic political system." Public administration aspects 6, no. 5 (June 18, 2018): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/151830.
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It’s been established that the results of scientific research on the place and functions of the presidential institution in the political system of democratic societies point to the existence of certain gaps and insufficient disclosure of the issues raised. The existence of an internal socio-political crisis and the need for the development of a democratic state based on the rule of law and the appropriateness of studying the issue of the balance of powers of state institutions within the framework of constitutional engineering have been confirmed. It is noted that at the present stage of state construction interest in the problem is dictated by the need to study the process of Ukraine’s consolidation as a state entity in the context of integration into the European community.The question of the place and basic functions of the presidential institution in the political systems of modern democratic societies is being investigated. It was established that achieving an effective checks and balances system for the institution of the president, the legislative branch and executive branch of power is one of the relevant factors for the successful development of the political and economic state system, the achievement of public harmony and the formation of a positive international image of the state.It is established that the constitutional basis determines the political legitimacy of the President’s actions, and also affects the degree of readiness of political and power subjects to agree to them or to support or deny them. However, the probability that an issued document will have the expected impact is determined, in most cases, by its constitutionality. The President provides the succession of the state, represents it in international relations, carries out management of foreign policy activities, negotiates and concludes international treaties of Ukraine. The president as a state institution appears to be active and influential in the system of power relations and state organization. The institute of presidency is intended to become a consolidating center and an arbiter between the branches of power.Based on the results of a comparative analysis of the presidency functional, a pragmatic approach to the formation of new principles of the national presidency mechanism in the context of the further development of the political system of society was proposed. The essence of this approach is in the need to ensure the dominance of constructive cooperation with other institutions of political power, primarily parliament and government. The expediency of introducing civilized methods of compromise search and a democratic solution to the political problems of social development in the system and practice the powers of the governing bodies is grounded, since the further development of the state will to a great extent be determined by the effectiveness and quality of the functioning of the presidential institution.
16
Mattei, Franco, and Herbert F. Weisberg. "Presidential Succession Effects in Voting." British Journal of Political Science 24, no. 4 (October 1994): 495–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006979.
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Attitudes towards a departing administration can help shape attitudes towards candidates, especially when the incumbent vice-president is one of the candidates. This succession effect was apparent in the 1988 presidential election, when Vice-President Bush benefited from the enduring popularity of retiring President Reagan. This article develops a model in which succession effects, the net candidate score and party identification affect the general election vote. Analysis shows that this effect remains when controls are instituted for retrospective voting more generally. Attitudes towards Reagan also had an indirect impact by affecting the net Bush-Dukakis candidate score; altogether the estimated impact of the Reagan effect in 1988 was to turn the vice-president's predicted loss into his observed victory. Additionally, a succession effect was detected in the 1988 nominating campaign, with Bush's popularity over Dole benefiting from reactions to the Reagan administration. There is evidence of succession effects in other presidential elections, particularly a Johnson effect in 1968.
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Rachwalska von Rejchwald, Jolanta. "Un geste fantôme du président. Reconfigurations dans les rapports entre l’État laïc et la religion dans l’ère post-séculière." Romanica Wratislaviensia 66 (October 4, 2019): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0557-2665.66.11.
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THE PRESIDENT’S PHANTOM GESTURE: RECONFIGURATIONS BETWEEN A SECULAR STATE AND RELIGION IN TIMES OF POST-SECULARISM The personal attitude of the successive presidents of the Fifth Republic of France to religion, although different, did not violate the general principle of the secularity of the state. Meanwhile, the ambiguity of some gestures of president Emmanuel Macron, visible during the funeral ceremony of Johnny Hallyday, sparked protests among the laicity defenders, especially since it fell exactly on the anniversary of the 1905 law on the separation of Churches from the State. Is it possible to see in the president’s behaviour signs of striving to push the limits of secularity that seemed so far unshakeable? An analysis of Macron’s speeches, forming a kind of political theology, will allow us to feature the outlines of the new post-secular laicity that is emerging during his presidency.
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Bogaevskaya, O., A. Borisova, A. Davydov, E. Desiatsky, S. Dmitriev, V. Zhuravleva, S. Kislitsyn, V. Kulakova, and K. Chudinova. "Pandemic, Protests, Protectionism and Presidential Elections in the USA in 2020." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 1 (2021): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2021-1-31-58.
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The article analyzes major trends in domestic, social, economic, trade and foreign policy of the USA in 2020. The last year of Donald Trump’s presidency became the most traumatic and unpredictable for the country. The COVID-19 pandemic dominated every process in the political, social and economic life of the American society and government. At the same time, it accentuated the main trends of the Trump foreign policy. Trump became the first president to be impeached twice, the 13th president who after being nominated by his party was not reelected by the society, the first president trying to fight both unknown epidemic and economic crisis during his reelection year, the first president who chose not to come to the inauguration of his successor, the first who made decisive steps to break with American-China interdependence and the first who openly declared that he put American interests above those of the other countries, even the allies. His presidency changed the USA deeply and the last year was the turning point in this transformation. He was the most polarized president and he left behind a deeply divided country. Trump spent his last year in the White House battling with the pandemic and fighting for power, and it highlighted how limited the capabilities of the American presidency are in the polarized system where political compromise between the parties is no longer possible. At the same time this last year pointed out a critical importance of a leader’s personality for politics in all spheres. In the time of deep polarization, foreign policy became the only sphere of possible compromise for the parties. Both Democrats and Republicans supported the economic instruments sponsored by Trump of ensuring American leadership in time of pandemic, despite his arrogant style so much criticized by the opposition. After four years of Trump’s presidency the policy of sanctions is considered an effective and long-lasting instrument to control the competitors and enhance the American influence. At the same time while the trend of confrontation became dominant during the Trump’s presidency and his policy of economic nationalism could have more distant and strategic consequences, the confrontation with key actors such as China demonstrated the limits of American power to influence and to control unilaterally both the global economic and political processes and the behavior of different actors. This article is a result of a collective multi-aspect research of transformations taking place in the US on a real time basis. The analysis is built methodologically on the systemic approach to studying American political, social and economic trends, both domestically and on international level.
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Uygur, Hakkı. "Iran Under Raisi’s Presidency." Insight Turkey 23, Summer 2021 (September 20, 2021): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.25253/99.2021233.3.
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Following the Islamic Revolution, a number of leaders have served as the highest elected official of Iran, with the winner of the last presidential election being Ebrahim Raisi, who does not have much experience in the political area, but received the support of all influential groups in the country, particularly the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and the ulama. The attitude of the Guardian Council, which has the primary responsibility for the survival of the system, in determining the presidential candidates affects the voter turnout and enables the forecast of election results to some degree, as in this election. In this context, the rejection of the candidacy of some names is essential in terms of showing the rivalry between the various power groups in the system and giving clues about the new era, which is characterized as the second phase of the Revolution. Raisi, who has been seen as the Supreme Leader’s possible successor, is expected to make an impression as an embracive leader. However, he also faces significant challenges in domestic policy such as the economy, aridification, power and water crises, and ethnic problems, to which there are no simple and short-term solutions. In foreign policy, although it is expected that Raisi would prioritize the relations with neighboring countries instead of the great powers, the relations of Tehran with these countries will, to a great extent, depend on its policies towards the U.S. in the new era.
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Hale, Henry E. "Democracy or autocracy on the march? The colored revolutions as normal dynamics of patronal presidentialism." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 39, no. 3 (August 4, 2006): 305–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2006.06.006.
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What impact have Eurasia’s 2003–2005 “colored revolutions” had on the state of democracy and autocracy in the region? The logic of patronal presidentialism, a set of institutions common to post-Soviet countries, suggests that the revolutions are at root succession struggles more than democratic breakthroughs generated by civic activists and foreign democratizing activity. This helps explain why Georgia is experiencing a new retreat from ideal-type democracy while only Ukraine, whose revolution weakened the patronal presidency, has sustained high political contestation after its revolution. This means that autocratic leaders clamping down on non-governmental organizations, free media, and their foreign supporters may have learned the wrong lessons, perhaps making their countries more susceptible to violent revolution than they were before.
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Smith, William C. "State, Market and Neoliberalism in Post-Transition Argentina: The Menem Experiment." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, no. 4 (1991): 45–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165879.
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Argentines Fervently hoped that the transition from authoritarianism to democracy would reverse decades of economic decline and return their country to the path of modernization. Raúl Alfonsín and his Radical party assumed office in December 1983 confident of reconciling democratization with rapid development and social justice. This optimism was soon shattered, the victim of a succession of failed stabilization plans. Finally, a catastrophic economic collapse led to a convincing victory by Peronist Carlos Menem in the May 1989 presidential contest.Carlos Menem assumed the presidency on 8 July 1989 in the midst of raging hyperinflation: from August 1988 through July 1989, consumer prices had risen 3,610% and wholesale prices had skyrocketed 5,062%. Menem responded with neoliberal, “free-market” reforms designed to restructure radically the beleaguered Argentine economy along the lines of the so-called “Washington Consensus.”
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ABBOTT, PHILIP. "Accidental Presidents: Death, Assassination, Resignation, and Democratic Succession." Presidential Studies Quarterly 35, no. 4 (December 2005): 627–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-5705.2005.00269.x.
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DeNoble, Alex, Sanford Ehrlich, and Gangaram Singh. "Toward the Development of a Family Business Self-Efficacy Scale: A Resource-Based Perspective." Family Business Review 20, no. 2 (June 2007): 127–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-6248.2007.00091.x.
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Given the importance of succession planning in family-owned businesses, our research is focused on identifying the key dimensions that could comprise a family business self-efficacy scale. We employed an explorative qualitative research methodology by querying a group of family business presidents to describe the skills critical for success. Using a resource-based perspective and relevant family business succession literature, we organized this feedback into a framework depicting the key challenges associated with leadership succession. The presidents' comments highlight a set of general and family business skill requirements that fall into the domains of social and human capital.
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MURPHY, GARY. "“Mr. Roosevelt is Guilty”: Theodore Roosevelt and the Crusade for Constitutionalism, 1910–1912." Journal of American Studies 36, no. 3 (December 2002): 441–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875802006904.
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In February 1912 Theodore Roosevelt sought the Republican nomination for president on a radical platform of reform that had a devotion to the Constitution as its central plank. Such an analysis differs from the standard historical explanation for Roosevelt's challenge to the incumbent Republican president, William Howard Taft, which argues that, bored with private life after his return from big game hunting in Africa in 1910 and consumed by an obsessive pursuit of presidential power, he ran to seek revenge on the successor who had failed to live up to the mentor's hopes. By initiating anti-trust suits against US Steel and International Harvester, which Roosevelt had examined when president but had not filed suit against, and by letting the Republican Party be dominated by regulars rather than Progressives, Taft had earned Roosevelt's unyielding enmity; Roosevelt's response was to seek the presidency.1 This article argues that far more important than any personal motivation, however, was Roosevelt's conviction that the issue at stake in 1912 was in essence a crusade for constitutionalism.Throughout Roosevelt's long career constitutional issues played a primary role in formulating his political views. This was particularly true of the period after he left the presidency in 1909 when his interpretation of the Constitution was used as a means to advance various political ends. The debate about the Constitution, one which had become deep rooted in the national psyche by the close of the first decade of the twentieth century, and the judiciary's role in its interpretation was central to Roosevelt's political philosophy.
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González, Cristina. "Succession planning at Notre Dame: lessons for librarians." New Library World 114, no. 9/10 (September 30, 2013): 408–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/nlw-04-2013-0035.
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Purpose – One of the biggest challenges facing American librarians at present is a mass retirement of highly trained professionals, which will result in a significant loss of expertise. When libraries look at universities for examples of succession planning, they find, for the most part, that they are behind, not ahead of them. A notable exception is the University of Notre Dame, which, as a Catholic institution led by priests, has a very small pool of candidates for high-level positions, so it is forced to select and prepare its top leaders through succession planning. This article aims to examine the work of one such leader. Design/methodology/approach – This article examines the work of one president, Father Theodore M. Hesburgh, whose succession planning efforts resulted in the preparation not only of his successor but also of the members of the administrative team. Findings – This case offers three important lessons for librarians. First, the leadership must be on board with the training program. Second, the training program must go beyond individuals and involve entire cohorts. Finally, the goal of training must be the development of as much talent as possible. Originality/value – The Notre Dame case demonstrates that when an organization looks for talent it finds it, indicating that much talent is lost because it is never recognized, let alone cultivated, and that is the most important lesson of all.
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Uscinski, Joseph. "Smith (and Jones) Go to Washington: Democracy and Vice-Presidential Selection." PS: Political Science & Politics 45, no. 01 (January 2012): 58–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096511001715.
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AbstractThe American vice president's most notable constitutional function is that of succession: if the president unexpectedly leaves office, the vice president becomes president. The process of selecting vice-presidential running mates has fallen into fewer hands over time, moving from the electorate, to party bosses and delegates, to a single person: the presidential candidate. The selection process presents challenges for democratic governance: electoral considerations may provide presidential candidates with incentive to choose vice-presidential running mates who differ from themselves politically. In cases of succession, this can lead to undemocratic outcomes and unstable policy.
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Mansfield, Harvey C. "The American Election: Another Reagan Triumph." Government and Opposition 24, no. 1 (January 1, 1989): 28–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1989.tb00105.x.
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THE ELECTION OF GEORGE BUSH TO THE PRESIDENCY IN 1988 was a triumph for Ronald Reagan. The margin of victory was substantial (54 per cent to Bush over 46 per cent to Michael Dukakis in the popular vote) — though not of Reaganesque proportions. But then the master might not wish his apprentice to do as well as himself. Reagan has not only brought peace and prosperity in his own terms while in office, but also has succeeded in leaving a legacy. And the legacy is not only in the political changes he instituted but partly in the person of his immediate successor, the first vicepresident to succeed as president by election since Martin Van Buren in 1837.
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Ning, Yixi. "What can the departing chief executive compensation structure tell us?" Corporate Ownership and Control 11, no. 1 (2013): 307–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv11i1c3art1.
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This paper examines the amount and structure of the pay package for the departing CEO in a company around CEO succession. I find that the characteristics of the departing CEO compensation can provide valuable information regarding the incoming changes in corporate governance around the succession. Specifically, when a departing CEO is entrenched with a “better” compensation package characterized with a greater amount of pay in cash and in total at a lower risk, the CEO, after his retirement, is more likely to remain on the board as a director or become the chairman of the board, persuade the board to pick an insider rather than an outsider to be his successor, and to promote the company’s current president and/or chief operating officer to be the incoming CEO. These findings are consistent with the management entrenchment theory that when a CEO is entrenched with a greater discretionary power and better personal benefits, he is more likely to use his managerial power to continue his influence on the company even after he retires from the CEO position.
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TATINGE NASCIMENTO, CLÁUDIA. "Introduction to Snapshot: Brazil." Theatre Research International 42, no. 2 (July 2017): 209–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030788331700030x.
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This short dossier on contemporary Brazilian theatre offers the reader a snapshot of how artists have responded to the ongoing political crisis. The massive protests that erupted across the nation in June 2013 paved the way for the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff in 2016, and left the economy in a shambles. Though flawed, the leftist political projects of former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003–10) and of Rousseff, his successor in the presidency (2011–16), privileged social inclusion. A great part of the Brazilian middle and upper classes resented the resulting socio-economic ascension of historically underserved populations. Much like the reactions sparked by the spike in popularity of conservative leaders in Europe and the United States, the Brazilian opposition's political manoeuvre to oust Rousseff in 2016 has divided the nation. A solid majority of the artistic class has sided with compatriots who call the impeachment a coup, albeit not a military one.
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Willame, Jean-Claude. "Political Succession in Zaïre, or Back to Machiavelli." Journal of Modern African Studies 26, no. 1 (March 1988): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010314.
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For many years ‘there has been a widespread sense of expectancy’ in Zaïre, a premonition of ‘fin de reégime’. Yet as Crawford Young went on to explain as early as 1979, although a ‘dissolution of the current fabric of power is an ever-present possibility… the surprising survival capacity of the régime makes risky any assertion of the inevitability of such a change.’1 During the last two decades there have been repeated reports that the political life of Zaïre' authoritatrian and absolute Head of State has been in grave danger for a whole variety of reasons, including the alleged loss of support from some powerful army general or ‘baron’, or the ruined credibility of his régime among international financial organisations, etcetera. The fact that Mobutu Sese Seko continues to remain in power as President means that we need to question our understanding of the situation in Zaïre. Before addressing ourselves to the issue of political succession and of possible scenarios in the future, I shall try to explain the main reasons for the ‘survival capacity’ of the power structure.
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Spitzer, Robert J. "Accidental Presidents: Death, Assassination, Resignation, and Democratic Succession - By Philip Abbott." Presidential Studies Quarterly 40, no. 2 (June 2010): 371–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-5705.2010.03771.x.
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Noël, Émile. "Reflections on the Community in the Aftermath of the Meeting of the European Council in Milan." Government and Opposition 20, no. 4 (October 1, 1985): 444–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1985.tb01097.x.
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THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY HAS BEEN IN A STATE OF ALMOST perpetual crisis since 1979: a financial crisis, institutional drift, the lack of long-term objectives. Nevertheless the patient efforts to bring back order into its affairs which were undertaken after the European Council at Stuttgart (1983) and tenaciously pursued by the European Commission under Mr Thorn's presidency, as well as by the successive presidents of the Council of Ministers, are at last coming to fruition. For the first time in many years, the heads of state or of government have been able to devote themselves in Milan to genuinely political reflections – to concentrate their thoughts on the future Europe and the means of building it. Even if the dialogue was only too often replaced by confrontation, nevertheless, the debate has begun and is bound to continue.
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Lukic, Reneo, and Allen Lynch. "La paix américaine pour les Balkans." Études internationales 27, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 553–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703629ar.
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Yugoslavia's loss of strategic value since the end of the cold war has determined the scope of us engagement in the War s of Yugoslav Succession. In June 1991, therefore, the us allowed the EC and the UN to preserve Yugoslav unity and then contain the effects of the several wars launched by Serbia in the region. Bill Clinton, after rejecting George Bush's policy of "Realpolitik" during the 1992 election campaign in favor of defending the victims of aggression, quickly confirmed the essential continuity of us policy in the Balkans. Throughout the Clinton Presidency, the us has sought to contain the effects of the Yugoslav wars rather than reverse the consequences of aggression, and has relatedly sought to exclude the possibility of a significant combat role for us ground forces. Rhetoric aside, us policy has sought to encourage a settlement that reflects the military facts on the ground. The Dayton accords of November 1995 reflect these considerations in detail. Whatever the long-term effects of the Dayton "peace", one consequence is certain : the marginalization of Western Europe as a foreign policy actor within Europe itself
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Saybulaeva, Saida A. "The Institution of Presidency in the Russian Federation: Issues of the Establishment and Reformation at the Present Stage." State power and local self-government 1 (January 21, 2021): 45–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1813-1247-2021-1-45-48.
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The article deals with the establishment, formation and development of the Institute of the presidency in the Russian Federation. It is shown that this legal institution was established in complex political, legal and social conditions under the influence of international and national factors. Two main historical and legal stages of the establishment and formation of the Russian presidential Institute are considered. It is noted that the specifics of the Russian institution of the presidency were formed under the influence of, among other things, received and successive legal norms, which predetermined the formation and functioning of a new and unique legal institution for the Russian state. The article analyzes the consequences of modern constitutional changes in the political and legal status of the head of state and their subsequent impact on the state mechanism of the Russian Federation.
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Fuadi, Afnan. "Suksesi Kepemimpinan Nasional Secara Selektif Berjenjang: Solusi Permasalahan Sistem Pemilihan Umum di Indonesia." Jurnal Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan 6, no. 1 (March 25, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.32493/jpkn.v6i1.y2019.p1-12.
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A variety of weaknesses and problems arise in the current electoral system, including high-cost political participation as well as weak leadership regeneration system. This article presents a solution to the problem through a new mechanism of leadership succession from the lowest level (neighborhood association) to the highest level (president). A literature review method is used in this study with a focus on; 1) the selection of leader by returning the principle of deliberation and consensus as a feature of Pancasila democracy; 2) the regeneration of leaders through a tiered selective system; and 3) discussion of the process of implementing leadership succession from the lowest to the highest level. Through this new concept of leadership succession, expensive political cost becomes relatively cheap, minimizing the emergence of corrupt behavior, the elected leader has a clear track record and avoid social division and conflict.
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Banjo, Adewale. "Constitutional and Succession Crisis in West Africa: The Case of Togo." African Journal of Legal Studies 2, no. 2 (2008): 147–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221097312x13397499736624.
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AbstractThe politics of succession in post-independence West Africa has left much to be desired and, by extension, has affected the quality of democracy and human security in the sub-region. This article briefly assesses succession politics in Togo, a small West African nation of approximately 5 million people, following the death of President Gnassingbe Eyadema, one of Africa's longest serving dictators. The author describes the military takeover and subsequent election that legitimized the illegal take over of power by Eyadema's son despite sustained domestic opposition from politicians and civil society, as well as sub-regional, regional and international condemnation of a Constitutional "coup d'etat" in Togo. The article concludes that the succession crisis in Togo is far from over, given the continuing manipulation of what the author calls the geo-ethnic divide in that country.
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Evans, John D. "Anniversary Address." Antiquaries Journal 65, no. 1 (March 1985): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500024677.
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The first opportunity which a President of the Society of Antiquaries has to express his gratitude to the Fellowship for the honour they have done him is the Anniversary Address in the year following his initial election. My thanks are none the less heartfelt for being thus belated. It is indeed a great privilege to be permitted to serve this distinguished Society, at once so venerable and so vigorous, in the capacity of its President. A privilege I take to be something beyond or unrelated to one's deserts, and that exactly expresses my feelings on finding myself standing as the latest in the long succession of Presidents which includes so many of the great names in the study of very various aspects of antiquity. This variety itself reflects the wide range of the Society's interests, which is one of its most valuable characteristics. It is a classic illustration of this that I, a prehistorian, should succeed as President one of our most distinguished medieval historians. Christopher Brooke was a most active and devoted President to whom the Society owes a great deal. His interest and concern extended to all fields of the Society's activity, and under his leadership a number of highly desirable reforms and innovations were introduced into our procedures. If the path of his successor has thus been made smooth by the clearance of outstanding difficulties, it is on the other hand hard to follow the brilliance and virtuosity of his Anniversary Addresses. Not for nothing did he refer last year to their ‘sonata-like form’. Though I do not feel that I can emulate such subtleties, yet I hope at any rate to avoid offering you merely a medley.
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Gephart, Robert P. "Succession Sensemaking and Organizational Change: A Story of a Deviant College President." Journal of Organizational Change Management 4, no. 3 (March 1991): 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eum0000000001196.
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Questier, Michael. "Sermons, Separatists, and Succession Politics in Late Elizabethan England." Journal of British Studies 52, no. 2 (April 2013): 290–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2013.1.
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AbstractIn late 1599 the population of York was able to witness a fairly extraordinary sight. In York Castle, the Catholic prisoners of conscience, as they saw themselves (though others regarded them as dangerous political dissidents), were being compelled to listen, once a week, to a Protestant sermon. These sermons were preached at them by a slate of godly ministers. This exercise was something the prisoners actively contested by murmuring, blocking their ears, shouting, and attempting to rush out of the hall. The prisoners' antics provoked the authorities into increasingly coercive measures to make them hear the Word of God. This outwardly rather ridiculous and unseemly charade went on, week after week, for nearly a year, at which point the whole business was abandoned by the lord president, Lord Burghley, as a waste of time. However, by decoding the extant manuscript narrative that we have of the sermon series and by looking at who was involved in this business and why, and what political messages were being sent during the course of it, we can say something about the popular politics of late Elizabethan England. In particular, we can comment on the strategies adopted by those who were anticipating the moment, surely not far off, when Tudor power would be extinguished and Elizabeth's crown would pass to her successor.
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Arugay, Aries A., and Dan Slater. "Polarization Without Poles: Machiavellian Conflicts and the Philippines’ Lost Decade of Democracy, 2000–2010." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 681, no. 1 (December 20, 2018): 122–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716218810385.
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The Philippines’ long democratic experience has been remarkably free of deeply politicized cleavages. Roman Catholicism as a hegemonic religion prevents religious polarization, ethnic identity fragmentation limits ethnic polarization, and weak parties forestall ideological or class polarization. Nevertheless, the country suffered a crisis of polarization during the short-lived Estrada presidency (1998–2001) and that of his successor, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (2001–2010). The severe conflict was a product of power maneuvers by anti-Estrada forces, followed by anti-Arroyo actors returning the favor, given her gross abuses of power. Echoing Machiavelli’s famous distinction, the conflict pitted Estrada’s popoli (the many) against Arroyo’s oligarchic grandi (the few). This Machiavellian conflict ended with an oligarchic reassertion of Madisonian democratic rule through the electoral victory of Benigno Simeon Aquino III in 2010. We conclude the article by considering whether the populist challenge of current president Rodrigo Duterte (2016– ) might spark a similarly destabilizing conflict in the years to come.
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Othman, Rozhan, and Wardah Azimah Sumardi. "Talent Management at Tenaga Nasional Berhad." Asian Case Research Journal 17, no. 02 (December 2013): 289–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0218927513500132.
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This case describes the talent management practice of Tenaga Nasional Berhad (TNB). It describes how the company selects and develops future leaders to ensure a smooth succession for important positions. This is done through the creation of a talent pool consisting of high performance-high potential managers. Members of the talent pool are groomed for succession to key leadership positions at the corporate level and critical positions at the divisional level. Selection for TNB's talent pool is open for managers and engineers who have served at least 8 years in the company. Members of the talent pool undergo a systematic and rigorous program of talent development. This includes the Accelerated Development Program for preparing managers for succession to the C suite positions (i.e., positions at the Vice President and Chief Financial Officer, Chief Information Officer and Chief Procurement Officer). The PROSEM and PROGEM are talent development programs for those nominated for the Senior Manager and General Manager positions. The techniques and methodology used for this implementation of the talent management process in Tenaga Nasional are described.
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Pickering, Paula M., and Mark Baskin. "What is to be done? Succession from the League of Communists of Croatia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 41, no. 4 (October 22, 2008): 521–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2008.09.001.
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Croatia’s complex and violent transition contributed to conditions under which ex-communists have exerted significant influence over multiple post-Communist parties. In the 1990s, the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) led by President Franjo Tudjman employed war to impose a semi-authoritarian system that further weakened the electoral prospects of the most logical Communist successor party—the Social Democratic Party (SDP). The SDP-led coalition’s win in the 2000 elections ushered in conditions that enabled a deeper democratization in Croatia that brought it closer toward integration into the EU. HDZ’s loss in 2000 and EU leverage then helped compel HDZ to reform and to continue work toward meeting EU accession requirements.
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Collombier, Virginie. "The Internal Stakes of the 2005 Elections: The Struggle for Influence in Egypt's National Democratic Party." Middle East Journal 61, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 95–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/61.1.15.
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Beyond the relative opening of the political system that characterized 2005 in Egypt — with the President being elected directly for the first time and the increased competition allowed during legislative elections — the 2005 elections also constituted an opportunity to consider and evaluate the internal struggles for influence under way within the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP). In a context largely influenced by the perspective of President Husni Mubarak's succession and by calls for reform coming from both internal and external actors, changes currently occurring at the party level may have a decisive impact on the future of the Egyptian regime.
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Bielarczyk, Piotr. "SKUTKI OPRÓŻNIENIA URZĘDU PREZYDENTA W POLSKICH KONSTYTUCJACH XX WIEKU." Zeszyty Prawnicze 11, no. 3 (December 20, 2016): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2011.11.3.04.
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THE CONSEQUENCES OF A VACANCY IN THE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT UNDER 20TH CENTURY POLISH CONSTITUTIONS Summary The article discusses the consequences of a vacancy in the office of the President of the Republic in 20th-century Polish constitutions. A vacancy in the office of the President takes place in the event of death, resignation, the election of a President being found invalid, among other possibilities. The problem of succession to the office of President became particularly significant in connection with the Smolensk air disaster of 10 April 2010, which took the life of President Lech Kaczyński. This is why particular attention was paid to the provisions of the current Constitution adopted in 1997, pursuant to which the Speaker of the Sejm (lower house of Parliament) served as interim President. The article evaluates these provisions and their application from April to August 2010, i.e. until the swearing-in of the newly-elected President.
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Nielsen, Christian Axboe. "Serbian Historiography after 1991." Contemporary European History 29, no. 1 (November 12, 2019): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731900033x.
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Few countries in Europe have witnessed as much turbulence during the past quarter century as the seven states which emerged from socialist Yugoslavia after it dissolved amidst a catastrophic series of wars of succession. Although actual armed conflict only took place in Serbia (then still including Kosovo in the rump state Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) in 1998 and 1999, Serbia directly participated in the wars of Yugoslav succession beginning in 1991 in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and then finally in Kosovo. For nearly a decade from 1992 until 2001 Serbia's economy languished under the combination of a kleptocratic regime, expensive and protracted military engagements and international sanctions. The long Serbian transition entered a new phase in October 2000, when Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević was ousted by a very heterogeneous political coalition whose leaders shared only an intense antipathy for Milošević. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was transformed into the short-lived state union of Serbia and Montenegro, which disappeared when Montenegro declared its independence in 2006, followed by Kosovo in 2008.
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Dion, Michelle. "The Political Origins of Social Security in Mexico during the Cáárdenas and ÁÁvila Camacho Administrations." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 21, no. 1 (2005): 59–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2005.21.1.59.
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This study compares efforts to adopt social insurance legislation in the administrations of Láázaro Cáárdenas and Manuel ÁÁvila Camacho in Mexico to explain the political origins of the welfare state in Latin America. The author argues that the adoption and implementation of social insurance in Mexico was the outcome of an implicit bargain between organized labor and the state following the 1940 presidential election. This bargain signifies the rebuilding by the ÁÁvila Camacho administration of the cross-class coalition originally designed by President Cáárdenas and jeopardized by the nationalization of petroleum and presidential succession struggles of the late 1930s. Este trabajo compara esfuerzos a implantar legislacióón del seguro social en las administraciones de Láázaro Cáárdenas y de Manuel ÁÁvila Camacho en Mééxico para explicar los oríígenes polííticos del Estado de bienestar en Améérica Latina. La autora discute que la adopcióón y la implantacióón del seguro social en Mééxico fueron resultados de un negocio implíícito entre la clase trabajadora organizada y el Estado que seguíía la eleccióón presidencial de 1940. Este negocio significa la reconstruccióón por la administracióón de ÁÁvila Camacho de la coalicióón de clases diseññada por presidente Cáárdenas y comprometida originalmente por la nacionalizacióón del petróóleo y de las luchas de la sucesióón presidencial de los finales de los 30s.
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Kinzo, Maria D'Alva Gil. "The 1989 Presidential Election: Electoral Behaviour in a Brazilian City." Journal of Latin American Studies 25, no. 2 (May 1993): 313–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00004673.
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The two and a half years of the Collor de Mello government were marked by so many dramatic events that the significance of the election which made him the first directly elected President in 29 years was not accorded the attention it derserved. A succession of events made the 1989 election results lose much of their interest for debate and study: the drastic after the inauguration of his government; the marketing campaign every time Collor appeared in the media; and, above all, the serious accusations of corruption involving his wife, relatives, close friends and Collor himself leading to his impeachment in December 1992.
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Syafirullah, Lutfi, and Annas Setiawan Prabowo. "PENERAPAN ANALYTIC NETWORK PROCESS (ANP) DALAM MENENTUKAN PRESIDEN REPUBLIK INDONESIA BAGI GENERASI MILENIAL PADA PEMILU 2019." Infotekmesin 9, no. 02 (July 22, 2019): 96–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.35970/infotekmesin.v9i02.18.
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General elections or elections are one part of the democratic system to elect representatives in the people's representative institutions. The Indonesian nation on April 17, 2019 will implement a mechanism for the succession of elections to determine the president for the period 20192023. This paper discusses the decision making to elect the 2019 RI presidential candidate. The author uses the Analytic Network Process (ANP) method and is assisted by super decision software to see the consistency values of each comparison table. This method is expected to be able to help all parties, especially the millennial generation in Indonesia, to find out what factors are taken into consideration in choosing RI 2019 presidential and vice presidential candidates. The object of the research is the Cilacap State Polytechnic student of the Informatics Engineering Department in 2018. that the main factor in choosing the president and vice president is popularization and the Jokowi-Ma'ruf pair is a pair chosen by millennials because they are populist.
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Eissa-Barroso, Francisco A. "“OF EXPERIENCE, ZEAL, AND SELFLESSNESS”: Military Officers as Viceroys in Early Eighteenth Century Spanish America." Americas 68, no. 03 (January 2012): 317–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500001267.
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On February 18, 1724, field marshal Antonio Manso Maldonado arrived in New Granada as the president, governor, and captain-general of the New Kingdom. He had been appointed to this position on December 4, 1723, because both the crown and die Chamber of the Indies thought it would be best executed by a military officer. Manso Maldonado could boast more than 30 years of military service, proven loyalty, and administrative experience, much of it during the first reign of Felipe V. After joining the royal armies as a private, Manso Maldonado rose steadily through the ranks, fighting the Moors in Ceuta and the French in the wars of die late seventeenth century. During the War of the Spanish Succession, he served at the orders of the militant bishop of Murcia and last viceroy of Valencia, Luis Belluga, who praised Manso's valor directly to the king. Most important perhaps, at the end of die War of the Spanish Succession and upon the occupation of Catalonia by Bourbon forces, Manso Maldonado had served as teniente de rey in Gerona (1716-1719) and Barcelona (1719-1723), witnessing first-hand the implementation of the Nueva Planta and the enforcement of royal authority over the rebellious principality.
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Eissa-Barroso, Francisco A. "“Of Experience, Zeal, and Selflessness”: Military Officers as Viceroys in Early Eighteenth Century Spanish America." Americas 68, no. 03 (January 2012): 317–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500006489.
Full textAbstract:
On February 18, 1724, field marshal Antonio Manso Maldonado arrived in New Granada as the president, governor, and captain-general of the New Kingdom. He had been appointed to this position on December 4, 1723, because both the crown and the Chamber of the Indies thought it would be best executed by a military officer. Manso Maldonado could boast more than 30 years of military service, proven loyalty, and administrative experience, much of it during the first reign of Felipe V. After joining the royal armies as a private, Manso Maldonado rose steadily through the ranks, fighting the Moors in Ceuta and the French in the wars of the late seventeenth century. During the War of the Spanish Succession, he served at the orders of the militant bishop of Murcia and last viceroy of Valencia, Luis Belluga, who praised Manso's valor directly to the king. Most important perhaps, at the end of the War of the Spanish Succession and upon the occupation of Catalonia by Bourbon forces, Manso Maldonado had served as teniente de rey in Gerona (1716-1719) and Barcelona (1719-1723), witnessing first-hand the implementation of the Nueva Planta and the enforcement of royal authority over the rebellious principality.