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Journal articles on the topic 'Tang-Five dynasties'
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1
Yang (楊際平), Jiping, and Michael Broughton. "Dispelling the Myth of the “Tang-Song Transition Theory”." Journal of Chinese Humanities 6, no. 2-3 (2021): 129–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-12340094.
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Abstract Administrative statutes in the Tang clearly recognized that the fields of commoners could be held through private ownership. Field ownership structures in the recently restored Tang Statutes, while seeming to support ideas of land nationalization, did not actually change the private landowning practices that had been in place since the Qin and the Han dynasties. Numerous tenancy contracts unearthed in Dunhuang and Turfan dating back to the Tang and Five Dynasties show ample evidence that, prior to the establishment of the double-tax system in 780, a highly developed system of contract tenancy was already in place. Tenancy was clearly the leading form of agricultural production outside subsistence farming. This proves that the labor force during the Sui and Tang dynasties consisted not of “slaves and tenant farmers” or “agricultural dependents and serfs” but of commoners who were legally free. The Sui, Tang, and Five Dynasties, as described by Japanese historian Naitō Konan, bear no resemblance to the historical reality of this period. In many instances, Naitō’s arguments have distorted the history of these dynasties in an effort to make China’s history fit neatly into the framework of medieval European history. Consequently, his premises, arguments, and his central conclusion are all wrong. It is crucial that we dispel the myth of Naitō’s “Tang-Song transition theory” and return to historical reality.
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Xue, Chen. "From the “Five Dynasties” 五代 to the “Ten States” 十國: Interpreting Post-Tang Identities in Northern Song (960–1127) Historiography". T’oung Pao 108, № 5-6 (2022): 646–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-10805003.
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Abstract This article examines the representation of post-Tang identities in Northern Song historiography and provides a precise definition of the concept of “Ten States.” It argues that the “Five Dynasties” and “Ten States,” appellations invented by Northern Song historians, are not reflective of the actual tenth-century political landscape that took shape following the fall of the Tang Empire (618–907). Rather, they were coined to buttress the dynastic legitimacy of the Northern Song. They mirrored the increasingly strong Song central control over regional authorities and a perceived ever-growing cultural division between Song and its neighbors. Through an investigation of how post-Tang regimes were categorized by four representative Northern Song histories, this article questions the constructed binary between the “legitimate” and the “illegitimate” in Song historiography and challenges the resulting “Central Plain”-centric and Han/Chinese-centric ideologies.
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Wen, Xin. "The Emperor of Dunhuang: Rethinking Political Regionalism in Tenth Century China." Journal of Chinese History 6, no. 1 (2021): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jch.2021.10.
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Abstract The political history of medieval China is written primarily on the basis of official records produced at centers of political power by victors in the preceding trans-dynastic war. With the help of alternative sources, one can hope to challenge the triumphalist and teleological narrative imbedded in these records. In this article, I use documents preserved in the Dunhuang “library cave” to uncover a failed attempt to establish a regional state with imperial pretensions in Dunhuang immediately after the fall of the Tang. This kind of political regionalism seen in Dunhuang is also found in several other post-Tang states in Sichuan and Guangdong. My investigation of their similarities exposes the teleological nature of the conventional framework of “Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms,” and demands that we rethink the political history of China after the fall of the Tang.
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Yang, Rong, and Xiaoming Yang. "Research on Taoist Daily Clothing in Han and Tang Dynasties." Asian Social Science 16, no. 5 (2020): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v16n5p92.
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From the perspective of the form of Taoist daily clothing in the early Han Dynasty, Sui and Tang Dynasties was the beginning of the secularization of Taoist clothing. In the Five Dynasties, taking the legal clothing as the prototype, the secular Taoist clothing "Beizi" was derived, which made the Taoist clothing no longer belong to the exclusive use of the ruling class and Taoists, and finally made it secularized.
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Schottenhammer, Angela. "A Buried Past: The Tomb Inscription (Muzhiming) and Official Biographies of Wang Chuzhi (863-923)." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 52, no. 1 (2009): 14–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852009x405339.
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AbstractThe present article investigates the tomb inscription of Wang Chuzhi (863-923), a military governor whose career spanned the end of the Tang and the beginning of the Five Dynasties. By comparing the inscription with representations of the deceased in official sources, the article reveals that the tomb inscription presents a critical attitude toward the moral standards of conventional historiography, and demonstrates a shifting moral geography in the works of Song historians. This new standard increasingly excluded nomadic peoples from the newly imagined political body, and excluded with them the pragmatic diplomacy that had characterized the politics of the Five Dynasties. Cet article analyse l'inscription funéraire de Wang Chuzhi (863-923). Ce gouverneur militaire vécut à la fin des Tang et au début de la période des Cinq Dynasties. La comparaison de l'inscription à diverses représentations du défunt contenues dans les sources officielles montre la manière dont l'auteur de l'inscription critique les standards moraux de l'historiographie officielle. Elle montre aussi le cadre géographique mouvant dans lequel s'appliquait la morale Song: les populations nomades étaient de plus en plus exclues du corps politique tel qu'il était alors imaginé; la diplomatie pragmatique qui avait dominé la période des Cinq Dynasties était abandonnée.
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Verellen, Franciscus. "Green Memorials: Daoist Ritual Prayers in the Tang-Five Dynasties Transition." Tang Studies 35, no. 1 (2017): 51–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tan.2017.0002.
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Verellen, Franciscus. "Green Memorials: Daoist Ritual Prayers in the Tang-Five Dynasties Transition." Tang Studies 35, no. 1 (2017): 51–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07375034.2017.1382436.
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Lu, Min, and Huamin Wang. "The Night Banquet of Han Xizai in the Perspective of Socio-Historical Criticism." International Journal of Education and Humanities 13, no. 3 (2024): 177–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/4x09kn38.
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The purpose of this article is to explore in depth the historical background, iconographic content, and its historical value and significance of Han Xizai's Night Banquet through the perspective of socio-historical criticism. The article firstly analyzes the socio-historical situation of the Five Dynasties period, especially the political and cultural background of the Southern Tang Dynasty, as well as the association between Han Xizai and the Southern Tang Dynasty royal family. Secondly, it provides a detailed pictorial interpretation of Han Xizai's Night Banquet in terms of its picture content and scene arrangement, character image and costume props, artistic style and presentation method. Finally, the historical value and significance of the painting are discussed. Han Xizai's Night Banquet not only reflects the social and political background of the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period, but also reveals the relationship between Han Xizai and the royal family of the Southern Tang Dynasty. With its fine brushwork style and unique narrative technique, the painting shows the prosperity of the court culture and the luxury of aristocratic life in the Southern Tang Dynasty. At the same time, the painting also has important value in art history, painting technique, cultural relics and collection history. As a precious historical document, The Night Banquet of Han Xizai not only helps to enrich our understanding of ancient history, but also enhances our appreciation of ancient art, and has certain reference value for historical and artistic research.
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Wang, Tongxin. "History of Chinese Classical Gardens." International Journal of Education and Humanities 4, no. 3 (2022): 235–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ijeh.v4i3.1814.
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From the beginning of Shang Dynasty to the end of Qing Dynasty the development of Chinese classical landscape gardens went through five periods: the formation period of Shang, Zhou, Qin and Han Dynasties, the transition period of Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, the heyday of Tang Dynasty, the maturity period of Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing Dynasties, and the middle and end of Qing Dynasty. Five thousand years of glorious Chinese culture makes Chinese classical gardens different from Western gardens and Islamic gardens. The unique garden system and style give rise to the unique and profound Chinese classical garden system in world history. Based on the history of Chinese classical gardens, the paper focuses on the historical background of the development of the Song garden, the characteristics of typical gardens and literati gardens in the two Song dynasties, in order to understand the development process of the Song garden more deeply. Under the condition of learning and understanding, the method and concept characteristics of classical garden design in Song Dynasty are inherited and applied to modern garden planning and design.
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Ma, Shuhan. "Overview of Song foreign trade policy." Highlights in Business, Economics and Management 35 (June 16, 2024): 219–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/bmc87036.
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China's maritime foreign trade has a long history. During the Tang Dynasty, there was already a full-time official - the Sea Market Supervisor - in charge of overseas trade. Since the beginning of the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms, Nanhan, Wuyue and Min have joined the overseas trade in order to seize greater interests, such as Guangzhou, Quanzhou and other ports even more so. By the Song Dynasty, the scale of marine foreign trade was far greater than that of the previous dynasty, and it was incomparably prosperous. This paper first analyses the reasons for the change of commercial policy in the Song Dynasty, and then briefly analyses the reasons for its development through the Song Dynasty's foreign trade and foreign policy.
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Pei, Changchun. "The Renwang Ritual in the Tang and Five Dynasties: Based on P. 3808." Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies (Indogaku Bukkyogaku Kenkyu) 68, no. 1 (2019): 260–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4259/ibk.68.1_260.
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Ding, Fang. "The Making of Classics: Li Bai and Du Fu’s Poems in Anthologies of Tang Poetry between the Tang and the Ming Dynasties." Journal of Chinese Humanities 8, no. 2 (2022): 163–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-12340131.
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Abstract The canonization of Li Bai and Du Fu’s poetry occurred over a period that spanned centuries and dynasties. The treatment of Li Bai and Du Fu’s works differed through the ages. Among anthologies from the Tang and the Five Dynasties that remain to our disposition today, only three contain poems by Li Bai, and only one includes some by Du Fu. Tang compilers had a poor opinion of the two poets. Their criticism contrasts substantially with the praise that was offered by Han Yu and other poets. During the Song and Yuan dynasties, scholars held Li Bai and Du Fu in high regard, yet their poems were often omitted by compilers. The main reason for this exclusion was that both poets’ complete works had long been considered unworthy and set aside. Compilers respected the skills of the two poets, but they did not truly appreciate their work. During the Ming dynasty, anthologies would comment on the two poets as important figures of literary history. Compilers praised their art as being of the highest quality. By then, both poets were highly respected, and their poems had officially already been made into classics. In the process of becoming classics, works of art can be seen as enduring, and as cumulating value through different periods of time. Times keep on changing, yet the significance of Li Bai and Du Fu’s poetry became all the more obvious as centuries passed.
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Hua, Li. "The Development Process of Wushu Under the Influence of Wuju Selection System." History Research 12, no. 1 (2024): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.history.20241201.15.
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Wuju, historically known as Wuke, was began in Tang Dynasty, the second year when Wu Zetian became empress. It was developed in successive dynasties. However, with the invasions of Western colonists in 19<sup>th</sup> century, the traditional martial arts were clearly no longer suitable for the needs of modern warfare, finally, it was abolished in the 27th year of Guangxu in Qing Dynasty. The abolition of Wuju system caused a fierce debate in the imperial court. Although there is still little research on the influence of Wuju to the development of martial arts in various dynasties, as the earliest main way to select martial arts talents, it has existed for more than 1,200 years in Chinese history and has improved the selection criteria for talents that are adept with both the pen and the sword. Wuju in Tang, Song, Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties, military martial arts and folk martial arts are the earliest martial arts system in China. The rise and fall, as well as combination of Wuju and martial arts have a profound impact on the history of martial arts. Therefore, the paper tries to explore to the development process of martial arts by explaining the five stages of Wuju: rise, development, imprisonment, prosperity and defeat, then provides a theoretical basis for future scientific research on martial arts.
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NAGAO, Koe. "Acceptance and development of The Theory of the Five nature in early Tang dynasties." Journal of Research Society of Buddhism and Cultural Heritage 2018, no. 27 (2019): 167–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5845/bukkyobunka.2018.27_167.
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Chang, Mi-Ran. "Background of Zen’s Uprising in the late Tang and the transitional Five Dynasties periods." Journal of Korean Seon Studies 26 (August 31, 2010): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.22253/jkss.2010.08.26.259.
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Wang, J. "The change of color of female wedding dress in Chinese ancient times." ТЕНДЕНЦИИ РАЗВИТИЯ НАУКИ И ОБРАЗОВАНИЯ 104, no. 4 (2023): 126–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/trnio-12-2023-219.
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The paper provides a comparison of color changes in female wedding dress in different periods in China. The wedding dress emerged at the presence of Zhou dynasty‘s dress, the main color of it is cyan. In the Tang and Song Dynasties, women wore wedding dress with a large area of cyan. This phenomenon was depicted in combination with handed-down portraits, which gradually proved that traditional women showed ―advocating cyan‖ phenomenon in the choice and inheritance of wedding dress color. However, since the Hongwu period of the Ming Dynasty, the color image of women‘s marriage dress was changed from ―advocating cyan‖ to ―advocating red‖. The symbolic reason might be that the fundamental thought was closely related to the ―Five Cyclic Virtues‖ theory. This system was a means for the emperor to highlight the national luck and consolidate the Han rites.
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Chen, Song. "THE STATE, THE GENTRY, AND LOCAL INSTITUTIONS: THE SONG DYNASTY AND LONG-TERM TRENDS FROM TANG TO QING." Journal of Chinese History 1, no. 1 (2017): 141–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jch.2016.30.
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Historians have long aspired to see beyond the rise and fall of dynasties to the longue durée and the major changes over time in Chinese society. The five empirically rich and theoretically sophisticated books discussed in this essay all share this goal. While they make distinct contributions, they have in common close attention to the relationships between the state, the elite, and local institutions between the late Tang and Qing periods. Reading them together encourages rethinking the state-and-society issues that historians have been debating for a generation. In this essay, after a brief summary of each book's major contributions, I suggest ways they help us conceptualize the long-term processes of continuity and change from the late Tang to the Qing.
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Wang, Yuanlin. "The Sacrificial Ritual and Commissioners to the South Sea God in Tang China." Religions 12, no. 11 (2021): 960. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12110960.
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Previous studies on the Nanhaishen Temple 南海神廟 (Temple of the South Sea God) in Guangzhou in the Tang dynasty focus mainly on the South Sea God as the patron of the Maritime Silk Road, without thoroughly discussing the state ritual and the sacrificial right of the Tang government. This paper illuminates five new points concerning the ritual. First, the sacrificial ritual to the South Sea God developed from the suburban rituals in previous dynasties into both forms of suburban and local rituals, which was also categorized as the medium sacrifice among the three major sacrifices in the state ritual system of the Tang dynasty. Second, the first commissioner who was sent by the central government to perform the sacrificial ritual to the South Sea God was Zhang Jiuling, and henceforth the temporary assignment of court officials to the ceremonies became institutionalized. In the tenth year of Tianbao (751), the South Sea God was entitled Guangliwang 廣利王 (King Guangli), and the commissioner sent on this mission was Zhang Jiuzhang, Zhang Jiuling’s third younger brother, rather than his second younger brother Zhang Jiugao as seen in some records. Third, most of the commissioners were dispatched by the central government in the early Tang, and therefore the sacrifice to the South Sea God was related to the state ritual system; but in the late Tang local officials became dominant in the ritual ceremonies, and thus good harvests and social stability in the Lingnan region became the major concern of the sacrifice. Fourth, the legend that the Buddhist Master Xiujiu 休咎禪師 took over the temple and accepted the South Sea God as his disciple reflected the reciprocity between Buddhism and the South Sea God belief. Last but not the least, the sacrificial ceremonies to the South Sea God established in the Tang dynasty and performed by the officials of both the central and local governments had a significant influence on the ritual in the following dynasties.
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BIN, LI, ZHAO HONGYAN, LI YIXIAO, JIANG XUEWEI, HONG YU, and TAO HUI. "Study on the origin and evolution of the Chinese batik." Industria Textila 71, no. 03 (2020): 282–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.35530/it.071.03.1694.
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The origin and spread of the Chinese batik have always been a controversial issue in the field of Chinese dyeing and waving historiography. The systemic analysis was carried out by the methods of textile archaeology and literature research in this paper. Conclusions have been made as follows: there were two models in the origin of Chinese batik. One, such as the Central Plains area, was the type of external afference. Another model, such as the south-western ethnic areas, was the type of generating from the inside of the area. The transmutation of batik in Central Plain areas have passed through three stages: introduction from the Eastern Han Dynasty to the Northern and Southern Dynasties, mass acceptance during the Sui Dynasty, Tang Dynasty and Five Dynasties, obsolescence during the Two Song Dynasties. From the perspectives of the reason, the rapid disappearance of batik in the Central Plains areas were caused by the special internal and external environment and the development trend of dyeing technology of the Song Dynasty.
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An, Shun, Zhongning Guo, and Hai Fang. "Study on the Kansei Image of Linear Elements of Wooden Screens on the Basis of Modern Aesthetics." Forest Products Journal 72, no. 4 (2022): 258–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.13073/fpj-d-22-00045.
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Abstract As a primitive furniture with the longest history in China, the screen (pingfeng) originated in the western Zhou Dynasty and went through the Han and Tang dynasties, the Five Dynasties, the Song Dynasty, and the Ming and Qing dynasties and is still being used to date. This paper aims to explore the modern aesthetics contained in the traditional screen line and measure the contribution of some linear elements to the overall modern characteristics of the screen. By adopting the method of Kansei engineering, quantitative research is carried out on the Kansei image and the linear patterns of the traditional Chinese screens. The results show that the factors affecting the modern aesthetics of the screen have three linear elements: the top section (pingmao), the upright brackets (zhanya), and the base (dunzuo), with the top section and the base having the greatest influence on the “modern” kansei image of the screen. On the basis of these linear features, the style of the screen can be determined, and the quantitative data can provide reference for the design of modern screens.
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Kim, Dae-Young. "Tea in the Era of Tang, Five Dynasties, and Ten Kingdoms viewed through Zizhi Tongjian." Korean Tea Society 29, no. 4 (2023): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.29225/jkts.2023.29.4.1.
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This study examined the meaning of tea in the governance of the Northern Song period through an analysis of tea-related contents contained in Zizhi Tongjian, a Chinese history book compiled by Sima Guang under the order of Emperor Yingzong of the Northern Song Dynasty. As the title suggests, this book was compiled to help govern by taking history as a mirror. The description of good and evil was covered and described clearly to be easily read and referenced as the emperor's textbook. Only the contents necessary for governance were strictly selected and summarized to reduce the length. Tea-related articles were included in Zizhi Tongjian because tea was an important commodity in governance. The tax system for tea was dealt with in the Tang period, and the tea industry, including trade, was promoted in the era of the Five Kingdoms. This is because Sima Guang thought that the proper use of the economic value of tea politically and militarily would help governance.
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Eom, Ik-sang. "The Origin of Sino-Korean Coda-l." Korean Linguistics 11 (January 1, 2002): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/kl.11.06ise.
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Abstract Among the stop endings of Middle Chinese entering tone, the alveolar stop -t was consistently changed to -l in Sino-Korean while -p and -k remained the same. In his article in the Journal of East Asian Linguistics, Martin (1997) claims that Sino-Korean coda -l was derived from a liquid of a northwestern dialect of the late Tang and Five dynasties, in which Middle Chinese coda -t was changed to -d > -r. This article, however, points out some problems of Martin's view and attempts to present evidence that Middle Chinese coda -t was already changed to -l in Old Sino-Korean even before the lenition of Middle Chinese alveolar stop endings took place in the northwestern dialects of Tang China. Accordingly, this article claims that Sino-Korean coda -l was not an external change but an internal change.
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Huseyin, Yildiz. "Naming China in Ancient Turkish Texts: notes on tabgaç/tavgaç, kitań and çin." Iasaýı ýnıversıtetіnіń habarshysy 129, no. 3 (2023): 53–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47526/2023-3/2664-0686.04.
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The Chinese, the oldest neighbors and enemies of the Turks in ancient times, are one of the peoples who left the deepest trace in the Turkic culture. The names used in ancient Turkic texts for the Chinese who ruled dynasties also differ depending on the periods and dynasties. The most commonly used of these names are tabgaç/tavgaç, kitań and çin (tabgach/tavgach, kitan and chin). The first two of these words refer to the Turkic Khaganate, and the third is partially found in ancient Turkic texts dating back to the ancient Uighur period.In the Old Turkic period, which lasted from the VI to the XIII centuries, the I Turkic Khaganate (Kekturk), II Turkic Khaganate (Kutluk), Orkhun-Uygur Khaganate, Kansu-Uygur Khanate, Khojo-Uygur Khanate, Turkic Khakanate (Karakhanid), Western Turkic Khakanate and Eastern Turkic Khakanate ruled. The equivalents of this period in the history of China are the Southern and Northern Dynasties (420–581/589), the Sui Dynasty (581–618), the Tang Dynasty (618–907), the Five Dynasties Ten Kingdoms (907–960) and the Song Dynasty (960–1279). For this reason, in ancient Turkic texts related to China, one of these Chinese dynasties should be indicated in the designations, depending on the period of the text.In this study, textual assessments of the origin, derivatives and use of names related to the Chinese in the ancient Turkic language will be carried out on the basis of the words tabgaç/tavgaç, kitań and çin.
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Park, Hye Kyung. "Changes and Factors in Suxiaoxiao Image in Poetry in the Period of Tang and Five Dynasties." Journal of Chinese Language, Literature and Translation 45 (July 31, 2019): 23–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.35822/jcllt.2019.07.45.23.
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Olberding, Garret P. "Dynamic Divisions." Journal of Chinese Military History 3, no. 2 (2014): 91–139. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22127453-12341268.
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A major and as yet insurmountable obstacle in our comprehension of pre-modern Chinese military culture is the unfortunate dearth of detailed battle scenes or attack plans. The historiographical record simply does not include more than the barest outlines of how battles transpired. This essay offers a possible back-door method for accessing military movements and formations on an abstract level. It contends that the ancient game ofweiqi, commonly known in the West by its Japanese name, Go, may afford insight into some of the military maneuvers likely employed in the Tang and Song dynasties, and perhaps even earlier. Using the earliest game maps available, found in the Song-eraWangyou qingle ji, with additional input from Ming and Qing texts, the essay spatially analyzes the tactical terms from a manuscript attributed to an author from the Five Dynasties and early Song periods, theWeiqi yili, and illustrates their potential employment using two historical passages, one from theJiu Tangshuand another from theHanshu.
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Zhu, Yi. "The Bestowal of Noble Titles upon the Mountain and Water Spirits in Tang China." Religions 13, no. 3 (2022): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13030229.
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In the Tang era, official sacrifices to mountain and water spirits became more methodical than those of the preceding dynasties. What deserves more attention is that the imperial court bestowed noble titles, which were normally awarded to aristocrats and powerful officials, on the twenty-eight mountain and water spirits, including the Five Sacred Peaks, Four Strongholds, Four Seas and Four Waterways. These practices reflected the two-sided attitude of the Tang rulers to the mountain and water spirits. When confronting violent political changes, the rulers yearned for blessings and protection from these natural deities. On the other hand, with the expansion of monarchical power in the secular world, they sought to establish their authority in the realm of divinity. Running parallel in most cases, the bestowal of nobility and the official sacrificial system constituted the official cult of mountain and water spirits, which survived until the first years of the Ming Dynasty.
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Dong, Xinlin. "The Shangjing norm of the Liao dynasty and the Dongjing mode of the Northern Song dynasty." Chinese Archaeology 20, no. 1 (2020): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/char-2020-0017.
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AbstractAfter the downfall of the Tang dynasty, the Khitan-Liao empire, the Five Dynasties, and Northern Song dynasty formed the second “northern and southern dynasties” confrontation in the history of China. Also in this period, two systems appeared in the capital city planning: the “Shangjing norm” of the Liao dynasty characterized by the 日-shaped plan view and the “Dongjing mode” of the Northern Song dynasty characterized by the 回-shaped plan view. The “Shangjing norm” is the materialization of the political system of “ruling by the customs of the peoples being ruled” applied by the nomadic rulers from the northern steppes when they were managing the empire with the Han people as the majority. This seemingly reflected the ethnic discrimination of the nomadic ruling class at the beginning of the establishment of their empire. The capital designing ideas of the Jin, Yuan, and Qing dynasties were all following this norm at the beginnings of their rules. “Dongjing mode” of the Northern Song dynasty is the materialization of the “imperial sovereignty” idea emphasized by the empires founded by the Han rulers, which seems reflecting the bureaucrat system with the centralization as the characteristics. The designs of the Liao Zhongjing (Central Capital) and the Jin Zhongdu were both simulations of that of Dongjing, which showed the trends of ethnic convergence and unification. Moreover, Dadu of the Yuan dynasty and Beijing of the Ming and Qing dynasties were the symbols of the formation of the unified multiethnic empire of China.
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Chang, Qing. "Tradition and Transmission: Rocana Assembly in Niche no. 5 at Feilai Feng and Huayan Teaching during the Song Period." Religions 14, no. 5 (2023): 588. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14050588.
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The Huayan sutras are important historical references for the Chinese worship of the Rocana Buddha; however, these Huayan sutras provide little help in understanding the worship for the larger Rocana triad (i.e., Rocana Buddha flanked by two bodhisattvas) in niche no. 5 at the Feilai Feng complex. The Rocana triad images are primarily linked to the Buddhist texts written by Chinese monks which established the principle for teaching the Huayan ritual during the Tang period. With regard to the iconographic characteristics of the two bodhisattvas of the triad in niche no. 5, the bodhisattva Samantabhadra rides an elephant, while the bodhisattva Manjusri rides a lion. They are associated with Buddhist texts and artistic productions beyond the Huayan school and are possibly related to esoteric Buddhism. Similarly, the crowned Rocana seen in niche no. 5 is likely derived from an older tradition dating to the Tang and Five Dynasties periods. Similar descriptions can be found in esoteric Buddhist texts and images. Nevertheless, niche no. 5 is the earliest extant example of such a Rocana triad, wherein the triad is represented by a central crowned Buddha with a special hand gesture or mudra, who is flanked by two bodhisattvas riding animals. From niche no. 5, one can see the development of the Huayan Rocana triad within the tenth century. The combination of elements seen in this niche also indicates that Buddhist artists were not limited by the boundaries of different schools or teachings when they created a new form of iconography. The specific iconography of niche no. 5 can be linked to the Han-style Buddhist artistic traditions from previous periods, such as the Tang, Five Dynasties/Wuyue Kingdom. Ultimately, the contemporary Northern Song capital, Kaifeng, was likely the most direct influence. The Rocana Buddhist triad at niche no. 5 is reflected in the iconography of the same triad installed at the Huiyin monastery at a later time during the Northern Song Dynasty. In turn, the similarities between the images in niche no. 5 and those from other regions, such as Sichuan, Yunnan, Korea and Japan, reveal the connection between the Huiyin monastery and these other sites.
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黃庭碩, 黃庭碩. "也說唐宋之際的曹洞宗興衰——葛洲子先生文章讀後". 早期中國史研究 13, № 13 (2021): 335–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.53106/207503662021120013006.
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<p>曹洞宗在近世東亞的佛教世界裡，是除臨濟宗外傳承最久且影響最大的禪宗宗系。但從發展史角度看，自唐末崛起的曹洞宗雖曾在五代初昌盛一時，然隨即就在五代中後期漸次消沉，至11世紀中葉甚至遭遇法脈短暫中絕的窘境，直到11世紀末才又復興，重新成為主要禪宗宗系。可見曹洞宗在初期發展階段──亦即由唐入宋之際──實歷經過極為劇烈的興衰升降。曹洞宗的這段曲折歷史，早已為禪史學者所留心，《早期中國史研究》第8卷第2期刊布的葛洲子先生文章〈政局．法席．法脈──唐末至宋初曹洞宗的興衰〉，則在充分吸收既有成果後，對唐宋之際曹洞發展和政治變化的互動關係作出了詳整討論，係關於此課題的較新力作。惟在拜讀過程中，筆者發現其中似乎猶有若干可再覆案的部分，是以不揣淺陋地提供一點拙見，盼能進一步完善唐宋之際的曹洞發展圖景。</p> <p>&nbsp;</p><p>From the early twelfth century on, the Caodong lineage 曹洞宗 has always been a prominent force in the East Asian Buddhism, not only as one of the two longest-transmission and most influential Chan sects along with the Linji lineage 臨濟宗, but also became an important component of Japanese Buddhism after spreading to the East in the late Southern Song Dynasty. Nevertheless, from the perspective of development history, although the Cao Dong lineage, which emerged at the end of the Tang Dynasty, had a period of glory in the early Five Dynasties, it soon declined in the latter Five Dynasties and persisted this awkward situation to the early Song dynasty, even temporarily confronting transmission interruption in the middle of the eleventh century. Compared to its long activity from the twelfth century onward, the Caodong lineage actually underwent a dramatic ups and downs in its early stages, that is, from the Tang to the Song dynasties. Chan scholars have paid long attention to the twisted development of the Caodong lineage. Recently, based on the profound achievements of predecessors, Ge Zhouzi’s article &ldquo;Politics, the Dharma Seat and Dharma Transmission: The Rise and Decline of the Caodong Lineage from the Late Tang Dynasty through the Early Song,&rdquo; in Early and Medieval Chinese History 8:2 (2016), provides a detailed exploration about how the development of the Caodong lineage be influenced and directed by political changes during the Tang and Song dynasties. However, in the process of reading, the author found that there seems to be some arguments deserved further consideration. Therefore, the author hope to offer some personal opinions through this article in order that further completing the understanding about the early development of the Caodong lineage.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>
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Choi, Hae-Byoul. "From ‘Treating Abscesses’ To ‘Treating Blood And Stopping Pain’: Perception and Utilization of Ruxiang(乳香) in China". Korean Association for the Social History of Medicine 11 (30 квітня 2023): 149–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.32365/kashm.2023.11.6.
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Ruxiang, one of the most commonly imported herbs, has been mentioned in Chinese literature since the Wei and Jin periods. With the growth of overseas trade during the Tang and Song periods, the massive importation of herbs, including Ruxiang, brought about significant changes in the understanding and utilization of Ruxiang. This study examines historical changes in the perception and utilization of Ruxiang in China.
 In the literature of the third century, Ruxiang was mentioned as a “strange item from the south” and understood as a “medicinal herb.” Particularly during the sixth century, TaoHongjing(陶弘景)’s Bencaojingjizhu本草經集注 focused on the therapeutic effects of Ruxiang for treating carbuncles and abscesses, and specific prescriptions that used Ruxiang were related to these ailments. This understanding continued until the early Tang Dynasty, during which Ruxiang was mainly used for treating carbuncles and abscesses or intestinal gas and bad odor.
 The perception of the efficacy of Ruxiang changed in the eighth century. Notably, ChenCangqi(陳藏器) emphasized its efficacy in treating stroke, female infertility, blood circulation, deafness, and diarrhea in Bencaoshiyi本草拾遺. However, there are no records of Ruxiang being used to treat these conditions in formulary books(醫方書) compiled during that time as well as in Waitaimiyao外台祕要.
 By the end of the late Tang and Five Dynasties periods, with the establishment of local governments and the development of overseas trade, the importation of Ruxiang increased considerably, resulting in significant changes in how it was perceived and used. With Rihuazibencao日華子本草 compiled in the southern region in the tenth century, a more advanced understanding of the efficacy of Ruxiang emerged, which included protecting the regularity of Qi(氣), protecting the waist and knees, stopping pain, and promoting skin regeneration. Additionally, Taipingshenghuifang太平聖惠方 compiled during the Song Dynasty included various prescriptions that reflected the changing perception of Ruxiang’s efficacy since the eighth century, including treatments for stroke, female infertility, and diarrhea.
 Bencaotujing本草圖經 from the mid-Northern Song Dynasty emphasized the efficacy of Ruxiang in treating blood and promoting circulation, a fact that was further confirmed in Taipinghuiminhejijufang太平惠民和劑局方 prescriptions added during the Southern Song period. Ruxiang’s effectiveness in ‘boosting the meridian circulation,’ which was particularly mentioned in the added prescriptions during the Southern Song period came to be highlighted by Yishuixuepai易水學派 and medical scholars such as Zhangyuansu張 元素 and Wanghaogu王好古 during the thirteenth century.
 In conclusion, in the sixth century, Ruxiang was understood to be effective at treating carbuncles and abscesses and dispelling negative energy. Such an understanding of Ruxiang’s efficacy shifted toward an emphasis on its ability to invigorate blood circulation and alleviate pain in the eleventh to thirteenth centuries. This evolution reflected an expanded understanding of Ruxiang’s efficacy and the gradual establishment of an increasingly theoretical framework to explain it. Additionally, the expanded understanding of Ruxiang’s efficacy can be observed in the many usages to which it was put in medical books, which expanded significantly from the tenth and eleventh centuries onward, during the time of large-scale Ruxiang importation. The appearance of medical prescriptions that used Ruxiang in the Song Dynasty’s Taipingshenghuifang太平聖惠方 likely resulted from the expanded understanding of Ruxiang’s efficacy and the increased importation of Ruxiang from the late Tang Dynasty to the Five Dynasties periods.
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Sung, Chia-fu. "An Ambivalent Historian: Ouyang Xiu and His New Histories." T’oung Pao 102, no. 4-5 (2016): 358–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-10245p03.
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This article examines the historiographical practice of Ouyang Xiu (1007-72) in the context of his scholarly and official career and of the development of traditional Chinese historiography. By focusing on where, when, and how Ouyang’s two “new histories” of the Tang and Five Dynasties were produced, I suggest that Ouyang displayed an ambivalent relationship to the Northern Song official historiographical operation both in terms of modus operandi and of the format of the final text. Acting deliberately inside and outside the Historiography Office, he wrote not only new histories but actually new “old” histories, in the sense that Sima Qian’s classical model was creatively restored. Historiographical novelty calls for contextualization, and in this case, Ouyang’s newness is embodied in the creative tension between his contemporary predicament and the applicability of various classical paradigms. Cet article étudie la pratique historiographique de Ouyang Xiu (1007-1072) dans le contexte de sa carrière d’érudit et de fonctionnaire et dans celui du développement de l’historiographie chinoise traditionnelle. Me demandant où, quand et comment les deux “nouvelles histoires” dues à Ouyang, celle des Tang et celle des Cinq Dynasties, ont été rédigées, j’en conclus que l’historien a entretenu une relation ambivalente avec le mode de production historiographique officiel, tant du point de vue du modus operandi que de celui de la forme finale du texte. Agissant délibérément à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur du Bureau d’historiographie, il composa non seulement des “nouvelles histoires”, mais également des nouvelles “anciennes histoires” au sens où le modèle classique de Sima Qian s’y trouvait rétabli de façon originale. L’innovation en histoire implique la contextualisation, et dans le cas présent la nouveauté de Ouyang réside dans la tension créatrice opposant ses difficultés du moment et l’applicabilité de divers paradigmes classiques.
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Anderl, Christoph. "Linking Khotan and Dūnhuáng: Buddhist Narratives in Text and Image." Entangled Religions 5 (December 4, 2018): 250–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/er.v5.2018.250-311.
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In the propagation and spread of Buddhism throughout Asia, jātaka and avadāna narratives played a decisive role, both in the form of texts and iconographical representations. In this paper I will focus on another set of narratives which enjoyed great popularity in the Dūnhuáng area during the later Tang and Five Dynasties period, dealing with historical projections concerning the origin and transmission of Buddhism. In this stories, “Auspicious Statues” (ruìxiàng 瑞像) play a key role. These “living” statues were thought to have moved from Indian monasteries to Khotan and other regions, serving as agents of the transmission of the Dharma in these areas. Besides reflecting religious key concern during that period, the historical narratives on the spread of Buddhism also give witness to the close diplomatic and family relations between Dunhuang and the Kingdom of Khotan during that period.
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XU, Zhixue. "A collating research on the Allusive Forms of citing Qian、Zhun and Meng in Stone Inscriptions from WeiJin, Southern and Northern Dynasties to Sui Tang and the Five Dynasties." Journal of Chinese Characters 17 (April 30, 2017): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.14772/cscck.2017.17.35.
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Song, Fei, and Minghui Xu. "A New Paradigm for the Etymology and Trend Study from the Perspective of Culturomics." Journal of Language Teaching and Research 10, no. 3 (2019): 509. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.1003.14.
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As an emerging discipline in 2011, culturomics belongs to cultural studies mainly by way of diachronic research and large-scale corpora, so it could be significative for the etymology and trend studies. In this paper, a large-scale diachronic corpus was established based on culturomics, and the condition and quality basic-level category vocabulary (BLCV) is taken as examples for analyses, so as to obtain relevant data and conclusions. It is shown that about 90% of the condition and quality BLCV was originated earlier than Sui, Tang and the Five Dynasties, and the first-level BLCV is earlier than the second-level and the third-level in aspect of origin time. The higher BLCV level, the greater the use rate increase, with more obvious stable development in the diachronic respect. Thus, culturomics, as a new paradigm in linguistic researches, is confirmed to be feasible, distinctive and irreplaceable in an era of big data.
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Wu, Shaowei. "A Study on the Literacy Rate of Buddhist Monks in Dunhuang during the Late Tang, Five Dynasties, and Early Song Period." Religions 13, no. 10 (2022): 992. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13100992.
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Among the Dunhuang documents, when examining some of the monk signature lists, name list of monks copying scriptures and name list of monks chanting scriptures in monasteries, we can estimate a relatively accurate literacy rate of the Buddhist sangha. Generally speaking, the literacy rate of the sangha during the Guiyi Army 歸義軍 period (851–1036) was lower than that during the Tibetan occupation period (786–851). The reason for this change is closely related to each regime’s Buddhist policy, the size and living situation of the sangha, and the Buddhist atmosphere. The decrease in the literacy rate of the sangha had great negative consequences, but when viewed under the context of the stay at home monks and the secularization of Buddhism, the number of literate monks had actually increased. They were more closely integrated with the secular society and their functions in the regional society were more pronounced. At the same time, the changes in the literacy rate of the monks in Dunhuang can also serve as an important reference for understanding the development of Buddhism in the Central China.
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Kim, Soo-hee. "A Study on the Communication of literature genres through the ways to enjoy the Cailian Song: Focused on the period from the Southern Dynasties to the Tang and Five Dynasties." Korea Journal of Chinese Language and Literature 81 (September 30, 2020): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.46612/kjcll.2020.09.81.3.
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Wu, Juan, Maolin Zhang, Tiejun Hou, Qijiang Li, and Junming Wu. "Analysis of the celadon of the Tang and the Five Dynasties unearthed from Nan Kiln and Lantian Kiln site of Jingdezhen, China." Ceramics International 41, no. 5 (2015): 6851–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ceramint.2015.01.134.
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Li, Runlin. "The Relation Between Architectural Style of Different Dynasties and the Sociocultural Context in Ancient China: A Comparative Study of Architectural Style in Tang and Ming Dynasty." Communications in Humanities Research 2, no. 1 (2023): 93–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/2/2022364.
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The Tang empire marked the peak of imperial China as it was one of the greatest superpowers in the world of its time. The Daming Palace that represented the empires authority and strength was also of glory. It was an unprecedentedly magnificent compound built to demonstrate the supremacy of the vast empire to all its people and visitors. Despite the empires mightiness, rising warlords and corrupt bureaucrats destroyed it from within as well as the Daming Palace. After the downfall of Tang, China experienced a long period of chaos and another Han-ruled empire was only to be seen five contraries later. The Ming empire reorganized regimes in China and the Forbidden City in Beijing, which still exists today, demonstrates in silence the changes of Chinese society. From the changes in symbolism significance and more deliberate distinction of the royaltys privilege, as the one chosen by god, from others in the empire, we can connect the social changes with the surfacing changes of buildings. For example, the Ming government had more control at local levels so that they could collect more taxes and nip any potential threat to the central government in the bud. The government also conducted an embargo in coastal areas to protect them from foreign invaders. To eliminate all threats to the throne, the empire set up a secret police force that supervised the society from nobilities to peasants. All these policies lead to a stricter social stratification that was visible through the changes in architecture. The changes in politics and economic aspects such as taxation lead us to one conclusion, which is the strengthening of the centralization of power and an extension of governance to lower levels. And this study is planned to unveil the connections between the changes in architectural and social developments.
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Li, Runlin. "The Relation Between Architectural Style of Different Dynasties and the Sociocultural Context in Ancient China: A Comparative Study of Architectural Style in Tang and Ming Dynasty." Communications in Humanities Research 2, no. 1 (2023): 93–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/2/20220364.
Full textAbstract:
The Tang empire marked the peak of imperial China as it was one of the greatest superpowers in the world of its time. The Daming Palace that represented the empires authority and strength was also of glory. It was an unprecedentedly magnificent compound built to demonstrate the supremacy of the vast empire to all its people and visitors. Despite the empires mightiness, rising warlords and corrupt bureaucrats destroyed it from within as well as the Daming Palace. After the downfall of Tang, China experienced a long period of chaos and another Han-ruled empire was only to be seen five contraries later. The Ming empire reorganized regimes in China and the Forbidden City in Beijing, which still exists today, demonstrates in silence the changes of Chinese society. From the changes in symbolism significance and more deliberate distinction of the royaltys privilege, as the one chosen by god, from others in the empire, we can connect the social changes with the surfacing changes of buildings. For example, the Ming government had more control at local levels so that they could collect more taxes and nip any potential threat to the central government in the bud. The government also conducted an embargo in coastal areas to protect them from foreign invaders. To eliminate all threats to the throne, the empire set up a secret police force that supervised the society from nobilities to peasants. All these policies lead to a stricter social stratification that was visible through the changes in architecture. The changes in politics and economic aspects such as taxation lead us to one conclusion, which is the strengthening of the centralization of power and an extension of governance to lower levels. And this study is planned to unveil the connections between the changes in architectural and social developments.
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Kang, Yoewool. "Zhen 眞 as the Ideal of Landscape Painting in Bifaji 筆法記". Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies 22, № 1 (2022): 27–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15982661-9767181.
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Abstract Bifaji 筆法記 by Jing Hao 荊浩 (ca. 855–915) is one of the most critical writings on painting in the Chinese art tradition. It reflects the shifting artistic trends of the late Tang and Five Dynasties periods from portraits to landscapes and from color to ink and wash. The emphasis on zhen (眞, “genuineness”) as an aesthetic goal in Bifaji is an essential feature in its discourse on the nature of painting. This essay explores the concept of zhen as an ideal state of pictorial reality in Bifaji. Illuminating the meaning of zhen is vital to understanding Jing Hao's and his contemporaries' artistic aspirations. Considering its aesthetic connotations reveals zhen in Bifaji to be multivalent, involving a number of qualities required for the creation of a landscape painting, from the observation of nature to the method of brush technique. To elucidate the aesthetic ideals of Bifaji, this paper examines the relationship between the concept of zhen and other key terms such as qiyun (氣韻, “character”), qishi (氣勢, “dynamic configuration”), and xiang (象, “image”) along with the additional conceptual layer of qi applied in the Six Essentials (Liuyao 六要) and the Four Forces (Sishi 四勢).
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Sun, Mingli. "‘Circles of light’ and ‘treasure ships’ in the Visualizing Amitāyus Tableaux: with a focus on some cases in Sichuan from the Tang and Five Dynasties period." Studies in Chinese Religions 3, no. 4 (2017): 350–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23729988.2018.1429144.
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Wang, Ludi, and Yongfeng Huang. "A Study on Pei Yue and His Poems Written to Monks." Religions 13, no. 3 (2022): 194. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13030194.
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Pei Yue 裴説 is a poet who flourished in the Late Tang (618–907) and Five Dynasties (907–960). The historical literature contains relatively limited information about his life, and his poems handed down to this day are also rare. To date, he has not been a major focus in the academic literature. Eight complete poems and two remnants from Pei Yue’s existing poems were addressed to monks, including the renowned monk and calligrapher Huaisu 懷素 (737–?), the two outstanding monks and poets Guanxiu 貫休 (832–912) and Shangyan 尚顏 (fl. 881), as well as the lesser known Chubin 處賓, Chumo 處默, Zhiqian 知乾, a nameless monk always in his monastery (bu chuyuan seng 不出院僧), and Su Zhan 蘇瞻, who was an advanced scholar (jinshi 進士) and planned to become a monk. It can be seen from these poems that Pei Yue often associated with monks: he discussed Buddhist concepts and artistic skills with them, and he both praised and mourned them. Moreover, Pei Yue was strongly averse to worldly life and yearned for a peaceful and pure land. He understood the intricacies of a number of Buddhist concepts, such as “emptiness” (wu 無) and “mind” (xin 心). He sometimes compared and combined Buddhist theories with poetic creation.
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Yun, Hyeji, and Byunghye Hong. "A Preliminary Study on the Literary Ci of the Upper Class." Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 44, no. 9 (2022): 293–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2022.9.44.9.293.
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This research conducted a broad examination on the subjects of Ci works. All the writers who created Ci works for 50~ 60 years, in the early period of the Song Dynasty, were royal high officials and literary men of the upper class. It can be identified that most of works that they composed were xiaoling (a short lyrical poem) without almost breaking the poetry style of Late Tang and Five Dynasties. The poetry style is relatively simple. The poetic imagery takes on the clear, neat, and beautiful hue. Another characteristic of the works is that they subjectively focused on individual true feeling and deep thoughts, adopting Ci's weak and soft tone. Consequently, specific poetry style and flow were not established, for decades of the early period of the Song Dynasty when the Ci circles were not active. The poetry creation pattern of ‘composing Ci like a poetry’, creation criteria of feeling and setting successfully blended in the poem, and a long poem of unhurried rhythm in the initial period presented an elementary framework for establishing the heyday of the Ci circles of the Buksong Era. It can be identified above all that the clear, novel, and soft poetry style that the literary Ci pursued in the early period of the Song Dynasty, served for not a few motive for developing the Ci of the Song Dynasty.
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Binglin, Zheng, and Wei Yingchun. "Infractions of moral precepts by monks and nuns in the Buddhist community of Dunhuang during the late-Tang and Five Dynasties period—The case of alcohol drinking." Chinese Studies in History 53, no. 3 (2020): 281–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00094633.2020.1783962.
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Yu, Wenkai, Jinzhang He, and Ming Zhang. "Selection and Application of Complementary Materials in the Restoration of Yue Kiln Celadon Bowl During Late Tang and Five Dynasties and Cizhou Kiln Basin During Song Dynasty." Museum 7, no. 5 (2023): 110–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3724/2096-1715.2023.007.005.110.
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Xing, Xinyue. "The Generation and Transfer of the “Sweet” Category in Calligraphy Appreciation." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 27 (March 5, 2024): 13–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/n336ft73.
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Ancient Chinese calligraphy theories often “discuss calligraphy by taste”. “Taste” is an essential category of classical Chinese aesthetics, and is a concrete expression of the spirit of Chinese art. In contemporary calligraphic critical discourse, outside of the audiovisual norms, the Chinese calligraphic tradition of “discussing calligraphy by taste” is undoubtedly an ideological resource that cannot be ignored. “Gan”. In English is called “pleasant” and was originally one of the five flavors, and in the Eastern Han Dynasty, it slowly developed the meaning of “Tian” (sweet) to describe the taste. “Sweet”, as an aesthetic category, appeared in a large number of poetry, calligraphy, and painting theories in the Ming and Qing dynasties and beyond. Since the Tang Dynasty, “Sweet” has been combined with “Vulgar”. The word “Sweet” was formally introduced into the realm of painting and calligraphy appreciation. This article utilizes the theory of aesthetics and combines it with physiology, psychology, and other disciplines to explain discussing calligraphy by “Sweet”. An analysis of the generation and transfer of the category of “Sweet” in the appreciation of calligraphy reveals the mutual borrowing and influence of art theories. After sorting and analyzing, it can be seen that “Sweet” refers to works that are overly modified, not chewable, and have no flavor outside the taste. Or works with too much “craftsmanship”, too much skill, too much ink, and works that are opposite to the beauty of “clumsiness” and “lightness” appreciated by ancient calligraphers.
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Lee, Chang Wook. "The History of “Yan-Yun 16 Prefectures” during the Five Dynasties: Focusing on the Later Jin dynasty, 936-947." Korean Society of Human and Nature 4, no. 2 (2023): 41–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.54913/hn.2023.4.2.41.
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Historically, “Yan-Yun 16 Prefectures (燕雲16州)” were some of the important strategical places in early imperial China. These areas, which started in modern day Datong (大同) and ended in Tianjin (天津), included the capital city, Beijing (北 京) and were just below location of the Great Wall (長城). The main reason why the “Yan-Yun 16 Prefectures” were created by the imperial Chinese government was to better defend the border from threatening nomadic tribes such as the Xiongnu (匈奴), Xianbei (鮮卑), Youran (柔然), Turks (突厥) and Khitans (契丹), who had consistently attempted to break into the economically and culturally prospering Chinese empire. In other words, imperial China installed the prefectures as a major military bases to solidify state security.
 Although there are many past studies on the “Yan-Yun 16 Prefectures,” there are still many un-answered historical questions, including why the Later Jin (後晉) had ceded this strategic area to the Khitan Empire. More specifically, why the first emperor of the Later Jin agreed to this bad policy decision made by his main political advisor Sang Weihan (桑維翰)? And Why did Sang himself, who was one of the top elites in the Chinese Empire, made such a suggestion to the emperor? Finally, during the cessation of the prefectures to the Khitans, what was the position and role of the military warlords, Liu Zhiyuan (劉知遠) and Zhao Dejun (趙德鈞)?
 In order to answer these questions, this paper is delved into the historical background of the “Yan-Yun 16 Prefectures” in the first chapter and examines the strategic importance of these areas from the Qin-Han (秦漢) through late Tang (唐後期). Following this, the paper investigates the main reasons as to why the Later Jin ceded the prefectures to the Khitan empire through carefully analyzing the roles of four individuals, specifically emperor Shi Jingtang (石敬塘), Sang Weihan, Liu Zhiyuan and Zhao Dejun. Finally, in the last chapter, the paper discusses the historical significance of the “Yan-Yun 16 Prefectures” through analysis of the Later period of Five Dynasties up to mid Northern Song when the Chinese Empire significantly re-established its diplomatic relations with the Koryo dynasty in 1071.
 Through the re-examination of the “Yan-Yun 16 Prefectures,” this paper hope to make an academic contribution to the scholarly world and help us to understand the politically / militarily significant areas in imperial Chinese history.
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Wang, Shiru, and Yulia Ivashko. "GENESIS OF THE VISUAL CONCEPT OF CAVES INTERIORS OF THE DUNHUANG TEMPLE COMPLEX (4TH – 14TH CENTURIES)." Spatial development, no. 5 (November 24, 2023): 3–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.32347/2786-7269.2023.5.3-11.
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The cave temple complex of Dunhuang is a unique example of a large-scale synthesis of arts in the interiors of sanctuaries of the 4th – 114th centuries. The article systematizes the scientific source base, the materials of the graduate student's own field studies, and on their basis, the periodization of wall paintings and sculptures is analyzed and the peculiarities of the genesis of the figurative concept, methods of artistic expression, common plots, etc. are determined.
 The innovation of the presented research consists in summing up the evidence base for known theses. This is traced by various defining features, which are specific plots in different periods, compositional structure, polychromy, methods of detailing. Using the example of the wall painting with Buddha, the well-known chronology of the three stages of the development of the wall painting is visually argued and detailed:
 – 1st stage – period of development (Northern Liang Dynasty (401-439), Northern Wei Dynasty (439-534), Western Wei Dynasty (535-556), Northern Zhou Dynasty (557-581));
 – 2nd stage – the period from prosperity to decline (Sui dynasty (581-618), Tang dynasty (618-907), Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms (907-960), the Northern Song dynasty (960–1127);
 – 3rd stage – period of borrowings (Xi Xia dynasty (1038-1227), Yuan dynasty (1271-1368).
 A comparison of the stages of the development of frescoes and sculptures and the periods of the appearance, flourishing and decline of various genres of wall painting (religious Buddhist, portrait, landscape) showed that despite the fact that the political and economic situation, the cultural and artistic preferences and religious commitment of the rulers equally influenced the activation of the development or the decline of art, the stages of development of mural painting and sculpture do not always coincide. In the same way, the period of the appearance and spread of various subjects was analyzed and it was proved that the canonical Buddhist images also underwent significant changes, giving rise to new and new compositions (for example, the appearance in the Tang era of the composition "Buddha in Nirvana" with a giant figure of the Buddha, or the spread of sculptures of a multi-armed Guanyin in the Yuan era).
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Ma, Xixian, Wenjun Yang, Yang Gao, et al. "Genetic Origins and Sex-Biased Admixture of the Huis." Molecular Biology and Evolution 38, no. 9 (2021): 3804–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/molbev/msab158.
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Abstract The Hui people are unique among Chinese ethnic minorities in that they speak the same language as Han Chinese (HAN) but practice Islam. However, as the second-largest minority group in China numbering well over 10 million, the Huis are under-represented in both global and regional genomic studies. Here, we present the first whole-genome sequencing effort of 234 Hui individuals (NXH) aged over 60 who have been living in Ningxia, where the Huis are mostly concentrated. NXH are genetically more similar to East Asian than to any other global populations. In particular, the genetic differentiation between NXH and HAN (FST = 0.0015) is only slightly larger than that between northern and southern HAN (FST = 0.0010), largely attributed to the western ancestry in NXH (∼10%). Highly differentiated functional variants between NXH and HAN were identified in genes associated with skin pigmentation (e.g., SLC24A5), facial morphology (e.g., EDAR), and lipid metabolism (e.g., ABCG8). The Huis are also distinct from other Muslim groups such as the Uyghurs (FST = 0.0187), especially, NXH derived much less western ancestry (∼10%) compared with the Uyghurs (∼50%). Modeling admixture history indicated that NXH experienced an episode of two-wave admixture. An ancient admixture occurred ∼1,025 years ago, reflecting the intensive west–east contacts during the late Tang Dynasty, and the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period. A recent admixture occurred ∼500 years ago, corresponding to the Ming Dynasty. Notably, we identified considerable sex-biased admixture, that is, excess of western males and eastern females contributing to the NXH gene pool. The origins and the genomic diversity of the Hui people imply the complex history of contacts between western and eastern Eurasians.
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Feng, Shan Xin, Zheng Sun, and Yu Rong Wang. "Innovative Production of Lead-Free Wood Leafhopper under High Temperature Firing Environment." Materials Science Forum 980 (March 2020): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/msf.980.79.
Full textAbstract:
The lead-free wood leafhopper is the iconic traditional ceramic art of the Jizhou kiln in the Song Dynasty of China. The traditional lead-free wood leafhopper is usually made of black glaze. The glaze is placed on the mulberry leaf and fired at a high temperature of about 1230 °C-1260 °C. And the veins are clear. Jizhou kiln was founded in the late Tang Dynasty. It flourished in the Five Dynasties and Northern Song Dynasty. It was the most prosperous in the Southern Song Dynasty. It began to decline in the late Yuan Dynasty and then stopped for more than 700 years. However, its unique artistic value has gradually be attracted the attention by the world. And it recovered in 1985 at last after unremitting efforts. The re-burning of the lead-free wood leafhopper has successfully opened the ceramic market of the lead-free wood leafhopper and made it occupy a certain position in the ceramic market. The price of lead-free wood leafhopper has remained high, and therefore ceramic producers are waiting for opportunities to produce on a large scale in order to achieve huge economic benefits. However, due to the great difficulty in the firing process of the lead-free wood leafhopper, the market has a phenomenon of low yield, high price, low consumer desire, and the use of chemical materials to fire products. The subject analyzed and solved these phenomena through a large number of experiments. Lead-free in this subject is a relatively broad definition, especially referring to the new type of lead-free wood leafhopper without contain heavy metals.