Journal articles: 'The Course of Empire'

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Kirmizi, Abdulhamit. "Experiencing the Ottoman Empire as a Life Course." Geschichte und Gesellschaft 40, no. 1 (2014): 42–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/gege.2014.40.1.42.

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Florio, Christopher M. "Wider the Course of Empire Takes Its Way." Reviews in American History 46, no. 2 (2018): 238–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2018.0036.

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Redin, Dmitriy. "Empire of Peter the Great: course – west, headwind." Rossiiskaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086956870016252-8.

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Nichols, Roger L. "Pathfinder: John Charles Frémont and the Course of American Empire." Annals of Iowa 62, no. 3 (2003): 372–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17077/0003-4827.10714.

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Harding, David. "Lawrence S. Kaplan's 'Thomas Jefferson - Westward the Course of Empire'." American Studies in Scandinavia 33, no. 1 (2001): 92–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v33i1.2765.

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Weissmann, Gerald. "Queen Anne's Lupus: Phospholipids and the Course of the Empire." FASEB Journal 28, no. 4 (2014): 1527–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1096/fj.14-0401ufm.

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Filyushkin, Alexander. "Why Did Russia Not Become a Composite State?" Russian History 47, no. 3 (2021): 201–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763316-12340006.

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Abstract The paper asks how the Russian Empire emerged. In the course of European monarchical rise of the 16–17th centuries, composite monarchies turned into nation states and then empires. Russia never became a composite; very soon after its emergence at the end of the 15th century, it immediately moved to the imperial stage. The answer to why this happened is the key to understanding the Russian Empire’s history. One factor that prevented Russia from building a composite monarchy was the weakness of political actors united under Moscow’s leadership. European composite monarchies emerged when and where the dominant monarchy forcefully broke local laws, fought against local class and political systems. But Moscow’s rivals were too weak, and Russian monarchs did not need to compromise with them. A shared Orthodox faith, common culture, language, and economic structure, as well as the absence of natural borders on the Eastern European plain were other factors that allowed Moscow to ignore the rights of conquered regions. Russia’s background as a part of the Mongol Empire also played a role. By the time Russia faced strong European monarchical competitors, its imperial development path already formed. An important feature of the early Muscovite Empire was the dominance of political practice over ideology. The ideological design of the Empire occurred only in the 18th and 19th century. In the 16th and 17th centuries, the imperial character of Muscovy was formed intuitively and spontaneously; one might call it a neonatal, rudimentary, infant empire.

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Chen, Li. "Universalism and Equal Sovereignty as Contested Myths of International Law in the Sino-Western Encounter." Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d'histoire du droit international 13, no. 1 (2011): 75–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180511x552054.

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AbstractContrary to the relevant traditional historiography, this article argues that early modern Sino-Western conflicts are to a great extent attributable to the sustained contestation between China and the Western empires (particularly Britain) over their competing claims to sovereignty in China. The article shows that the Western empires' demand for extraterritoriality and natural rights to freely trade, travel, and proselytize in China originated in their assumption of universal sovereignty in the non-Christian world. The early Sino-Western encounter illustrates how the discourses of sovereign equality and universal justice, as two origin myths of modern international law and diplomacy, were constructed, deployed, challenged, and adapted in the course of Western expansion in the age of empire.

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Shuhayeva, Liudmyla M. "Ioannites - the course of the chiliastic-eschatological orientation of Orthodox origin." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 39 (June 13, 2006): 145–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2006.39.1752.

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In the first decades of the XIX century. the territory of the Russian Empire from Western Europe is beginning to penetrate chiliastic ideas. The term "chiliism" refers to the well-known doctrine of the millennial kingdom of Icyca Christ on earth, dating to the first centuries of Christianity. The ideas of chilias became especially popular during the reign of Alexander I, who himself was sympathetic to the mystical-chiliatic teachings. Chilias in the Russian Empire spread in two ways. On the one hand, chiliastic ideas penetrated with the works of German mystics of the late eighteenth - early twentieth centuries. On the other hand, in anticipation of the fast approaching of the millennial kingdom of Christ, the German cultists of the Hiliists moved large parties across southern Russia to the Caucasus, thereby facilitating the spread of their ideas. The religious formations of the Orthodox sectarianism of the chiliastic-eschatological orientation are represented by the Jehovah-Hlinists ("Right Brotherhood"), the Ioannites, and the Malavans.

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Dawson, Joseph G. "Pathfinder: John Charles Fremont and the Course of American Empire (review)." Journal of Military History 68, no. 2 (2004): 575–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2004.0031.

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Goetzmann, William H. "Pathfinder: John Charles Fremont and the Course of American Empire (review)." Journal of Military History 68, no. 2 (2004): 576–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2004.0044.

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Steinmetz, George. "Empire in three keys." Thesis Eleven 139, no. 1 (2017): 46–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513617701958.

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Germany was famously a latecomer to colonialism, but it was a hybrid empire, centrally involved in all forms of imperial activity. Germans dominated the early Holy Roman Empire; Germany after 1870 was a Reich, or empire, not a state in the conventional sense; and Germany had a colonial empire between 1884 and 1918. Prussia played the role of continental imperialist in its geopolitics vis-à-vis Poland and the other states to its east. Finally, in its Weltpolitik – its global policies centered on the navy – Germany was an informal global imperialist. Although these diverse scales and practices of empire usually occupied distinct regions in the imaginations of contemporaries, there was one representational space in which the nation-state was woven together with empire in all its different registers: the Berlin trade exhibition of 1896. Because this exhibition started as a local event focused on German industry, it has not attracted much attention among historians of colonial and world fairs. Over the course of its planning, however, the 1896 exhibition emerged as an encompassing display of the multifarious German empire in all its geopolitical aspects. The exhibition attracted the attention of contemporaries as diverse as Georg Simmel and Kaiser Wilhelm. In contrast to Simmel and later theorists, I argue that it represented the empire and the nation-state, and not simply the fragmenting and commodifying force of capitalism. In contrast to Timothy Mitchell, I argue that the exhibit did not communicate a generic imperial modernity, but made visible the unique multi-scaled political formation that was the German empire-state.

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Lawrence, Betty Hurley. "Online Course Delivery: Issues of Faculty Development." Journal of Educational Technology Systems 25, no. 2 (1996): 127–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/uvvl-3m7d-7bqd-ycq3.

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An exciting option for distance education programs is to incorporate the use of computer conferencing. Yet, the adoption of this format has implications for course delivery. Two essential factors need to be taken into consideration: the increased flexibility provided by the format and the opportunity for student-student interaction. Increased flexibility comes from the ability to introduce new material through the conference that complements the contents of the accompanying text and course guide. Opportunity for increased interaction brings the challenge to make this interaction effective and beneficial. As more faculty move to use online delivery, they need assistance so they can make the most of the advantages of this environment. The Center for Distance Learning of SUNY Empire State College has been offering online courses for a number of years and has recently been developing workshops and materials to facilitate faculty development in this area.

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Miller, Angela. "Thomas Cole and Jacksonian America: The Course of Empire as Political Allegory." Prospects 14 (October 1989): 65–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300005706.

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Thomas Cole (1801–48), is best known for his role in placing the landscape genre in America on a secure artistic and intellectual foundation. Associating the beginnings of landscape art with the concurrent appearance of popular democracy, scholars have generally assumed that Cole shared the cultural and nationalistic premises of the native landscape school that developed under this influence. Other inaccurate assessments have followed, in particular the belief that Cole's political sympathies were democratic. To take this for granted, however, is to overlook not only the anti-Jacksonian sentiment that Cole occasionally vented in his journals and letters, but also the veiled political and topical content of his wellknown cycle, The Course of Empire. This neglect of the political content of Cole's art is part of a broader tendency to approach American landscape art as a genre lacking social or political content, as a transparent reflection of nature's central role in national culture. The reappraisal of such assumptions begins with Cole, whose ideological challenge to the next generation of painters was made in the language of landscape. This challenge will be considered briefly in my conclusion.

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Zharova, Ekaterina. "Course and Subject Field Systems of Biology Education in the Russian Empire." Voprosy Obrazovaniya/ Educational Studies Moscow, no. 4 (2012): 238–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1814-9545-2012-4-238-348.

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DEN BOER, PIM. "Homer in Modern Europe." European Review 15, no. 2 (2007): 171–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798707000191.

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Homer is considered the father of poetry in European culture, but the written Greek text of the Iliad and the Odyssey was for ages not available in modern Europe, and knowledge of Greek was almost completely lost. Homer entered European classrooms during the 19th century. The popularity of the Iliad and the Odyssey coincided with the creation of modern educational systems in European empires and nation-states. At the end of the 19th century Homer was considered perfect reading material for the formation of the future elite of the British Empire. In the course of the 20th century teachers and pedagogues became increasingly accustomed to perceive Homer and his society as totally different from our times. All reading of Homer is contemporary reading.

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Northedge, Alastair. "The racecourses at Sāmarrā’." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 53, no. 1 (1990): 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00021236.

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At Sāmarrā’ there are the remains of a number of ‘Abbāsid walled tracks which appear to be racecourses. Ernst Herzfeld found one track in the course of the German expedition of 1911–13 to the ‘Abbāsid capital at Sāmarrā’, and the outline of two more became known from a series of maps of the Sāmarrā’ district made by the Mesopotamian Expeditionary Force in 1917. Herzfeld published his first brief discussion of these courses in 1948 in his Geschichte der Stadt Samarra’, and a further description was published posthumously in his Persian empire in 1968. At about the same time in 1948, a fairly extensive discussion was published by Ahmad Susa in his Rayy Sāmarrā’, though without much illustration. Sūsa enumerated five courses, but it has proved necessary to exclude two, for they seem not to have been for racing. One further course has been added here, not identified before.

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Skemp, Sheila L., and Paul David Nelson. "William Tryon and the Course of Empire: A Life in British Imperial Service." Journal of American History 78, no. 3 (1991): 1053. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078831.

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Snapp, J. Russell, and Paul David Nelson. "William Tryon and the Course of Empire: A Life in British Imperial Service." Journal of Southern History 58, no. 2 (1992): 336. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2210872.

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Sosin, J. M., and Paul David Nelson. "William Tryon and the Course of Empire: A Life in British Imperial Service." American Historical Review 96, no. 5 (1991): 1537. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165336.

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Crow, Jeffrey J., and Paul David Nelson. "William Tryon and the Course of Empire: A Life in British Imperial Service." William and Mary Quarterly 50, no. 2 (1993): 445. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2947093.

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Harris, W. V. "Child-Exposure in the Roman Empire." Journal of Roman Studies 84 (November 1994): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300867.

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The exposure of infants, very often but by no means always resulting in death, was widespread in many parts of the Roman Empire. This treatment was inflicted on large numbers of children whose physical viability and legitimacy were not in doubt. It was much the commonest, though not the only, way in which infants were killed, and in many, perhaps most, regions it was a familiar phenomenon. While there was some disapproval of child-exposure, it was widely accepted as unavoidable. Some, especially Stoics, disagreed, as did contemporary Judaism, insisting that all infants, or at least all viable and legitimate infants, should be kept alive. Exposure served to limit the size of families, but also to transfer potential labour from freedom to slavery (or at any rate tode factoslavery). Disapproval of exposure seems slowly to have gained ground. Then, after the sale of infants was authorized by Constantine in A.D. 313, the need for child-exposure somewhat diminished, and at last — probably in 374 — it was subjected to legal prohibition. But of course it did not cease.

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Miller, Bryan K. "Xiongnu “Kings” and the Political Order of the Steppe Empire." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 57, no. 1 (2014): 1–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341340.

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AbstractDescriptions of the political order of the Xiongnu empire rely heavily upon Chinese historical narratives and, as a result, often simplify steppe politics and gloss over provincial political agents. This paper therefore discusses the entire spectrum of “kings” and regional elites in the steppes in order to elucidate shifting power politics over the course of the Xiongnu empire. Furthermore, a comparison of historical dynamics with the archaeological record suggests that competition from local leaders against the ruling factions spurred changes in material regimes of the imperial political culture, leading to a bifurcation of the steppe elite and pronounced expressions of authority.

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Rasch, Astrid. "A Postcolonial Education: Using End of Empire Autobiographies to Introduce Postcolonial Studies." European Journal of Life Writing 4 (December 12, 2015): TL13—TL22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5463/ejlw.4.169.

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This article reviews the experiences with teaching Jill Ker Conway’s autobiography The Road From Coorain (1989). The two weeks of lectures and seminars were part of a six-week introductory course to Postcolonial Studies for first year undergraduates at the English Department at the University of Copenhagen. The lectures provided a theoretical and historical framework and the seminars consisted of close reading and discussion of the texts. I describe how four concepts which are central to postcolonial theory, discourse, identity, representation and agency, were used in readings of the text. The article takes its point of departure in discussions about the post-imperial time of writing, the creation of individual identity in dialogue with one’s context, the ambiguous representation of Aboriginal people and the agency involved in writing a life story which goes against the expected narrative. I discuss the difficulties of the course and provide recommendations for improvements for future iterations of the course. Despite occasional difficulties, I argue that autobiographies are useful sources for an introduction to Postcolonial Studies. This article was submitted to the European Journal of Life Writing on 28 July 2015 and published on 12 December 2015.

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Kaminer, Tahl. "The contradictions of participatory architecture and Empire." Architectural Research Quarterly 18, no. 1 (2014): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135913551400027x.

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There is nothing, no ‘naked life’, no external standpoint, that can be posed outside this field permeated by money, nothing escapes money.In 2009, an international masterclass at the Berlage Institute studied a street market in a deprived Rotterdam neighbourhood, the Afrikaanderplein. Headed by Teddy Cruz and supported by Jeanne van Heeswijk and Miguel Robles-Duran – three socially and politically committed architects and artists – the group produced a critique of the tight control and regulation of the market by authorities. The group's proposals were, basically, to liberalise and deregulate the market.Whether the Afrikaanderplein market is a case which merits deregulation depends, of course, on the specific conditions the group detected in the area. More important here, however, is that the proposals appear, at least superficially, to contrast the anti-neoliberal and radical positions of the three individuals directing the group.

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Jorgic, Kristina, and Petar Colic. "A brief survey of the fight against corruption in the Russian and Ottoman Empire in the first half of the 19th century." Filozofija i drustvo 24, no. 1 (2013): 160–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1301160j.

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For the Russian and Turkish Empire the nineteenth century is the period of adopting reform laws to modernize the country in order to be competitive in the course of time. Although the reform process in Russia was obstructed by the Arakcheyev regime and reactionary politics of Nicholas I of Russia, the government made a serious step in the fight against systemic corruption, enacting the Criminal Code of 1845. On the other hand, Turkey was undoubtedly under considerable foreign pressure concerning modernization processes. The Tanzimat period represents a significant epoch in which Turkey, among other countries, was faced with widespread corruption. The crown success of reformatory work in Turkey was adoption of the Criminal Code of 1856. This paper analyzes the specific laws which sanctioned corruption in these two empires.

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Evans, R. J. W. "Culture and Anarchy in the Empire, 1540–1680." Central European History 18, no. 1 (1985): 14–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900016885.

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Drawings from the Holy Roman Empire 1540–1680 must have appeared to the untutored eye as a fairly miscellaneous exhibition of drawings, themselves a very miscellaneous genre. Perhaps their only common ground lies in that even more ineffable geographical expression: the Holy Roman Empire. Yet for all the accidental quality of its provenance, the show possessed a certain logic. Let us note two crude facts about it: firstly the threefold and almost equal division between religious and classical subjects and a third group of “modern” topics, landscape and genre—what might be called the new “inquisitive eye”; secondly the clear focus on the years around 1600 and the area of southern Germany and Bohemia. To both of these aspects I shall return in due course.

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Milinović, Dino. "Kasna antika: dekadencija ili „demokratizacija“ kulture?" Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne, no. 17 (November 6, 2019): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pss.2019.17.10.

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In our age “without the emperor”, fascination with empires and with the emperor mystique continues. Take for witness Tolkien and his Return of the King, the third sequel of The Lord of the Rings, or the television serial Game of Thrones. In the background, of course, is the lingering memory of the decline and fall of the Roman Empire, “a revolution which is still felt by all nations of the world”, to quote Edward Gibbon. It comes as a surprise that in this dramatic moment of its history, in times marked by political, economic and spiritual crisis that shook the very foundations of the Empire during the 3rd century, historians and art historians have recognized the revival of plebeian culture (arte plebea, kleinbürgerliche Kultur). It was the Italian historian Santo Mazzarino, talking at the XI International Congress of the Historical Sciences in Stockholm in 1960, who introduced a new paradigm: the “democratization of culture”. In the light of the historical process in the late Roman Empire, when growing autocracy, bureaucracy, militarization and social tensions leave no doubt as to the real political character of the government, the new paradigm opened up fresh approaches to the phenomenon of decadence and decline of the Roman world. As such, it stands against traditional scenario of the “triumph of barbarism and Christianity”, which was made responsible for the fall of the Roman Empire and the eclipse of the classical civilization of ancient Greece and Rome. It is not by accident that the new paradigm appeared around the middle of the 20th century, at the time when European society itself underwent a kind of “democratization of culture”, faced with the phenomenon of mass culture and the need to find new ways of evaluating popular art. Today, more than anything else, the notion of “democratization of culture” in late Roman Empire forces us to acknowledge a disturbing correspondence between autocratic and populist forms of government. It may come as a shock to learn that the very emperors who went down in Roman history as villains and culprits (such as Caligula, Nero or Commodus), were sometimes considered the most “democratic” among Roman rulers. Do we need to feel certain unease at this historical parallel?

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Zernetska, O. "The Rethinking of Great Britain’s Role: From the World Empire to the Nation State." Problems of World History, no. 9 (November 26, 2019): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-9-6.

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In the article, it is stated that Great Britain had been the biggest empire in the world in the course of many centuries. Due to synchronic and diachronic approaches it was detected time simultaneousness of the British Empire’s development in the different parts of the world. Different forms of its ruling (colonies, dominions, other territories under her auspice) manifested this phenomenon.The British Empire went through evolution from the First British Empire which was developed on the count mostly of the trade of slaves and slavery as a whole to the Second British Empire when itcolonized one of the biggest states of the world India and some other countries of the East; to the Third British Empire where it colonized countries practically on all the continents of the world. TheForth British Empire signifies the stage of its decomposition and almost total down fall in the second half of the 20th century. It is shown how the national liberation moments starting in India and endingin Africa undermined the British Empire’s power, which couldn’t control the territories, no more. The foundation of the independent nation state of Great Britain free of colonies did not lead to lossof the imperial spirit of its establishment, which is manifested in its practical deeds – Organization of the British Commonwealth of Nations, which later on was called the Commonwealth, Brexit and so on.The conclusions are drawn that Great Britain makes certain efforts to become a global state again.

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McElveen, J. C. "“Westward the Course of Empire”: Exploring and Settling the American West 1803-1869 ©." Terrae Incognitae 51, no. 1 (2019): 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00822884.2019.1573997.

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Kuenz, Jane. "The Cowboy Businessman and "The Course of Empire": Owen Wister's The Virginian." Cultural Critique 48, no. 1 (2001): 98–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cul.2001.0036.

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Mole, Gregory. "Incriminating Empire." French Historical Studies 44, no. 1 (2021): 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-8725837.

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Abstract This article explores the political fallout from the 1766 execution of the comte de Lally, who oversaw the failed defense of France's Indian colonies during the Seven Years' War. Accused of treason by administrators of the French East India Company, Lally emerged as a source of controversy in the final decades of the Old Regime. As critics and apologists clashed over the legality of Lally's execution, questions about the nature of his “crime” gave way to a broader debate over the meaning and limits of company sovereignty under France's absolutist state. This conflict remained unresolved into the French Revolution. The Lally affair provides a window into the nebulous relationship that developed between the crown, the company, and the emergent French nation, laying bare the many faces of empire that confronted France during the eighteenth century. Cet article explore les retombées politiques de l'exécution du comte de Lally, l'homme qui commandait les colonies des Indes orientales françaises durant la guerre de Sept Ans. Accusé de trahison par la Compagnie des Indes, Lally représentait une source de controverse à la fin de l'Ancien Régime. Tandis que les critiques et les apologistes contestaient la légalité de son exécution, la question de la culpabilité de Lally incita un débat plus général sur la nature de la souveraineté de la Compagnie sous l'Etat absolutiste. Ce débat restait non résolu durant la Révolution française. L'affaire Lally souligne les liens nébuleux parmi la Compagnie, la monarchie, et la nation française. Elle révèle également les multiples incarnations de l'Empire français au cours du dix-huitième siècle.

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Husain, Faisal H. "Changes in the Euphrates River: Ecology and Politics in a Rural Ottoman Periphery, 1687–1702." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 47, no. 1 (2016): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00939.

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Between 1687 and 1702, the Euphrates River changed course and jeopardized the stability of the eastern Ottoman Empire when a large segment of it changed course. The abrupt channel shift became entangled in a complex web of troubles (climatic, epidemiological, political, and financial) that reinforced each other and left behind a profoundly altered ecological and political landscape in a rural region southwest of Baghdad. It facilitated the fall of a traditional center of power in the region and accelerated the rise of the Khaza’il tribe.

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Lobban, Michael. "Habeas Corpus: from England to Empire." International Journal of Law in Context 7, no. 2 (2011): 257–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744552311000085.

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The ‘Great Writ’ of habeas corpus has long had an iconic status as the ‘writ of liberty’ which ensured that no person could be detained in prison without being put to trial by a jury of his peers. According to the traditional version, popularised by Whiggish constitutional writers from the late seventeenth century onwards, the English constitution as embodied in the common law had, since time immemorial, striven to protect the fundamental rights of Englishmen and women, which included the right to personal liberty. The common law had supplied the writ of habeas corpus, which secured the provision of Magna Carta, that no freeman be imprisoned save by the judgment of a jury of his peers. In the course of the seventeenth century, the Whig version ran, kings with an absolutist bent sought to undermine ancient liberties, by claiming prerogative powers to imprison without trial, and by appointing supine judges who would not protect people's liberties. It took the triumph of Parliament to restore and perfect them. For William Blackstone, one of the key statutes which secured ‘the complete restitution of English liberty’ was the Habeas Corpus Act of 1679, ‘that second magna carta’. As Blackstone put it: ‘Magna carta only, in general terms, declared, that no man shall be imprisoned contrary to law: the habeas corpus act points him out effectual means, as well to release himself, though committed even by the king in council, as to punish all those who shall thus unconstitutionally misuse him.’

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Whaley, Joachim. "Central European History and the Holy Roman Empire." Central European History 51, no. 1 (2018): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938918000067.

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Central European History (CEH) began to appear at a crucial juncture in the historiography of the Holy Roman Empire. Of course its remit was much broader. Founded sixteen years before the British journal German History, Central European History, together with the Austrian History Yearbook (founded in 1965) and the East European Quarterly (founded in 1967), took over the role occupied between 1941 and 1964 by the Journal of Central European Affairs. Each of these US journals shared an openness to new approaches and to work on all periods since the Middle Ages, as well as a desire—in the words of CEH's inaugural editor, Douglas Unfug—to keep “readers abreast of new literature in the field …,” with “reflective, critical reviews or review articles dealing with works of central importance … [and] bibliographical articles dealing with limited periods or themes…”

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Behm, Amanda, Christienna Fryar, Emma Hunter, Elisabeth Leake, Su Lin Lewis, and Sarah Miller-Davenport. "Decolonizing History: Enquiry and Practice." History Workshop Journal 89 (2020): 169–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbz052.

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Abstract On the back of the Royal Historical Society’s 2018 report on race and ethnicity, as well as ongoing discussions about ‘decolonizing the syllabus’, this is a conversation piece titled, ‘Decolonizing History: Enquiry and Practice’. While ‘decolonization’ has been a key framework for historical research, it has assumed increasingly varied and nebulous meanings in teaching, where calls for ‘decolonizing’ are largely divorced from the actual end of empire. How does ‘decolonizing history’ relate to the study of decolonization? And can history, as a field of practice and study, be ‘decolonized’ without directly taking up histories of empire? Using the RHS report as a starting point, this conversation explores how we ‘decolonize history’. We argue that, rather than occurring through tokenism or the barest diversification of reading lists and course themes, decolonizing history requires rigorous critical study of empire, power and political contestation, alongside close reflection on constructed categories of social difference. Bringing together scholars from several UK universities whose teaching and research ranges across modern historical fields, this piece emphasizes how the study of empire and decolonization can bring a necessary global perspective to what tend to be framed as domestic debates on race, ethnicity, and gender.

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Zakharov, Victor. "Ways of Automatic Identification of Words Belonging to Semantic Field." Journal of Linguistics/Jazykovedný casopis 70, no. 2 (2019): 234–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jazcas-2019-0054.

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Abstract The paper presents results of the ongoing research on creation of the semantic field of the “empire” concept. A semantic field is a collection of content units covering a certain area of human experience and forming a relatively autonomous microsystem with one or several centers. Relations in such microsystems are also called associations. The idea is to extract from data on syntagmatic collocability a set of lexical units connected by systemic paradigmatic relations of various types and strength using distributional analysis techniques. The first goal of the study is to develop methodology to fill a semantic field with lexical units on the basis of morphologically tagged corpora. We were using the Sketch Engine corpus system that implements the method of distributional statistical analysis. Text material is represented by our own corpora in the domain of “empire”. In the course of the work we have acquired lists of items filling the semantic space around the concept of “empire”.

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Abbott, Nicholas J. "A Mulk of One's Own: Languages of Sovereignty, Statehood, and Dominion in the Eighteenth-Century “Empire of Hindustan”." Itinerario 44, no. 3 (2020): 474–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115320000303.

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AbstractOver the course of the eighteenth century, India's Mughal empire (1526–1858) fragmented into a number of regional polities that were, in turn, gradually subsumed under the paramount authority of the British East India Company. This essay describes concomitant developments in the empire's Persianate political language, particularly with regard to ideas of sovereignty, statehood, and dominion. It argues that by the mid-eighteenth century, the Mughal “empire of Hindustan” was increasingly framed as a territorialised governing institution comprising emerging provincial sovereignties rooted in local ruling households. This conceptual dispensation, however, remained ill-defined until the 1760s, when a treaty regime dominated by the Company built upon this language to concretise the empire as a confederacy of independent, sub-imperial states. The essay contends that in the short term, this redefinition bolstered the authority of incipient dynasties in provinces like Awadh, but in the longer term generated conflicts that abetted the expansion of colonial rule and laid conceptual foundations for British paramountcy in India.

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Pankenier, David W. "Astrology for an Empire: The ‘Treatise on the Celestial Offices’ in the Grand Scribe’s Records (ca. 100 BCE)." Culture and Cosmos 16, no. 1 and 2 (2012): 163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.01216.0229.

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Joseph Needham called the Treatise on the Celestial Offices ’a text of the highest importance for ancient Chinese astronomy’. This is no exaggeration, but the title of the Treatise alone shows that it is more than just a summa of ancient Chinese astronomical lore. The term ‘Celestial Offices’ clearly evokes a direct linkage between the stellar patterns above and the imperial offices and departments of the “celestial” empire below. This was new, of course, since at the time the empire itself was barely a century old. This paper will report on new insights on the text and its socio-cultural context acquired in the process of producing a complete annotated translation into English.

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Reuter, Timothy. "John of Salisbury and the Germans." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 3 (1994): 415–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900003410.

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One of the very noticeable features of John of Salisbury’s later letters is the frequency with which they refer to the affairs of the empire and its ruler Frederick Barbarossa; indeed, they are an important source for the history of the empire in the 1160s. There is no mystery about why this should have been so. The papal schism which broke out in 1159 and which was sustained by Barbarossa was of great importance for John and his circle, both in itself as a matter of great concern to those who cared about the church, and in particular because its progress often affected the course of the dispute between Becket and Henry II.

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Burton, Paul J. "Roman Imperialism." Brill Research Perspectives in Ancient History 2, no. 2 (2019): 1–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25425374-12340004.

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Abstract Rome engaged in military and diplomatic expansionistic state behavior, which we now describe as ‘imperialism,’ since well before the appearance of ancient sources describing this activity. Over the course of at least 800 years, the Romans established and maintained a Mediterranean-wide empire from Spain to Syria (and sometimes farther east) and from the North Sea to North Africa. How and why they did this is a source of perennial scholarly controversy. Earlier debates over whether Rome was an aggressive or defensive imperial state have progressed to theoretically informed discussions of the extent to which system-level or discursive pressures shaped the Roman Empire. Roman imperialism studies now encompass such ancillary subfields as Roman frontier studies and Romanization.

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Blakeley, Brian L. "The Society for the Oversea Settlement of British Women and the Problems of Empire Settlement, 1917–1936." Albion 20, no. 3 (1988): 421–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049737.

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The “deluge” of World War I not only produced change within British society, but it intensified governmental and societal interest in the empire. This trend occurred for several reasons. Britain's wartime co-operation with her dominions led many Britons to assume that this new imperial unity could, and should, be cultivated in the post-war period. The imperial pessimism generated in some circles by the tragedy of the Boer War faded from the public's memory. Equally important, however, by 1917 the government was conscious of the serious economic and social problems Britain would confront once victory had been attained. One of several imperial solutions studied extensively during the war was state supported emigration. The government, which since 1914 had played an increasingly prominent role in solving society's problems, believed that emigration would serve a variety of useful purposes. It would alleviate the distress of thousands of British women, it would accelerate the economic and social development of the dominions, and it would strengthen the British Empire, giving it the power and self-assurance necessary to carry out its diplomatic and military roles in the post-war world. During the course of these deliberations during and immediately after World War I, the importance of women to any comprehensive strengthening of the empire was fully accepted by the government for the first time in British history.The growth of interest in government sponsored imperial migration, including that of women, did not occur, however, in a vacuum. The 1920s and 1930s were, as it is increasingly recognized, “a great age of British Imperialism,” during which the “mass pheonomena of Empire—the Empire Shopping Weeks, the Empire Exhibitions and Empire Day celebrations” became a prominent part of the British social scene.

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Mihăilă-Lică, Gabriela, and Lucian Robu. "Aspects of the Imaginary of the Romanian Principalities in the Stories of the British Travelers of the 18th Century." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 22, no. 2 (2016): 457–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2016-0078.

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Abstract The present study aims to be a resynthesis of some of the most important pieces of memoir and travel literature of the 18th century, used as historical source that is essential for the understanding an epoch. Located in a geographical and historical meeting area of the political and economic interests of the European and extra-European empires, Walachia, Moldavia and Transylvania aroused the complex interests of the Great Powers, including, of course, the British Empire. The validity of this fact is supported by the remaining diplomatic reports that can be found in the diplomatic archives, by memoirs (today of an undeniable historical value), and by other memorialistic writings of numerous travelers, including those coming from the Anglo-Saxon space. The information of the utmost importance provided by these writings (the diplomatic reports also being included here) reconstruct not only historical and ethnographic realities, but also anthropological and economic history ones.

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Thompson, Andrew S. "The Language of Imperialism and the Meanings of Empire: Imperial Discourse in British Politics, 1895–1914." Journal of British Studies 36, no. 2 (1997): 147–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386132.

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The forthcoming General Election will turn, we are told, mainly on the popularity of Imperialism. If this be so, it is important that voters should make up their minds what Imperialism means.(George Bernard Shaw)Thus wrote George Bernard Shaw on behalf of the Fabian Society in October 1900. Shaw recognized what many historians have subsequently failed to see: the meaning of imperialism inside British politics was not fixed. Rather, the terms “empire” and “imperialism” were like empty boxes that were continuously being filled up and emptied of their meanings. Of course, the same was true of other political concepts: the idea of patriotism, for instance, was constantly being reinvented by politicians. But the idea of empire was all the more vulnerable to this sort of treatment because it was sensitive to changing circumstances at home and abroad and because it had to take account of a colonial as well as a British audience. Furthermore, the fact that opinion in Britain was widely felt to be ignorant or indifferent to the empire meant that politicians had to be particularly careful in deciding what sort of imperial language to use.This article will consider what contemporaries meant when they spoke of empire, how its meaning varied between different political groups in Britain, and whether it is possible to point to a prevailing vision of empire during the period between the launch of the Jameson Raid in December 1895 and the outbreak of the Great War in 1914.

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Journal articles on the topic 'The Course of Empire'

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