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Brand, Jacobus Frederick Daniel (Danie). "Courts, socio-economic rights and transformative politics." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1333.
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Thesis (LLD (Public Law))—University of Stellenbosch, 2009.<br>ENGLISH SUMMARY: The point of departure of this dissertation is that transformation in South Africa depends on transformative politics – extra-institutional, substantive, oppositional, transformation-oriented politics. One challenge South Africa’s constitution therefore poses to courts is to take account of the impact of adjudication on transformative politics. The purpose of this dissertation is to investigate the relationship between adjudication and transformative politics within a specific context – adjudication of socio-economic rights cases.
This relationship is commonly described in a positive light – either that adjudication of socio-economic rights cases promotes transformative politics by giving impoverished people access to the basic resources required for political participation; or that adjudication of such cases is in itself a space for transformative politics. Although there is much truth in both these descriptions, both under-estimate the extent to which adjudication also limits transformative politics. This dissertation focuses on the extent to which adjudication limits transformative politics – it comprises an analysis of socio-economic rights cases with the aim of showing how adjudication of these cases, despite positive results, also limited transformative politics.
The theoretical aspects of this problem are outlined in the first chapter. After a description of the body of case law on which the analysis focuses two chapters follow in which two ways in which adjudication limits transformative politics are investigated. The first traces how courts in socio-economic rights cases participate in discourses about impoverishment that tend to describe the problem as non-political – specifically how courts tend to describe impoverishment as technical rather than political in nature; and how courts implicitly legitimise in their judgments liberal-capitalist views of impoverishment that insist that impoverishment is best addressed through the unregulated market. Then follows a chapter investigating how views of legal interpretation in terms of which legal materials have a certain and determinable meaning that can be mechanically found by courts limit transformative politics by insulating adjudication from critique and emphasising finality in adjudication. Throughout it is shown how courts can mitigate the limiting effects of adjudication, by legitimating the political agency
of impoverished people, by using remedies requiring political engagement between opponents and postponing closure in adjudication, and by adopting a different approach to interpretation, that emphasises the pliability and relative indeterminacy of legal materials. Despite this, the conclusion of the dissertation is that courts can never wholly avoid the limiting impact of adjudication on transformative politics, but should rather aim to remain continually aware of it.<br>AFRIKAANS OPSOMMING: Die uitgangspunt van hierdie proefskrif is dat transformasie in Suid-Afrika afhang van transformatiewe politiek – buite-institusionele, substantiewe, opposisionele, transformasie-gerigte politiek. Een eis wat Suid-Afrika se grondwet daarom aan howe stel, is om ag te slaan op die impak van beregting op transformatiewe politiek. Die doel van hierdie proefskrif is om die verhouding tussen beregting en transformatiewe politiek binne ‘n spesifieke konteks – beregting van sake oor sosio-ekonomiese regte – te ondersoek.
Meeste beskouinge van hierdie verhouding beskryf dit in ‘n positiewe lig - óf dat die beregting van sake oor sosio-ekonomiese regte transformatiewe politiek bevorder deur vir verarmde mense toegang tot basiese lewensmiddele te bewerkstellig sodat hulle aan politieke optrede kan deelneem; óf dat beregting van sulke sake opsigself ‘n spasie is vir transformatiewe politiek. Hoewel daar waarheid steek in beide beskrywings, onderskat hulle die mate waartoe beregting ook transformatiewe politiek kan beperk. Hierdie proefskrif fokus op hoe beregting transformatiewe politiek beperk - dit behels ‘n analise van sake oor sosio-ekonomiese regte met die doel om te wys hoe beregting van hierdie sake, ten spyte van kennelik positiewe gevolge ook transformatiewe politiek beperk het.
Die teoretiese vergestalting van hierdie probleem word in die eerste hoofstuk beskou. Na ‘n beskrywing van die liggaam van regspraak waarop die analise fokus volg twee hoofstukke waarin twee maniere waarop beregting transformatiewe politiek beperk ondersoek word. Die eerste beskou hoe howe in sake oor sosio-ekonomiese regte deelneem aan diskoerse oor verarming wat neig om hierdie probleem as non-polities te beskryf - spesifiek hoe howe neig om hierdie problem as tegnies eerder as polities van aard te beskryf; en hoe howe liberaal-kapitalistiese sieninge van verarming, ingevolge waarvan verarming deur die ongereguleerde mark aangespreek behoort te word, implisiet in hul uitsprake legitimeer. Dan volg ‘n hoofstuk wat naspeur hoe sieninge van regsinterpretasie ingevolge waarvan regsmateriaal ‘n sekere en vasstelbare betekenis het wat meganies deur howe gevind word, transformatiewe politieke optrede beperk deur die openheid van beregting vir kritiek te beperk en finaliteit in beregting in die hand te werk. Deurgaans word gewys hoe howe die beperkende effek van beregting kan teëwerk, deur die politike agentskap van verarmde mense te legitimeer, deur remedies te gebruik wat politieke onderhandeling tussen opponente bewerkstellig en finale oplossings uitstel, en deur ‘n ander benadering tot interpretasie, wat die buigsaamheid en relatiewe onbepaalbaarheid van regsmateriaal erken, te omarm. Tog is die gevolgtrekking van die proefskrif dat howe nooit die beperkende effek van beregting op transformatiewe politiek geheel kan vermy nie, maar eerder deurgaans daarop bedag moet wees.
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Hausknost, Daniel, and Willi Haas. "The Politics of Selection: Towards a Transformative Model of Environmental Innovation." MDPI AG, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11020506.
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As a purposive sustainability transition requires environmental innovation and innovation policy, we discuss potentials and limitations of three dominant strands of literature in this field, namely the multi-level perspective on socio-technical transitions (MLP), the innovation systems approach (IS), and the long-wave theory of techno-economic paradigm shifts (LWT). All three are epistemologically rooted in an evolutionary understanding of socio-technical change. While these approaches are appropriate to understand market-driven processes of change, they may be deficient as analytical tools for exploring and designing processes of purposive societal transformation. In particular, we argue that the evolutionary mechanism of selection is the key to introducing the strong directionality required for purposive transformative change. In all three innovation theories, we find that the prime selection environment is constituted by the market and, thus, normative societal goals like sustainability are sidelined. Consequently, selection is depoliticised and neither strong directionality nor incumbent regime destabilisation are societally steered. Finally, we offer an analytical framework that builds upon a more political conception of selection and retention and calls for new political institutions to make normatively guided selections. Institutions for transformative innovation need to improve the capacities of complex societies to make binding decisions in politically contested fields.
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McLaughlin, Blake John. "Welfare state accountability exigencies, reflections upon law and social movement transformative politics." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ36868.pdf.
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Dusyk, Nichole. "The transformative potential of participatory politics : energy planning and emergent sustainability in British Columbia, Canada." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/44160.
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This research examines the potential for local engagement in provincial energy planning and the contribution it might make to an energy transition. Combining a social worlds framework with the concept of hybrid forums, I develop the thesis that participation can facilitate sociotechnical change by facilitating the exploration of new identities and the collective reframing of problems and their solutions. This is what I call the transformative potential of participatory politics.
I explore and elaborate this thesis using a discourse analysis of the provincial clean energy policy and two case studies of communities in British Columbia: Fort St. John and Dawson Creek. The discourse analysis examines the evolution of the clean energy storyline, introduced in 2007, and how it serves to position actors and technologies in the province. The analysis shows how the storyline, although integrating an environmental imperative into policy discourse, reproduces the trajectory and inertia of historical energy development.
The case study analysis examines municipal energy planning and one large-scale renewable energy project in each of the communities: the proposed Site C Hydroelectric Project in Fort St. John and the Bear Mountain Wind Park in Dawson Creek. My analysis describes the mechanisms and sites of collective negotiation and how in each case, participatory processes have altered technologies, collective identities, and the framing of energy planning. The case studies support the thesis that participatory politics can contribute to energy transitions by altering the social and material characteristics of energy networks. In so doing, they add nuance to our understanding of what participatory energy governance can contribute and the circumstances in which it is effective. This includes findings that highlight the significance of the institutional, political, and infrastructural context in which participatory governance unfolds leading to the conclusion that participation, although potentially transformative, is not a panacea.
In conclusion, I situate my findings in relation to the concept of procedural sustainability arguing that by making room for collective negotiation, participatory politics can help move beyond the apparent antagonism of implementing renewable energy projects toward a potentially more productive approach of localizing energy projects and collectively constructing sustainability discourses and practices.
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Eggert, Hannes. "Navigating the politics of transformative change towards sustainability: A case study of Extinction Rebellion’s climate crisis framing." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Stockholm Resilience Centre, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-194767.
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Research on transformations has recognized that trajectories towards sustainability are negotiated and contested through framings and narratives. There is, however, still a greater need to explore the role of social movements and their ability to characterize a problem, propose solutions and motivate the public to become engaged. This holds particularly true for the extensive field of climate politics in which different climate change framings compete. In recent years, a new wave of climate activism has emerged amidst an increased sense of urgency and severity of the climate crisis. One of the driving forces, Extinction Rebellion (XR), has managed to engage large numbers of people while making radical demands to the government. However, critical voices have challenged XR’s use of politically “neutral” language which communicates climate change in moral rather than political terms for displacing power and conflict. Drawing on framing theory and post-foundational political theory, I examine how XR UK frames the climate crisis in relation to political change, to better understand how the movement navigates between consensus and antagonism in the context of a depoliticization of climate change discourses. The analysis is based on a collection of semi-structured interviews with XR UK activists as well as key movement documents. The analysis and subsequent discussion reveal a dynamic and contentious discursive field, with key findings including the identification of three collective action frames: (1) Climate Breakdown, (2) Web of Life and (3) Global Justice. These are linked together by the Global Climate Emergency master frame. The degree to which the frames are (de-)politicized varies and reflects different interpretations of transformation towards sustainability.
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Karakas, Kokce Halime. "Two Transformative Actors Of Turkish Politics:justice And Development Party And Kurds." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12611664/index.pdf.
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In its most general form this study aims to understand and reveal the dynamics that shape AKP&rsquo<br>s Kurdish politics. In this way primarily, socio-political factors that constitute AKP and the political tradition out of which it has arose have been
analyzed with in the theoretical framework of the center-periphery model. It seeks to determine the socio-political basis of AKPs emergence on a platform of change and
EU centered vision. It understands this approach as an effort to legitimize itself against a Kemalist center.
This study understands AKP&rsquo<br>s desire to align itself with the West in the course of its
quest for legitimization and its desire for the candidacy for the process of ascension to the European Union as the only paths to take after the events of February the 28th
has confirmed the judgment that Turkey cannot consolidate its own democracy within its own dynamics. This study contends that the most fundamental influence
that has shaped AKP&rsquo<br>s Kurdish politics and obliged AKP to attend to the Kurdish problem, in addition to the political tradition out of which AKP arose, is full accession to EU and the target of consolidating democracy.
The study also analyzes the evolutionary phases the Kurdish politics went through. The process of consolidation of democracy in Turkey in accordance with the
requirements of ascension to the EU has been seen as the common fate of AKP and the Kurdish politics as well as the source of legitimization both domestically and
internationally.
This study understands AKP&rsquo<br>s Kurdish politics as one of a paradox for the ethnic and religious identities that has faced a systematic resistance since the conception of the republic: On the one hand is the union of these two identities against a sociopolitical system that excludes both, and on the other hand is their political competition on a platform that is perpetually overlapping.
The study concludes that AKP&rsquo<br>s determination and ability to solve the Kurdish problem will give hints on whether the party would succeed or not in its mission of cerating a new political language and democratizing the country.
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M, Caton Lisa. "Fixing the agenda, the struggle for women's equality, holistic politics and transformative practice in Toronto's urban renewal movement." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0005/MQ40639.pdf.
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Fox, Talia Mestel. "Co-opting sustainabilities : the transformative politics of labor and extended producer responsibility under Brazil's national solid waste policy." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/118208.
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Thesis: M.C.P., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Urban Studies and Planning, 2018.<br>This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.<br>Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.<br>Includes bibliographical references (pages 94-101).<br>Growing levels of global solid waste production implore society to identify the actors responsible for preventing, reducing, and disposing of wasted material in a sustainable manner. Extended producer responsibility (EPR) and corporate social responsibility (CSR) are policy frameworks that hold accountable the manufacturers of goods that create post-consumer waste. National and state governments typically prescribe EPR through market mechanisms, performance standards, and disclosure requirements. CSR relies largely on voluntary programs that international bodies and corporations themselves establish to prevent or remediate socially and environmentally destructive behaviors. Responding to a paucity of research regarding adaptations of EPR to the global South, this thesis traces the origins and outcomes of the 2010 National Solid Waste Policy of Brazil (PNRS), which mandates EPR. I focus on a provision of the PNRS that prescribes CSR in fulfillment of EPR through partnerships between corporations and cooperatives of wastepickers: collectively-organized, self-employed individuals who separate, sort, and sell recyclable materials. Guiding this inquiry is a question regarding the implications of the interactions between the transnational sustainability frameworks of corporations and laborers. Through an analysis of the histories and realities of these interactions, I interrogate the dynamics that shape the structures of CSR programs and their evaluative tools under the PNRS, from the perspective of wastepickers. I assert that these CSR programs, while sources of technical and financial support for wastepickers, by design cannot actualize the concept of EPR because they fail to remunerate wastepickers as market actors. Furthermore, I demonstrate that by controlling the processes that assign and assess responsibility for waste management in Brazil, corporations have co-opted a sustainability discourse of labor that is intended to advance wastepickers' own fight for fair pay, rights, and recognition. Key Words Waste management; municipal solid waste; sustainability; extended producer responsibility, Brazil, waste picker; corporate social responsibility, labor, evidence-based policy.<br>by Talia Mestel Fox.<br>M.C.P.
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Mugobo, Virimai. "Re-branding Zimbabwe : a transformative and challenging process." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/2091.
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Thesis (DTech (Marketing))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2013.<br>During the past few decades, nation branding has emerged as one of the key strategies for national
economic development. Many nations across the world, both developed and developing, have
embraced the concept as they compete against each other for export markets, foreign direct
investment, tourists, scarce human resources and international leverage and influence. Nation
branding has now become one of the critical drivers for country differentiation and the creation of
sustainable competitive advantages for nations.
This thesis explores the concept of nation branding and investigates its applicability to Zimbabwe, a
country which has been riddled with various socio-economic and political challenges during the past
two decades. The main purpose of the thesis was to develop a model that can be used to re-brand
Zimbabwe. This research study adopted a mixed-methods approach through the amalgamation of
both qualitative and quantitative research methodologies. A survey questionnaire was administered to
respondents who included Zimbabweans as well as people who are not Zimbabwean citizens. The
qualitative phase of the research study consisted of depth interviews with various branding
practitioners, managers in both the private and public sectors and academics inside and outside of
Zimbabwe. Four summarised case studies were also carried out in order to draw lessons from cases of
successful and unsuccessful nation branding programmes in different parts of the world. According to the research findings, Zimbabwe has a negative image on the global map. The country
needs to be re-branded and the majority of Zimbabweans are willing to be part of this process.
However, for the re-branding initiative to be successful there should be a comprehensive
transformation of the country's socio-political, economic and legal systems in order to create an
enabling environment that is conducive for the effective application of nation branding strategies. The
findings further reinforce the notion that re-branding should be part of a broader national economic
development strategy for the country. The thesis concludes with the propagation of two models viz,
the transformative process model for the re-branding of Zimbabwe and the re-branding as a
transformative learning process model.
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McQuiston, James M. "Social capital in the production gap: social networking services and their transformative role in civic engagement." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1374593081.
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Klimov, Blagoy D. "Challenging path dependence? : ideational mapping of nationalism and the EU's transformative power : the case of infrastructural politics in SEE." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2011. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/15002/.
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The research employs. historical institutionalism, amplified by ideas to explain path dependent political behaviour. The theoretical framework is applied to explain political behaviour in the Balkans, where Greece and Bulgaria, despite many similarities have developed highly antagonistic path-dependent policies of obstruction towards each other that remained remarkably persistent, regardless of changing external factors during most of the XX c. The main hypothesis is that such behaviour could be properly understood neither by leverage of Great Powers, nor by ancient hatreds, but by exploring the crucial role, played by path dependent institutionalized ideas (programmatic beliefs) in shaping policy outcomes. Only when ideas change- policy change does happen. The main task of this research is to outline historical ideational impediments to Balkan regional cooperation and explore if regional cooperation is attainable. The second hypothesis argues that after the 1990s EU was such a powerful idea, that for the first time since the Independence revolutions, started to successfully challenge old institutional settings in the region, that have persisted for decades, even centuries. Political elites in the region encountered a new complicated situation, having to balance between the traditional nationalist ideational contexts and the 'integration and cooperation' ideational impetus, coming from outside. The implications of this tension between continuity and change are explored in the case studies on cooperation over common infrastructure projects between Bulgaria and Greece ill the period 1990-2010. So, we are considering the long-term historical force of path dependence and the possibility it can be rooted out, or at least significantly modified. The research is not only an endeavour to study the EU's role in the Balkans, but to contribute to the growing debate in the field about the role of ideas in political life and to use such theoretical discussions, and the comparative method, to enhance our understanding of the evolution of modern EU states.
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Stapp, April Marie. "Crises Transformed: The Motivations Behind Engagement in Anarchy." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/77925.
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What motivates individuals to take part in anarchistic movements and spaces? For those who do, what occurs during engagement in anarchy? By collecting the oral histories of anarchistic activists, this study indicates how crises, personal and collective, is a not only a motivating factor for why individuals join and engage in anarchistic movements and spaces, but how crises are, in turn, radically transformed through engagement in anarchical practice. To understand this process, this study explores crises through the development of an eco-anarchistic dialectical framework--negate-subvert-create--to indicate how the crises of capital are embodied, consciously negated, subverted politically, and ultimately transformed through engagement in anarchy. Anarchy is accordingly conceptualized as a liminal spatio-temporality that allows individuals to reconnect their selves to their potentials to become something beyond the ecological destructive and dominant social world. These potential are realized through the embodiment of communitas, or collective liminality--a natural communality that individuals reconnect to engaging in anarchy. I end with an exploration of the possible outcomes and potential futures of anarchy by situating the current political, economic, social and ecological crises occurring around the globe within the eco-anarchistic framework developed in this study. Here, I indicate the importance of engaging in care practices and creating care-networks as a necessary outcome and future political practice for anarchistic movements as a way to mitigate and ultimately transform the crises of capital.<br>Ph. D.
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Calvário, Rita. "Building emancipatory strategies, producing political subjects: alternative food economies in the basque country and Greece in the crisis." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/400476.
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Las economías alternativas se presentan comúnmente como un resultado de la voluntad, o como una reacción espontánea y acumulativa a un impacto, ya sea la crisis o el neoliberalismo en general. Su destino es transformar el mundo, ya sea gradualmente o a través del choque de modelos. Por otro lado, las perspectivas críticas generalmente las ven como un producto del neoliberalismo, o incluso del capitalismo: condenadas a la cooptación y la marginalidad, o simplemente encarnando formas, prácticas y subjetividades neoliberales. En esta tesis, expongo una explicación alternativa a cerca de por qué y cómo emergen y se desarrollan las economías alternativas, así como una perspectiva diferente a través de la cual evaluar su potencial transformador.
Investigo estas cuestiones examinando las economías alimentarias alternativas en la crisis económica posterior a 2008. Con el fin de obtener una comprensión profunda de los acontecimientos de la vida real incluidos en el contexto, baso mi investigación en dos estudios de caso: los nuevos campesinos agroecológicos en el País Vasco (España) y las distribuciones de alimentos solidarios "no intermediarios" en Grecia. Basada en investigación de campo, herramientas de ecología política y soberanía alimentaria, y sobre las ideas de Bensaïd y Gramsci sobre política, esta tesis trata de cuestiones conceptuales y prácticas relacionadas con la resistencia al neoliberalismo, las estrategias emancipadoras y la agencia política.
Mi argumento principal es que las economías alimentarias alternativas pueden ser una parte integral de las estrategias activistas que participan en las luchas por la hegemonía, que buscan producir sujetos críticos y activos y, en última instancia, mover a los subalternos a una posición de liderazgo. En el País Vasco, la desnaturalización de las ideas y prácticas hegemónicas sobre el agronegocio y la normalización de las alternativas campesinas es un enfoque clave de la estrategia de los pequeños agricultores de construir alianzas y un amplio movimiento social que lucha por la soberanía alimentaria. En Grecia, abordar las dificultades de los agricultores y la inseguridad alimentaria a través de la solidaridad es un paso estratégico hacia el avance de las ideas y prácticas de contra-austeridad y en la activación de los sujetos en la actividad “práctica-crítica”.
Mientras que las economías alimentarias alternativas pueden brindar oportunidades para politizar las cuestiones sociales, crear espacios de politización y autoorganización del subalterno y generar procesos de aprendizaje sobre cómo las relaciones sociedad-naturaleza pueden organizarse de manera diferente, también enfrentan desafíos, ya que no están fuera (porque no hay un exterior) del capitalismo. Las dificultades a las que se enfrentan los productores agroecológicos son un llamado a prestar más atención a la relación entre tiempo de trabajo y tiempo para la política en modelos alternativos. Los esfuerzos para desarrollar alternativas deben centrarse en proporcionar las condiciones materiales y subjetivas para activar a los sujetos en la actividad política. Aquí es relevante una política que aborda las necesidades de la reproducción social y construye una “política de esperanza”. De hecho, las luchas ambientales pueden involucrar metas sociales y políticas más amplias que van más allá de las preocupaciones sobre el acceso a los recursos o la seguridad de los medios de subsistencia. Esto demuestra la relación productiva entre diversas luchas.<br>Alternative economies are commonly depicted as a product of the will of individuals or groups, or as a spontaneous and cumulative reaction to an impact, be it crisis or neoliberalism more generally. Their fate is to transform the world, either gradually or through the clash of models. On the other hand, critics usually see them as a product of neoliberalism, or even capitalism. They are condemned thus to co-optation and marginality, or they just embody neoliberal forms, practices, and subjectivities. In this thesis, I chart an alternative explanation for why and how alternative economies emerge and develop, as well as provide a different lens through which to understand their transformative potential.
I investigate these questions by looking at alternative food economies in the post-2008 economic crisis. In order to gain a deep comprehension of real-life events embedded in context, I base my research on two case-studies: the case of new agroecological ‘peasants’ in the Basque Country (Spain), and that of ‘no-middlemen’ solidarity food distributions in Greece. Drawing on fieldwork research, on analytical tools derived from political ecology and food sovereignty literatures, and on Bensaïd’s and Gramsci’s insights on radical politics, this thesis deals with important conceptual and practical questions regarding resistance to neoliberalism, emancipatory strategies, and political agency.
My main argument is that alternative food economies can be an integral part of activist strategies engaged in struggles over hegemony, which seek to produce critical and active subjects and, ultimately, move the subaltern to a position of leadership. In the Basque Country, denaturalizing hegemonic ideas and practices regarding agribusiness, and normalizing peasant alternatives, is a key focus of small farmers’ strategy of building alliances and a large social movement fighting for food sovereignty. In Greece, tackling famers’ difficulties and food insecurity through ‘solidarity’ is a strategic step towards advancing counter-austerity ideas and practices to engage people in ‘practical-critical’ activity.
Whereas alternative food economies may provide opportunities to politicize politics, create spaces of politicization and self-organization of the subaltern, and generate learning processes on how society-nature relations can be organized differently, they also face challenges, as they are not outside (because there is no outside to) capitalism. The difficulties faced by agroecological producers call us to pay more attention to the relation between working-time and free-time for politics in alternative models. Efforts to develop alternatives must focus on providing the subaltern with the material and subjective conditions that enable them to become ‘agents of their own history’. A politics that tackles social reproduction needs and builds a ‘politics of hope’ is therefore relevant. Indeed, environmental struggles may involve broader social and political goals, beyond concerns over access to resources and the environment or securing livelihoods; this shows the productive relationship between diverse struggles.
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Soroko, Agata. "The Politics of Teaching Financial Literacy Education: A Case Study of Critical High School Teachers’ Beliefs and Practices in Ontario and Québec." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/42779.
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Teachers’ voices have been largely excluded from the academic and political debates regarding the aims and merits of financial literacy education. Through case study research, this project examined the beliefs, practices, and lives of 10 teachers in Québec and Ontario who teach financial literacy at the intermediate and senior levels. Specifically, the teachers in this study report taking a critical approach to financial literacy education–a subject that tends to be framed in simplistic and individualistic terms as mere personal financial decision-making. In an analysis of in-depth interviews and deliberative inquiry focus groups with self-identifying critical teachers and investigation into various documentary sources, I detail the ways in some of these teachers adhere to mainstream understandings of financial literacy education while others work to reframe it towards more critical and economically just ends. This research results in the development of a framework for critical economic literacy education, documenting the intellectually demanding set of skills, knowledge, and pedagogical strategies a critical economic literacy requires of students and teachers. Findings also bring forth distinctions in teachers’ ideas about criticality, revealing that teachers navigate between common, critical, and transformative sense orientations in sophisticated ways to achieve their pedagogical aims. Last, I investigate how criticality emerges in teachers, narrating the ways in which their personal biographies, professional and political activities, and intellectual pursuits inform their critical teaching in relation to financial literacy. This case study is further contextualized by the current political moment in which escalating economic inequality and the widening racial wealth gap, the current financial crisis, impending climate disasters, and antidemocratic politics worldwide convey a sense of urgency and a timely relevance for a more critical and transformative financial literacy education.
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Schuller, Philipp A. "Money politics and the transformation of the Japanese political system." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e570b955-335f-4d84-92c8-b55d725a2e7c.
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In 1994, in response to repeated scandals of political corruption, or of money politics as it was also called, the Japanese Diet passed a comprehensive package of political reform laws. By placing the focus on a change in the election system, this package suggested that money politics was primarily a problem of the incentive structures that the political system provided. This dissertation is based on the premise that political reforms and the debate that produces them are a good indicator of how the Japanese themselves evaluated money politics and what they hoped to change about it. The dissertation shows that both money politics and the political reforms designed to address it have not been a recent phenomenon but have existed more or less continuously for at least 70 years. It analyses the history of three case studies of political reforms that were aimed partly or exclusively at changing money politics: first a political education initiative, second the establishment and amendment of the law controlling political finance and fund-raising, and finally the attempted creation of a law on defining and regulating political parties. These three case studies suggest that reformers saw money politics predominantly as a function of political culture, not of the electoral system. Specifically, they placed this political culture in an evolutionary process of modernisation which sometimes did, sometimes did not resemble Westernisation. They were concerned especially about the role of organisations such as labour unions, companies and political parties as mediators in the relationship between the Japanese voters and the state. Finally, the fact that a changing coalitions of politicians, bureaucrats and independent activists supported the modernisation of the political culture suggests that this interpretation of money politics was widely shared.
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Moseley, Samuel Andrew. "Poverty politics and political transformation in North Carolina : a comparative case study of three cities /." The Ohio State University, 1989. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487675687173434.
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Pieri, Zacharias Peter. "The contentious politics of socio-political engagement : the transformation of the Tablighi Jamaat in London." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3743.
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The thesis examines the extent to which the Tablighi Jamaat (TJ) as an Islamic, theocratic and social movement has negotiated and adapted to the British context, especially London in the post 7/7 period. TJ is the largest Islamic movement in the word and is characterised as an isolationist, disengaged, salvation oriented, apolitical organisation. The London branch of TJ has ambitions to construct a headquarter mosque in London – a project facing opposition across a spectrum of British society, and brandished as the “mega mosque”. As a means of ensuring the success of their project, London TJ leaders have embarked on a process of socio-political engagement aiming to demonstrate that the movement has changed its modes of operation, and trying to curtail allegations of radicalisation, after reports of terrorists passing through TJ mosques. Extensive observation research and interviews with TJ leaders, grassroots members and others involved in the on going contestation of the project, explain the adoption of the new strategy from the perspective of an elite and instrumentally aware leadership. In essence how the new strategy has been justified and re-framed, making it acceptable to a wider audience. The Public Inquiry over Enforcement Action of TJ’s mosque in Newham allowed for both TJ and opponents to highlight wider issues surrounding TJ and its stance towards engagement and commitment to community cohesion. Engagement may have initially been a tick-box exercise for London TJ leaders, but interacting with the wider community has had a transformative effect. TJ Leaders in London have emerged as a practical minded, demonstrating adaptability to local contexts, ensuring the survival of the movement. The durability of this, given the conservative and revivalist nature of the movement, will be a test of time.
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Pugh, Michael C. "Liquid Transformation in the Political Economies of BiH and Kosovo." University of Bradford, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4189.
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yes<br>The transformation dynamics of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and Kosovo rubs salt into the war wounds of economically vulnerable sectors of society in a context of fragile political and security situations, complex or ambiguous constitutional status and an imprecise and contested balance of power between international direction and local ownership. The protectors have been imposing a model of economic transformation, ultimately derived from the neoliberal economic ideology of aggressive capitalism and the 1989 Washington consensus on developmentalism. The inhabitants of war-torn societies have often clung to clientism, shadow economic activities and resistance to centrally-audited exchange. This paper contends that what is sometimes portrayed as a clash between neoliberal modernity and a pre-modern `Balkan way¿ is questionable in its dyadic assumptions and its underestimation of linkages between the spheres of neoliberalism and nationalist¿mafia¿clientism.
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Shotwell, Alexis. "Implicit understanding and political transformation /." Diss., Digital Dissertations Database. Restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://uclibs.org/PID/11984.
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Young, Ross. "The Labour Party and the Labour Left : party transformation and the decline of factionalism 1979-97." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6e09469d-854f-420c-8167-c755b1b919f1.
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This Thesis examines the relationship between the organisational and ideological transformation of the Labour Party, and the decline of intra-party factionalism by the groups of the Labour Left during the period from 1979 to 1997. Two central questions are considered. First, whether the fragmentation and decline of the Left during this period can best be understood by examining the interplay between organisational and ideological factors at both the party and individual group levels. Second, whether 'New Labour' continues to exhibit some of the key traits of attitudinal dissent among its grassroots membership, despite the lack of an organisational apparatus within which sub-groups of activists could challenge the centralising tendencies of party leaders and influence the direction of party policy. Labour's ideological and organisational transformation had a number of important consequences for the prevalence of intra-party factionalism. The organisational reforms meant that Labour ceased to represent Duverger's 'branch-mass' type of party. Furthermore, party leaders regained centralised control over members and activists through the resurgence of Michels' 'iron law of oligarchy'. The depth of Labour's ideological transformation also reinforced the narrowing of the ideological gap between (radical) grassroots members and ordinary (moderate) voters, such that May's 'law of curvilinear disparity' appeared extinct inside Blair's New Labour. Labour's transformation had a remarkably fragmenting effect at the group-level. The Labour Left was a collection of various groupings, each of which displayed different structural properties and ideological characteristics. There was no single organisational form of Labour Left factionalism, nor was their any common sense of ideological purpose. The processes of party transformation would act only to further the Left's fragmentation and cement its decline. However, it would be premature to talk of New Labour as a party free from dissent. Despite the dissolution of the Labour Left, New Labour's grassroots membership has retained some of the principal features of factionalism. Using data from original survey research among party members, it is suggested that New Labour has encouraged new types of 'objective' and 'subjective' factionalism. The kind of factionalism typified by the Labour Left of the 1970s and 1980s may have disappeared, but we should not preclude the growth of new dimensions of conflict between party leaders and grassroots members.
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Mall-Dibiasi, Caroline. "The transformation of Palestinian political activism from the first to the second intifada : a convergence of politics, territory and society." Thesis, Durham University, 2012. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4438/.
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The central question this thesis poses is how and why the modes of Palestinian political activism have changed from the first to the second intifada. The thesis will explore the underlying major political, territorial and social developments that created a new environment for the second uprising that was no longer conducive to the mass protests and acts of civil disobedience, which had dominated the first intifada in the late 1980s. The decline of civil society, the reassertion of Palestinian political factionalism and the unique geographical dislocation of the Palestinian territories, which created new physical obstacles to resistance but also caused division within society, were the key factors in reshaping the context of the second intifada. In addition, rising support for violent resistance among the population was rooted in the sense of hopelessness and frustration that re-emerged over the Oslo period. Much of the population’s frustration was directed at Israel’s colonial regime but in part it was also a response to the rule of the Palestinian Authority, which had failed to fulfil its commitments to its own population in view of its obligations under Oslo toward Israel. In the absence of alternative non-violent outlets within either politics or civil society, what took root instead was individual activism via militant organisations. As such, this thesis offers an account of the development of Palestinian political action (and in particular political violence) that is indebted to an effort to employ historical and contextual analysis in ways that deepen the insights available from explanations of behaviour drawn from political science.
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Verwoerd, Wian Brandt. "Transforming Whiteness: Exploring Transformation at Stellenbosch University." Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/31296.
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As a historically Afrikaans university linked to the lingering legacies of Apartheid-era affiliation, Stellenbosch University (SU) faces harsh transformative realities. It has sought to tackle these realities through various policies and initiatives aimed at establishing (amongst others) diverse enrolment and racial inclusivity. Nevertheless, SU has consistently found itself embroiled in campus controversies over the past few years. More often than not, these controversies are ‘race’ related. As such, this thesis, by means of a theoretical case study, seeks to contextualise transformation at SU and questions its (in)efficacy thus far. The focus on transformation is divided into two levels: “institutional” and “relational”. The analysis of transformation in relation to these two levels is grounded in Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Critical Whiteness Studies (CWS), to try and illuminate novel areas of interest leading to nuanced, prospective, discussion. Using CRT, some of SU’s institutional attempts to transform are examined. A focus is placed on the Language Policy, given its central role in aiming to contribute to greater campus diversity. Amongst other findings, the lack of historical context contained within the various policy documents, in terms of highlighting Afrikaans’ stigmatic past, undermines the intent and efficacy of SU’s institutional transformation going forward. The Listen Live and Learn housing initiative is used as a starting point for a discussion on relational transformation. CWS is used as a lens to try and make sense of some of the individualised transformative shortcomings of the initiative. Whiteness, with a specific focus on Afrikaner whiteness, is established as a complex campus force that contains defensive elements in relation to transformation. These elements range from blatant resistance, to more latent elements such as fragility, guilt and shame. Often, these latent strategies come in discursive forms and are thus particularly unproductive in relation to transformation, as they serve to engender a lack of active and meaningful engagement. Nevertheless, elements of prospective transformative potential within whiteness are identified in relation to white fatigue. Finally, it is submitted that cautionary and effective engagement with whiteness offers a complimentary avenue on the road to achieving holistic transformation, in aiming to facilitate normative diversity on all fronts.
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Thomas, Michael. "Reinventing the politics of deconstruction : translation, transformation and resistance." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.242444.
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Parker, Wendy Ann. "Political photomontage: transformation, revelation, and "truth"." Thesis, University of Iowa, 2011. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2755.
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This thesis focuses on how photomontage has been used by certain artists during periods of political unrest and artistic revolution. For the purposes of this study, "photomontage" is defined as any artwork into which a photograph is collaged in order to construct a political narrative. The photograph(s) may come from the mass media, or it can be privately created. This thesis is concerned with more than photomontage as a means of creating overtly political art, however. Specifically, Chapter One provides a general overview of the artwork and writing of the most politically motivated of the Dadas in Berlin, with particular attention to the work of Heartfield. Chapter Two examines the differing styles and goals of Hannah Höch versus the other Berlin Dadas, including Raoul Hausmann, with whom she worked closely from 1915 until 1922. Chapter Three is given to Kurt Schwitters, whose strong opinions about mixing art and politics provide a useful foil to the prevailing attitudes among his fellows. The final chapter considers photomontage as practiced by Martha Rosler in her "Bringing the War Home" works.
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Veak, Tyler. "Concretizing sustainable worlds environmentalism as a politics of technological transformation /." Lynchburg, Va. : Liberty University, 2003. http://digitalcommons.liberty.edu.
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Arghiros, Daniel. "Rural transformation and local politics in a central Thai district." Thesis, University of Hull, 1993. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:3589.
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This thesis is a study of socio-economic change and local electoral politics in a Central Thai district and is based on ethnographic research carried out between 1989 and 1990. Local electoral politics has received little attention in Thai studies in recent years. This thesis aims to fill this gap with detailed case studies of instances of elections for subdistrict head and provincial councillor positions. The cases reveal the practical and ideological strategies pursued by candidates and the means by which they mobilise the rural electorate and enlist the support of political patrons. The study describes candidates' use of local 'vote brokers', 'vote-buying' and political patronage. The parts played by members of a district-wide manufacturers' association, by national politicians and by religious leaders are also examined. The case studies serve to expose the contradictions between the rhetoric and practice of Thai local-level democracy.The strategies and structures of local politics are set within the context of a rapidly changing rural political economy. Two aspects of this, household economic differentiation and rural industry, are examined in detail. Economic differences between households are extreme and new relations of production are emerging. After surveying economic and social differences between households, the study focuses on a recently established brickmaking industry in 'Banglen' district. The industry is highly differentiated and relations of production are correspondingly complex. It is argued that owners of larger enterprises use patronage in their efforts to solve their problems with labour. The study describes an industry association that larger manufacturers have set up. The association promotes the interests of producers in several ways, not least by supporting members' attempts to win local office.Comparison of politicians' electoral strategies and employers' strategies with regard to labour reveals that there exists between them an underlying similarity. Both politicians and employers attempt to achieve their ends by drawing on the ideology of patronage and obligating the other in the relationship. Both use capital to construct obligations with moral connotations.
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Veak, Tyler J. "Concretizing Sustainable Worlds: Environmentalism as a Politics of Technological Transformation." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/30125.
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Andrew Feenberg, a philosopher of technology, argues for a democratic rationalization of technology, whereby subjugated actors intervene in the design process to achieve their interests. He claims that environmentalism represents one of the greatest opportunities for this kind of intervention. His suggestion seems viable; most if not all of the current environmental problems stem from maladaptive technologies. Transforming these technologies is therefore imperative if we are to move toward more sustainable societies. Feenberg, however, does not address the details of his proposal or offer more than a few brief examples of what he is advocating. I use Feenberg's Critical Theory of technology to analyze and assess various environmentalisms. Along the way I expose the deficiencies of his theory and attempt build on his work. One problem, however, is that environmentalism is by no means a homogonous entity; rather, it is composed of numerous strands with their own unique histories, aims, and strategies. I argue that of the various environmentalisms grassroots environmental justice resonates most with Feenberg's theory. To illustrate, I present a case study of the toxics movement that emerged out of the Love Canal incident. I conclude by showing how grassroots environmental justice could enhance their effectiveness by employing the suggested Critical Theory of technology.<br>Ph. D.
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Liu, Yining. "Onstage Transformation and Identity Politics in Contemporary Asian American Theater." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1510769465203704.
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Gassiep, Fadlah. "Disruptive bodies and peripheral politics: How naked protests disrupt the patriarchal public sphere." Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/33784.
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On 4 October 2016, three black female students at the University of Witwatersrand (hereafter Wits) in Johannesburg, South Africa staged a naked protest to call for a ceasefire during the peak of the #FeesMustFall (FMF) protests. The FMF movement emerged in late 2015 as a student revolt against costly higher education fees especially for black students in South Africa. Armed police fired rubber bullets, stun grenades, and teargas to stop ongoing FMF protests which shut down university operations as students vowed to protest until all their demands were met. Within this context, the three female students at Wits University stood topless and formed a buffer zone between mostly male protesting students and the police. The method of protest was however mostly received with condemnation by the public and received widespread attention on social media platforms where the focus shifted from the central issues that sparked the naked protest to predominantly body shaming the women and questioning their morality (Ndlovu, 2017:68). This response to the naked protest therefore raised questions around the continuous policing of women's bodies and the patriarchal structure of public space where naked protests are performed. This thesis will use the 2016 naked protest that took place during violent FMF clashes between the police, private security, and students at Wits University as a lens to explore the ways in which naked protests have been used as an empowering tool to challenge men and authorities in violent contexts. It will draw on the 1990 naked protest in Soweto in South Africa, the 2002 naked peace protest in Liberia, and the 2002 anti-oil naked protest in Nigeria to illustrate the trajectory of naked protests in different African societies and the unique ways in which women's nakedness and undress has been perceived with apprehension in these societies. The central question that this thesis intends to explore is why do naked protests by women in African societies trigger apprehension in bystanders and black authoritarian male figures? I argue that it is a powerful form of protest, beyond cultural symbolisms attached to senior black women's bodies, as it subverts patriarchal mores underpinned in public space that delineates when and how black women can be seen in the public domain. I argue that it also provides the space for black women to assert their presence in protest movements and broader society which is typically unappreciated and overlooked. The point is to illustrate how naked protests ultimately undermines patriarchal mores and essentially invalidates colonial ideologies that renders the black female body socially invisible.
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Scheske, Michael. "Politik und Internet : politische (Re-)Präsentation, Integration und Transformation durch elektronische Medien." Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4808/.
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Rezensierte Literatur:
Bieber, Christoph (2003): Das Internet als Präsentations- oder Repräsentationsraum. Kommunikation in politischen Online-Versammlungen, in: Gellner/Strohmeier (Hrsg), S. 139-153.
Gellner, Winand/Strohmeier, Gerd (Hrsg.) (2003): Repräsentation und Präsentation in der Mediengesellschaft, PIN-Jahrbuch 2003, Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft.
Herzog, Roland/Hoffmann, Bert/Schulz, Markus (2002): Internet und Politik in Lateinamerika. Einleitung und Vergleichende Betrachtung, Band 1 der Reihe Internet und Politik in Lateinamerika: Regulierung und Nutzung der neuen Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien im Kontext der politischen und wirtschaftlichen Transformation, Frankfurt am Main: Vervuert Verlag
Hoffmann, Bert (2002): Internet und Politik in Lateinamerika. Costa Rica, Band 2 der Reihe Internet und Politik in Lateinamerika: Regulierung und Nutzung der neuen Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien im Kontext der politischen und wirtschaftlichen Transformation, Frankfurt am Main: Vervuert Verlag.
Mai, Manfred (2003): Das Parlament in der Mediengesellschaft. Parlamentarische Debatte oder Talk-Show, in: Gellner/Strohmeier (Hrsg.), S. 13-27.
Schaper-Rinkel, Petra (2003): Die europäische Informationsgesellschaft. Technologische und politische Integration in der europäischen Politik, Münster: Verlag Westfälisches Dampfboot.
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Brock, Penohole. "Politics of reparations: unravelling the power relations in the Herero/Nama genocide reparations claims." Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/31354.
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The Herero/Nama Genocide (1904-1908) under German colonialism in Namibia is the first genocide of the twentieth century and has stirred debates around reparations for historical injustices. Reparative Justice has evolved into a victim-centric pillar of justice, in which perpetrators are legally and morally obligated to pay reparations in its several forms to its victims, including material and symbolic reparations. This thesis is a case study of reparations claims for historical injustices, specifically colonial genocide and explores such claims as a political process. Firstly, defining victims of genocide is a political process in which colonial atrocities have been blanketed by a lawless cover, previously ignoring the rights of the former colonised. The acknowledgement of genocide victims is a not only a necessary step to claiming reparations, but is part of Reparative Justice in which the perpetrator recognises its victims, offers a formal apology and make amends to the victims’ satisfaction. The acknowledgement of the Herero and Nama as victims of genocide has taken over a century for the German government to admit. Secondly, reparations claims is a political process in which requests are demanded and/or negotiated between perpetrator and victim. Germany’s previous foreign policy avoided terms such as 'genocide’ and 'reparations’, which has been a form of colonial amnesia. Namibian actors cannot easily forget the weight of the genocide and have had to negotiate and demand overdue justice in the face of colonial amnesia. Victim groups often do not speak with one voice, as noted in the Herero group, which is divided into general two camps: the Riruako group and the Maherero group. Under Paramount Chief Riruako, and his successor Rukoro, the Ovaherero Traditional Authority (OTA) have made several reparations claims to Germany over the last three decades. The Namibian government has previously played an unsupportive role, due to Germany’s annual development aid, which has undermined the position of the Riruako group. However, Riruako’s Motion on the Ovaherero Genocide in 2006, was unanimously passed and requested that the Namibian government facilitates negotiations between Germany and representatives of the affected communities. The two governments have since entered formal negotiations on how to address the past, however this has been resented by the OTA and some reparations organisations, who argue that the Namibian government have taken the lead on negotiations, rather than facilitate them. Those participating in government negotiations are the Maherero group, and those who have refused to join is the Riruako group, who have lodged a lawsuit in 2017 against the German government for reparations. In 2015, the German government admitted that its shared history with Namibia involved genocide. However, this acknowledgement has transferred limited power to the Namibian actors who continue to be undermined as 'equal’ counterparts to the German government. The German government continue to negotiate on their terms of redress, and have claimed state immunity towards the lawsuit. Therefore, there are small traces of colonial amnesia in Germany’s conduct despite its recent change in foreign policy.
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Treviño, González Mónica. "Race, hegemony, mobilisation : what roles for the state and for civil society? : the transformation of racial politics in Brazil." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102219.
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An enduring puzzle of race relations in Brazil is that for most of the 20th century this topic was conspicuously absent from politics, in spite of deep-rooted inequalities between whites and non-whites. The ideology of "racial democracy" effectively depoliticised the issue until the late 1990s, when a wide-ranging programme of affirmative action policies for Afro-Brazilians was implemented.<br>Beginning with the idea that the myth of racial democracy functioned as an ideological hegemony in the Gramscian sense, this dissertation seeks to explain the process through which public policies ceased to reflect this hegemonic ideology, and instead began to represent a counterhegemonic project. Contrary to traditional Gramscian analysis, I argue that a counterhegemonic project can be defended not only by civil society actors, but also by the state, and that the relative strength of counterhegemonic actors is often influenced by transnational factors. Indeed, I argue that when civil society actors lack the necessary strength to reach a leadership position in civil society that can counter the hegemonic order, a counterhegemonic confluence of civil society, state and transnational actors can produce this change.<br>An analysis of the evolution of racial politics in Brazil since the return of democratic rule in the 1980s demonstrates that such a confluence did indeed take place in Brazil, culminating at the United Nations World Conference Against Racism in Durban in 2001. A study of the implementation of admissions quotas for Afro-Brazilians in the state universities of Rio de Janeiro serves to confirm the importance of the contribution of the state and transnational actors, as well as to examine the limits of the confluence.
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Escobar-Rodriguez, Oliver. "Transformative practices : the political work of public engagement practitioners." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9915.
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Participatory and deliberative democracy have attracted global attention, both as a field of research and practice. This interest reflects ongoing experimentation with ideas and practices of stakeholder governance, collaborative policy-making and citizen participation. The institutionalisation of such practices in Scotland is taking place through local partnership arrangements and public engagement processes. In particular, the Scottish Government’s Community Planning policy mandates local authorities to develop partnerships where various sectors and organisations are summoned to engage in collaborative policy-making. Central to this agenda is the involvement of citizens and communities through an increasing number of official local forums. In this sense, Scotland resembles other countries where public authorities seek working combinations of strategic partnership governance and local citizen participation. Despite burgeoning interest and developments, however, scarce attention has been paid to the role of public engagement officials tasked with turning participatory and deliberative ideals into everyday practices. Indeed, we still know little about the policy work of official ‘public engagers’ who organise participatory processes by negotiating a contested milieu of actors and agendas, while being constrained and enabled by an evolving ecology of participation. Consequently, this thesis presents findings from two years of ethnographic fieldwork shadowing public engagers in a Scottish Local Authority Area. The uniqueness of these policy workers is that their expertise is not on a particular policy area, but on stakeholder and citizen engagement across policy domains. That is, their expertise is on process, and their job is to facilitate deliberative forums to inform local policy-making. The fundamental question addressed here is not whether participatory policy-making works, but rather how does it work, what kind of work does it take, and what kind of work does it do. By foregrounding the ‘how’ question, this thesis provides a new practice-based analytical framework to both understand and inform participation processes. The findings highlight the importance of the engagers’ political work, thus illustrating the disciplinary force of engagement practice and the contested nature of participatory policy-making. Understanding these dimensions offers insight into new political spaces for the renegotiation of the relationship between authorities and citizens. Accordingly, the research shows how public engagers work to open and develop such spaces in order to foster new relationships through a new ‘politics of process’. In addition, it explores the impact that this work has on the engagers’ community of practice, as well as the challenges they face as engagement work gets institutionalised. Therefore, the thesis offers a distinct ethnographic account of the role of agency in developing official local spaces for participatory and deliberative democracy in Scotland.
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Lee, Soon Ho. "Military transformation on the Korean Peninsula : technology versus geography." Thesis, University of Hull, 2011. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:5360.
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This thesis provides an explanation of one RMA issue: the effectiveness of contemporary military technology against tough geography, based upon case studies in the Korean peninsula. The originality of the thesis is that it will provide a sound insight for potential foes’ approach to the dominant US military power (superior technology and sustenance of war). The North Korean defence strategy – using their edge in geography and skill – tried to protect themselves from the dominant US power, but it may be impossible to deter or defeat them with technological superiority alone. This research also provides a valuable example, through Stephen Biddle’s technology and skill theory, which claims that, in the future of war, the skills of the unit (tactical readiness) are as important as the technology involved. By examining three case studies, the thesis aims to reveal that technological superiority alone cannot guarantee military success against the foe that possesses the geographic advantage and the capability to use its benefits. The first case study of the Imjin Wars will examine the significance of geography and capability to using the geographic edge in the Korean peninsula. The second case study of the Korean War will examine how technology alone failed to overcome the skilled and geographically advantageous defenders in modern warfare. Finally, by examining possible conflict scenarios of US-ROK alliance and North Korea, this research will seek to prove that contemporary military technology alone would not guarantee military success and deterrence against North Korea, which is both geographically advantaged and highly skilled. Publication date not given on thesis.
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Amber, Salwa Murbarak. "The political and economic transformation of Yemen, 1968-1998." Thesis, Durham University, 1999. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4861/.
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This thesis analyses the pohtical and economic transformation in the two Yemeni states - the YAR and the PDRY - over the period of 1968 to 1998. The unification process between the YAR and the PDRY is critically assessed in preparation and implementation phases over the period 1972 to 1990 under minority rule in both states. The thesis is critically focused on the minority impact of northern Shafais in the ex-PDRY leadership which led to serious struggles within and between the two Yemens out of which a hasty unification was resulted. The methodology employed in the research utilises many materials and opportunities made available to myself as a high-ranking member of the administration of the ex-PDRY and, subsequently, the Presidential Office of the ROY. Due to my position, I was able to witness the political system and procedures of Yemen first-hand. The data collected includes information from formal sources in Aden, San'a and the UK. This material was substantially added to with extensive interviews and meetings with public figures in Yemen and abroad who were, and are, important actors in the political history and contemporary political system of Yemen. The integration process was not successful because of several necessary conditions which were not present in either state in the preunification era or, indeed, after it. The two states had different experiences in terms of administration, policies and above all power structures. The two states had political and military confrontations in 1972 and 1979 along their border mainly because of the northern Shafais who wanted power legitimacy in either state or independently. Under such minority impact, the south sponsored revolutionary insurgencies in northern areas to force the admission of northern Shafais into the power centre of the north. The unification process throughout the 1970's and the 1980's was controversial but suddenly achieved its objective in May 1990 though in a hasty manner. A series of agreements took place on both sides with regional monitoring. The platforms on which these agreements were carried out, technically, politically and economically, were weak and rushed as varying factors were not taken seriously into account and the unification process was undertaken in an emotionally charged atmosphere. During the period of 1990 to 1994, the cooperative unification did not achieve success. The unified system had relatively good northern/southern representation but it was not effective. The northern tribal and the southern factional attitudes and approaches were too strong in the power centre to enhance the level of integration. The tribally-dominated power centre did not encourage a change in the administrative setup and the two sides wanted to impose their former systems on the national administration. As the capital, Sanaa, was in the ex-YAR territory, the central administration was predominantly characterised by the latter's system which was cumbersome and corrupt. The acceleration of political tensions between the two sides increased after the 1993 elections as a third northern party shared government, diminishing the southern share to a third. In view of the supremacy of southern natural resources, the southerners had a motive to seek deunification, and they duly did so. This was put down by the northern side which used force in the 1994 civil war. The thesis is concluded with three scenarios discussing the possible directions of the future political development of the Republic of Yemen, with a focus on how the ROY can escape from the predicament of sectarian dominated politics. The first of these scenarios envisages fundamental reforms taking place immediately so as to preserver the present unification system. The second proposes that amalgamated unification could be replaced by federalism. The third forwards a possibility that Yemen could fragment into many small states as a result of poor national administration and state management. These scenarios are founded in the analysis presented in the main body of the thesis by employing the arguments and dynamics identified as the failings of the current system in an analysis which would allow Yemen to enjoy a more prosperous and stable future.
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Bao, Hsiu-Ping. "Hamas' political transformation and engagement, 2003-2013." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/29514.
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This thesis aims to explore the process of Hamas’ political transformation and engagement between 2003 and 2013 as well as the implications of the transition. In general, conventional scholarship research on Hamas and its transition in politics focuses either on the discussion of its tendency to violence or on its orientation towards moderation. However, both analyses fail to capture the essence of Hamas’ political transition over the ten years under discussion. This thesis argues that Hamas’ transition is interrelated with its perception of resistance. That is to say, Hamas’ transition aimed to keep its resistance work intact. Hamas believed that because of its Zionist ideology, Israel would continue to occupy and colonize at Palestinians’ expense. Furthermore, past negotiations between the Palestinian Authority and Israel had not helped Palestinians but on the contrary, had intensified the Israeli occupation. Therefore, nothing but resistance would restore Palestinians’ rights and defend them against Israel’s aggression. Ever since its inception in 1987, resistance has been Hamas’ only strategy and its means to end the Israeli occupation. It is worth noting that Hamas sophisticated the concept of resistance into a ‘resistance project’ from 2003 onwards, and then enforced it after taking over Gaza in June 2007; and for Hamas, the elements of resistance are comprehensive. In order to end Israeli occupation, armed struggle is its major tactic but this includes: the necessity of the national unity of Palestinians, the need for substantial support from the Arab and Muslim states and the understanding of the West. This thesis argues that as long as the Israeli occupation is in place, it is inevitable that Hamas’ engagement in politics will be irreversible and its work on resistance will continue, irrespective of the circumstances. However, it might appear in a different form.
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Ross, James Magnus. "Crisis and transformation : French opera, politics and the press 1897-1903." Thesis, Oxford : The University, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb377183711.
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Kriel, Hennie. "Conflict transformation in South Africa : the impact of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission on social identity transformation." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1760.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.<br>For a long time, conflict studies have focussed on the grand national projects of negotiating peace, concluded by the major actors in the country, like political parties, as well as international mediating actors like the UN. This view on solving conflict as a set top-down process were in recent years challenged by new theories on how to solve conflict. The conflict settlement theory had to make ideological and practical space for others like conflict resolution and conflict transformation, in the broader arena of conflict management. In the last 3 decades, conflict transformation has grown into a formidable tool in explaining conflict and moves toward peace-building.
The fact that so many countries had collapsed back into civil war after their settlements, surely has something to say about the lack of longevity of some countries’ conflict settlement or conflict resolution approaches. This is why conflict transformation is such an attractive approach, especially in the case of South Africa. The political settlement of the early 1990s, that lead to an official peace, were also backed up by policies and programs to deal with the underlying causes and grievances that caused the conflict. The TRC was one aspect on post-1994 peace-building and enduring conflict transformation.
The importance of the TRC as a transformative vehicle has been highlighted by the fact that so many institutions and individuals have made work of it to study the impact of the TRC on social transformation in the post-war era. Although many surveys indicate that South Africans have come to deal with the past to varying degrees and are seeing the various groups in the country as intertwined with the future of the country, there are still many worrying aspects that have to be addressed: interracial understanding and trust, and tolerance for one’s former enemies. The TRC has done much to build bridges between the formerly segregated groups of South Africa and the aim of this paper is to shed some light on these changes in attitudes.
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Moore, Gerald Arthur. "The politics behind the establishment of United Nations-mandated fact-finding missions: the case of Myanmar." Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/30926.
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On 9 October 2016, a group of Rohingya militants, equipped with machetes, attacked police stations in northern Rakhine State (nRS), one of the most impoverished states in Myanmar, looting and killing nine police officers and injuring another five. In turn, military and police targeted and attacked Rohingya armed groups, killing many innocent civilians. On 24 March 2017, the European Union, supported by the United States, the United Kingdom and other countries, sponsored a United Nations resolution which gives effect to a UN factfinding mission to determine the facts on violations, especially in Rakhine State. With a view to challenging conventional explanations and views of United Nations-mandated fact-finding, this research study operationalizes a dynamic view of UN fact-finding. At first blush, a strong case can be made that these relatively extensively researched, and verified, across-case dynamics and processes arguably underlie the establishment of the UN-mandated fact-finding mission to Myanmar. However, structural explanations, like the gridlock in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), do not adequately take into account the timing of the establishment of this United Nations mandated fact-finding mission. The tatmadaw’s military operations have for many years been seen to involve systematic violations of human rights. Crimes such as arbitrary arrest, torture, or forced labour already featured centrally in the work on Myanmar by human rights organizations in the 1980s, and these and many other apparent human rights violations, to a certain extent, continue to preoccupy the United Nations. Furthermore, not only do structural explanations fail to take sufficient account of the dynamic interplay between domestic and international fact-finding and the strategic context in which they are established, but how the UN mission ‗reflects‘ the complexity of Myanmar‘s strategic context, characterised by the emergence and contestation of two audiences of legitimation. In this regard, this research study brings together two branches of scholarly literature‘ and focuses on the politics of the ‗here and now‘ and the contingencies of within case dynamics that underlie the establishment of the UN-mandated fact-finding mission to Myanmar. In this regard, structural explanations cannot fully account for how the UN-mission went from constituting an implicit challenge to the so-called ‗Annan Commission‘ to being framed as ‗complementary‘ to the Annan Commission. Bringing together two bodies of scholarly literature, this research study highlights how four factors in Myanmar‘s strategic context were key to the establishment of the UN-mission, namely, 1. increasing international debate and division over the ‗authority‘ of Aung San Suu Kyi; 2. a political shift within the UN headquarters towards an activist role; and 3. a critique of the United Nations‘ (UN) dominant approach in Myanmar, which has triggered a fourth, namely, 4. the contestation over the identity of the ‗audiences of legitimation.‘ This is most aptly illustrated by the establishment of the UN-mandate fact-finding mission to Myanmar, which ‗reflects‘ the complexity of Myanmar‘s strategic context, characterised by the contestation, navigation and co-optation of these now competing sources of legitimacy: the politics of personality and the politics of Rohingya victimhood. With a view to operationalizing Frederic Megret‘s (2016) ‗dynamic‘ view or conceptualization of international human rights fact-finding, it is argued that the establishment of the UN fact-finding mission to Myanmar is to be understood primarily in the context of the contested nature of the identity of ‗audiences of legitimation‘. Furthermore, this research study employs a process-tracing research methodology, looking to critical historical junctures where explanations challenge conventional wisdom of the literature, for example, that the UN-mandated fact-finding mission is intended to (only) discover the ‗truth about the past‘ or conceptualization of fact-finding that conflate what is ‗factual‘ with ‗the law‘ or presuppose a ‗fact-law distinction‘. Rather, United Nations-mandated fact-finding is a form of ‗discursive practise‘, established (primarily) with a view to the cultivation and maintenance of legitimacy.
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Brazdeikis, Arūnas. "Posovietinė transformacija Lietuvoje: politinio elito kaita." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2009. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2009~D_20090616_165152-71275.
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Darbe analizuojamas buvusios LTSR ir dabartinės Lietuvos politinis elitas, jo kaita ir transformacija atkūrus šalies nepriklausomybę.
Pagrindinis darbo tikslas – išsiaiškinti Lietuvos politinio elito kaitą keliais aspektais: kaip kito „senasis“ politinis elitas – kokią dalį dabartinio politinio elito sudaro buvę TSKP, LKP, LTSR AT ir kiti aukštus partinius ir valstybinius postus užėmę asmenys. Antra, kaip keičiasi „naujasis“ politinis elitas – kokią dalį parlamento ir Vyriausybės narių sudaro pirmą kartą išrinkti parlamentarai ir ministrai, kiek jų Seimo ar Vyriausybės darbe dalyvauja nebe pirmą kartą.
Tikslui pasiekti iškeliami septyni uždaviniai. Pirmiausiai kokios priežastys įtakojo pokomunistinės transformacijos procesus Vidurio ir Rytų Europoje, kaip prie to prisidėjo tuometinės M. Gorbačiovo ekonominės ir politinės reformos, kokį vaidmenį šiame procese suvaidino Lietuvos Persitvarkymo Sąjūdis, kaip transformacijos procesus ir politinio elito kaitą įtakoja politinės partijos, Lietuvos politinio elito bruožai ir kaita. Pastarajam uždaviniui įgyvendinti buvo atlikta Seimo ir Vyriausybių sudėties analizė.
Tyrimui atlikti naudojami aprašomasis, analitinis, lyginamasis ir statistinis metodai.
Gauti rezultatai parodė, jog pagrindinė ir svarbiausia Vidurio ir Rytų Europos valstybių išsivadavimo iš SSRS priežastis buvo M. Gorbačiovo pradėtos ekonominės ir politinės reformos, kurios paskatino Sovietų Sąjungos dezintegraciją.
M. Gorbačiovo „Pertvarka“ leido Lietuvoje nuo 1988... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]<br>This work is about Lithuania’s political elite, its change and transformation after the restoration of independence.
The main purpose of this work is to describe the change of Lithuania’s political elite, answering two questions. First of all, finding out the alternation of the “old” elites – how many of today’s political elite were members of Communist party of the USSR and LSSR, how many of them were members of The Supreme Soviet of the Lithuanian SSR. Second, finding out the alternation of the “new” elites – recirculation and change of parliament and government members of Lithuania.
To achieve these purposes there were formulated some goals. First of all, what were the reasons that influenced Post-Communist Transformation processes in Middle and Eastern Europe, what was the role of M. Gorbachev’s political and economical reforms in Post-Communist Transformation process and what was the impact of Sąjūdis the Reform Movement of Lithuania in the transformation processes. Secondly, how Lithuanian political parties influence democratization processes and elite change, what is the level of education of Lithuania’s political elite and finally, what is recirculation and change of parliament and government members’ of Lithuania.
To achieve these goals there were made a research analyzing the configuration and composition of parliament and government of Lithuania. Research was made using descriptive, analytical, comparative and mathematical methods.
The conclusion is that one of... [to full text]
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Murphy, William B. "Direct election of United States senators and the transformation of American politics." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU0NWQmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=3739.
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Sudbury, Julia. "Other kinds of dreams : black women's organisations and the politics of transformation." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1997. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/34660/.
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Sociological accounts of political activism in African Caribbean and Asian communities in Britain have largely overlooked the role of black women as agents and have contributed toward an image of passivity, apathy and exclusion. This thesis examines the black women's organisations which have emerged since the early 1970s. Drawing on unpublished materials from over 30 organisations, participant observation at conferences and meetings and semi-structured interviews with 25 women activists. the thesis provides evidence that black women have been highly politically active despite immense barriers, both internal and external to their communities. This thesis explores the relevance of theoretical insights on identity formation, diversity and difference to black women's organising. I argue that black women's organisations have used a variety of strategies to manage the tension between the desire for a nuanced and differentiated notion of black womanhood and the need for political unity. In so arguing, I explore recent attacks on the term 'black', and identify a number of strengths in its continuing usage as a political and cultural definition. I also explore the extent to which increasing social stratification within black communities has the potential to undermine this unity and to create incompatible personal and organisational goals. Finally, I examine coalition building between black women and black men, white women and the labour movement. I identify a number of barriers to effective partnership but argue that there are a range of recent developments which may open up the possibility of building coalitions for social transformation. In conclusion, I argue that black women have formed independent organisations on the basis of a broad-based and visionary politics of transformation which has a number of unifying elements. These factors form the basis of a strategic unity which they have forged across differences of ethnicity, religion, nationality, class and sexuality.
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Van, Niekerk Kate. "Fashioning transformation? Implications for the politics of recognition among Cape Town youth." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/6807.
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This thesis explores the novel idea that fashion may assist in creating social justice and transformation in post-apartheid South Africa. 2Bop takes its inspiration from the classic arcade video games of the eighties and nineties, and the experiences of playing them as a child on the Cape Flats. The brand references Cape Flats 'corner shop culture' and 'Kaapse' (Cape Afrikaans dialect) slang. The thesis looks at the literature around the politics of recognition, pioneered by Charles Taylor, in order to try and understand whether a fashion brand with a broad customer base could produce a shared recognition between young people across pervasive apartheid divides - especially in Cape Town, which is still visibly and geographically divided along lines of race and class. The research was done through in-depth open-ended interviews with 35 participants of different races, classes and backgrounds;; as well as fieldwork done in stores where the brand is sold, and at various events around Cape Town. The participants divided roughly into two groups: a more multiracial, middle class group in the Cape Town City Bowl and an entirely coloured, working class group in Bishop Lavis on the Cape Flats. Through two overarching themes that emerged from the data, nostalgia and authenticity, this thesis reveals the complex ways that people identify with their clothing, their history, and one another. Firstly, 2Bop inspires nostalgia for both playing the actual games, as well as the spaces where the games were played. However these experiences are politicized by the environments in which they were set, and reveal the contradictions of a nostalgia for an 'ordinary' childhood on the Cape Flats that involved both pleasure and pain. This sense of nostalgia is rooted in the anxieties of the present and this is illustrated further by the emphasis put on the brand being 'authentic' and the assertion of boundaries between who 'gets it' and who does not. The ideal of authenticity speaks to anxieties of class and race deprivation and social mobility between Cape Town and the Cape Flats ?the fear of 'selling out', the need to remain connected to one's roots without becoming stuck, the desire to feel like one has ownership of an identity as a young person in a fledgling democracy that is constantly in flux.
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Swarts, Jonathan P. "The politics of economic policy transformation : neoliberalism in the Anglo-American Democracies /." The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488196234911004.
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Ta, Thanh. "Recreating the Rwandan state and Citizen : an analysis of diaspora politics and its role in transforming Rwandan identities." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20609.
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This dissertation utilizes a descriptive case study method to provide a comprehensive and critical analysis of identity politics in Rwanda. More specifically, this thesis situates identity politics in nation building in post-genocide Rwanda. In order to do so, this study examines diaspora engagement politics. The central question in this thesis is: In what ways, and to what extent, have identity politics affected the nation building project in post-genocide Rwanda, in relation to its diaspora? Rwanda's turbulent history raises many issues regarding the political and social construction of Rwandan identity, but scholarship has not thoroughly examined the diaspora and state engagement with the diaspora. This thesis sought to examine these dynamics. It will do so by examining: (1) the ways in which the Rwandan Patriotic Front reconfigured identities inside Rwanda by perpetuating the narrative of unity; (2) the collective identities ascribed to groups of citizens inside and outside Rwanda, based on this government narrative; (3) how the RPF governed perceptions abroad; and finally (4) the education programs to shape the ideal Rwandan citizen. This thesis concludes that the Rwandan government, while trying to rebuild the nation, has failed to transcend divisive identities that have pervaded in Rwanda. Instead, it has created a tightly controlled political space in which a restrictive single identity and narrative existed; furthermore, identity politics have been increasingly manipulated and controlled by the state apparatus. The state's engagement with its diaspora illustrates this.
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Simsek, Elif. "Post-soviet Political Transformation In Ukraine (1991-2004)." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12606745/index.pdf.
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This thesis seeks to examine the post-Soviet political transformation in Ukraine between 1991 and 2004. Since Ukraine declared independence in 1991, the problems of political transformation to democracy in Ukraine have affected the outbreak of the Orange Revolution. The thesis attempts to examine the problems of post-Soviet political transformation in Ukraine under Leonid Kravchuk and Leonid Kuchma in order to analyse the dynamics of the Orange Revolution in 2004. The dynamics of the Orange Revolution are in part a result of the mass movements against the ongoing problems of the post-Soviet political transformation to democracy in Ukraine. This thesis also argues that the Orange Revolution does not indicate the conclusion of the political transformation in Ukraine, since the problems of the political transformation in Ukraine still remain as it has been seen in the short-term evolution of the political progress of Viktor Yushchenko, who elected to the presidency in the 2004 presidential elections.
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Mayr, Fabian Patrick. "Consciousising Relatedness. Systemic Conflict Transformation in Political Constellations." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Jaume I, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/669142.
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Los conflictos son. En esta frase, aparentemente incompleta, residen muchos elementos importantes para el estudio de los conflictos y su transformación - la práctica. En una visión más reciente de los conflictos, estos no son percibidos como algo estrictamente negativo, limitados por el tiempo y violentos, sino principalmente como relacionales, que no deben ser juzgados de antemano, considerados desde un enfoque positivo y, sobre todo, transformables.
Esta es la noción de los conflictos que será fundamental en este trabajo según la encontramos en el discurso contemporáneo sobre la transformación de los conflictos. De esta manera, los conflictos están omnipresentes en por lo menos cuatro dimensiones de nuestro Ser fenomenológico: intrapersonal, interpersonal, estructural y cultural. Los conflictos siempre tienen elementos psicológicos y sociológicos que coexisten y por lo tanto habrá que contemplar lo psicosocial de ¿Quién y cómo soy yo en los sistemas sociales? Nuestro Ser está siempre vinculado a los sistemas de los cuales formamos parte. No podemos no formar parte de ciertos sistemas. Tan pronto como la vida humana comienza, tan pronto como estamos en el mundo, es la familia; son padres y niños. De esta manera nuestro Ser sistémico está más entre nosotros que en nosotros. Las relaciones que formamos y que naturalmente tenemos nos influyen mucho más de lo que yo soy como individuo.
La hipótesis de este trabajo es: "La esencia de la transformación de conflictos son las relaciones dentro de, y en particular entre, las partes en conflicto. Una mayor consciencia acerca de la relacionalidad suscitada con el método fenomenológico de las constelaciones sistémicas, permite acercarse con más transcendencia al Ser, el cual consiste en cuatro dimensiones: translocalidad, -personalidad, -racionalidad, y -temporalidad."<br>Conflicts are. This seemingly incomplete sentence bears many insights for the study of
conflicts and their transformation - the practise. A newer consciousness of conflicts perceives
them not per se as something negative, timely limited and violent but as first of all relational,
not to be immediately judged on, also positive, and only transformable.
This is the notion of conflicts that will be underlying this work and as we find it in the
contemporary conflict transformation discourse (e.g. Lederach, 2005, 2007a; Galtung, 2000;
Senghaas, 2004; Wills and others, 2006). Thereby conflicts are ubiquitously present on at
least four dimensions of our phenomenological Being (Heidegger, 1995): the intrapersonal,
the interpersonal, the structural, and the cultural one (e.g. Lederach and Maiese, 2003;
Galtung, 2003). Conflicts always have psychological and sociological elements which coexist
and therefore have to be contemplated psychosocially of: How and who am I in social
systems? Our Being is always bound to systems we are forming part of. We cannot not be in
systems. As soon as human life is formed, as soon as we are in the world, is family; are
parents and child (Mahr, 1996). Thereby our systemic Being is more between us than in us.
The relationships we form and naturally have, shape us much more than what I am
individually
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Thorpe, Ann. "Design and Political Resistance : Tactics, Power, and Transformation." Thesis, Open University, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.524786.
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Yu, Jung-Min. "Political economy of power liberalization and power transformation." Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, 270 p, 2010. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1997524051&sid=4&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Delaware, 2009.<br>Principal faculty advisors: Young-Doo Wang, School of Urban Affairs & Public Policy; and John Byrne, Center for Energy and Environmental Policy. Includes bibliographical references.
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Bunker, Stephen Thomas. "#Strawopolis' : the transformation of Luton 1840-1876." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.389832.
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