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1

Altymyshova, Zuhra. "October Revolution and Soviet Class Struggle Policy in Kyrgyzstan." Central Asia 81, Winter (2018): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-81.100.

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In the middle of the XIX century, the territory of contemporary Kyrgyzstan was conquered by the Tsarist Russia. Later, in 1917, as a result of the October Revolution, the Tsarist regime was replaced by the Soviet rule. In the territory of Kyrgyzstan, it was established firstly in the southern and western regions of the country, such as Suluktu and Kyzyl-Kiya, Osh and Talas, where the largest industrial enterprises, mines, railway junctions and most of the workers and soldiers were concentrated. However, already by the mid 1918, the Soviet government managed to spread its power to the entire region of Kyrgyzstan.
 In 1924, the Turkestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, established on April 30, 1918, was reorganized into a new administrative division. As the part of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR), on October 24, 1924 the Kara Kyrgyz Autonomous Region was formed. On May 25, 1925 the Kara Kyrgyz Autonomous Region was renamed into the Kyrgyz Autonomous Region. Then on February 01, 1926 it was restructured into the Kyrgyz Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. On December 05, 1936 it became a separate constituent republic of the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) known as the Kyrgyz Soviet Socialist Republic. Along with other 15 Soviet Socialist states, Kyrgyzstan had been the member of the USSR for about 70 years, from 1919 till 1991.
 The current paper focuses on the processes of social transformation under the Soviet regime, especially the implementation of class struggle policy and its impact on Kyrgyzstan. In comparison with the interventions from the Tsarist Russia, the social transformation process undertaken under the Soviet system was quite different. In the territory of the Kyrgyz traditional society, the Tsarist Russia made only some social reorganization, but the Soviets brought radical changes in to the socio-political organizations of the Kyrgyz people. The paper seeks to understand how the Soviet Union tried to reconstruct the Kyrgyz society during the 1920s and 1930s. In addition, the paper will analyze the methods and mechanisms of the social transformation processes and the measures used by the Soviet government in their socio-political ‘battles’ against the local elites, and the influence of the new system on the existing socio-economic stratification in the context of the Kyrgyz society. During the Soviet period the prevalent scientific vision about the major historical events of the time was based on the Communist ideology. Therefore, the main aim of the paper is to analyze and describe an objective overview of the history of Soviet class struggle policy. The paper is based on the research of local archival documents, published sources and oral materials.
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2

Khalid, Adeeb. "Backwardness and the Quest for Civilization: Early Soviet Central Asia in Comparative Perspective." Slavic Review 65, no. 2 (2006): 231–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4148591.

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Much recent scholarship has seen Soviet Central Asia as directly comparable to the overseas colonies of modern European states. In this article, Adeeb Khalid takes issue with this trend. European colonial rule, he argues, was predicated on the perpetuation of difference, while the Soviets sought to conquer it. Central Asia was indeed subject to colonial rule in the tsarist period, but its transformation in the early Soviet period was the work, instead, of a different kind of polity—an activist, interventionist, mobilizational state that sought to transform its citizenry. Khalid compares the transformations of the early Soviet period in Central Asia with the reforms of the early republic in Turkey, which were strikingly similar in intent and scope. This comparative perspective brings out the substantial differences between colonial empires and modern mobilizational states; confusing the two can only lead to a fundamental misunderstanding of modern history.
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3

BOROVIK, Maria V. "Socio-cultural analysis of censorship in the USSR and the tsarist period of Russia." Service plus 18, no. 3 (2024): 14–24. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14466750.

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The article examines the genesis of censorship, analyzes the distinctive characteristics of the work of censorship departments in Tsarist times and the USSR. It is proved that in the pre-revolutionary period, preliminary censorship prevailed, works were banned before they were published. This made it possible to control the published materials and prevent the spread of dissent. In the Soviet Union, punitive censorship was mainly in effect, involving punishments of authors, up to repression. Along with this, preliminary censorship continued to function, but it was latent in nature. Despite the omnipotence of control over works and authors in Soviet times, censorship still could not completely stop the development of cultural discourse, which entailed hidden resistance and underground creativity (samizdats). The article provides examples of various methods of punitive censorship in the USSR, examines such a phenomenon as denunciations, which were extremely popular among Soviet citizens. The novelty of the article lies in the analysis of the mechanism of mass media control in pre-revolutionary and Soviet times using a cultural and historical approach. The empirical basis was scientific works on this topic, censors' diaries, and articles in the media themselves.
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4

Gurbanova, Gulnara. "Stages of Historical Development of Azerbaijan Education System: From the 19th Century to the Period of Independence." Eminak, no. 4(48) (January 10, 2025): 25–41. https://doi.org/10.33782/eminak2024.4(48).749.

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The purpose of the research paper is to study the main stages of Azerbaijan education system’s historical development from the 19th century to the period of independence by analyzing key educational reforms and their impact in different eras, including Tsarist Russia, the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic, and various Soviet periods, emphasizing their contribution to the cultural and intellectual development of the nation. The scientific novelty is in the comprehensive analysis of the development of Azerbaijan education system over several historical periods. Summarizing various sources and exploring little-known reforms and regional specificities, the complex relationship between political changes and educational policy is uncovered, bringing a new perspective on the evolution of the educational landscape of Azerbaijan. Conclusions. The historical development of the education system in Azerbaijan has been marked by significant transformations under the influence of various political, social, and economic changes. Each stage has contributed much to the evolution of educational policy and infrastructure from the tsarist era to the period of independence. The tsarist period laid the foundation for secular education, combining traditional and up-to-date subjects. That era was marked by introducing the Russian language and culture into the local education system. The period of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic led to important reforms aimed at creating a national education system. Establishing Baku State University and supporting students studying abroad enhanced the nation’s intellectual and cultural growth. Under Soviet rule, significant progress was made in expanding access to education and increasing literacy rates. The Soviet emphasis on education led to the establishment of numerous schools and higher education institutions, although it also imposed ideological restrictions that affected the content and trends of study programs. The collapse of the USSR necessitated the creation of a national education system free from Soviet influence, which laid the foundation for future achievements. In general, the evolution of the education system in Azerbaijan reflects a complex interaction of external influences and internal reforms. Each historical period has contributed to forming a solid educational base, laying the foundation for further progress after gaining independence. Understanding the history is crucial for assessing the current state of education in Azerbaijan and planning its future development.
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5

Owen, Thomas C. "Chukchi Gold: American Enterprise and Russian Xenophobia in the Northeastern Siberia Company." Pacific Historical Review 77, no. 1 (2008): 49–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2008.77.1.49.

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During the gold rush in Nome, Alaska, neither Russians nor Americans found significant quantities of gold on the Chukchi Peninsula, across the Bering Strait from the Seward Peninsula. Despite its failure, the documents of the Northeastern Siberian Company (1902––1914) and the memoirs of its managers and employees illuminate important contrasts between the political and cultural perspectives of its founders in St. Petersburg and those of its agents in Seattle. The Russian criticisms of American managers of the company also place the Soviet government's antipathy to American capitalism in historical context. Despite many differences between the tsarist and Marxist-Leninist ideologies, the hostile stereotypes of Americans expressed by tsarist officials and Russian capitalists in St. Petersburg persisted into the Soviet and post-Soviet periods.
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6

Klimiuk, Zbigniew. "Stosunki gospodarcze i handlowe ZSRR – Niemcy w latach 1918–1940 (część 1)." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 9, no. 1 (2018): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.3364.

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The author analyzes in his paper the economic and trade relations between Germanyand the Soviet Union in the period of 1918–1944. During this period trade relations withGermany constituted a continuation of relations between Tsarist Russia and Germany beforeWorld War I. The German-Soviet Economic Agreement of October 12, 1925, formed specialconditions for the mutual trade relations between the two countries. In addition to the normalexchange of goods, German exports to the Soviet Union were based from the very beginningon a system negotiated by the Soviet Trade Mission to Berlin under which the Soviet Union wasgranted loans for financing additional orders from Germany. Trade with Soviet Union, promotedby the first credit-based operations, led to a dynamic exchange of goods, which reached itshighest point in 1931. In the early 1930s, however, Soviet imports decreased as regime assertedpower and its weakened adherence to the disarmament requirements of the Treaty of Versaillesdecreased Germany’s reliance on Soviet imports. In addition, the Nazi Party’s ascent to powerincreased tensions between Germany and the Soviet Union. In the mid-1930s, the Soviet Unionmade repeated efforts at reestablishing closer contacts with Germany. The Soviets chieflysought to repay, with raw materials, the debts which arose from earlier trade exchange, whileGermany sought to rearm, therefore both countries signed a credit agreement in 1935. The saidagreement placed at the disposal of the Soviet Union until June 30, 1937, the loans amountingto 200 million Reichsmarks, to be repaid in the period 1940–1943. The Soviet Union used183 million Reichsmarks from this credit. The preceding credit operations were, in principle,liquidated. Economic reconciliation was hampered by political tensions after the Anschluss inmid-1938 and Hitler’s increasing hesitance to deal with the Soviet Union. However, a new periodin the development of Soviet–German economic relations began after the Ribbetrop–MolotovAgreement, which was concluded in August of 1939.
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7

Abdulaxad, Sadikov. "ҚАТАҒОН ЙИЛЛАРИДА ДИНДОРЛАРНИНГ ТАҚДИРИ". TAMADDUN NURI JURNALI 11, № 62 (2024): 344–47. https://doi.org/10.69691/76be5w25.

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The article describes the activities of religious figures in our country in the 20th century, their relationship with the authorities, as well as the difficult religious situation during the period of tsarist Russia and the Soviet Union. The author analyzes the events associated with the creation of the religious administration of Muslims of Central Asia and Kazakhstan, the period of the muftis of the Babakhan dynasty and draws the appropriate conclusions.
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8

Bolshakova, Olga. "Consumerism in the Russian Empire and the USSR: a glance from foreign historians." Social novelties and Social sciences, no. 2 (2020): 37–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/snsn/2020.02.02.

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The paper deals with the recent Western historical writing on consumerism in the tsarist and Soviet Russia, introducing the predominant narrative that describes historic developments in the sphere of consumption. In the focus is the formation of consumer culture in the period from the 1880s to the 1930s with a special attention to retailing, fashion industry, advertisement, and entertainment.
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9

Borisov, Valeriy. "Commodity Exchange in the First Months of Soviet Power with Participation of Consumer Cooperation (January – April, 1918)." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 2 (54) (September 4, 2021): 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2021-54-2-173-187.

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The food crisis in Russia arose during the years of the First World War. The tsarist government and the Provisional Government tried to solve this problem, but to no avail. The food crisis, as it was by inheritance, passed to the Soviet regime. All authorities had to solve the food problem in the conditions of constant 
 military and revolutionary upheavals, and this problem, from the socio-economic, passed into the political sphere. Famine predetermined revolutionary upheaval in the country. 
 The article covers the period from January to April, 1918. At this time the Austro-German army advances in southern Russia. The military, political, and socio-economic situation of the new government was extremely difficult. The Soviet government had to support the grain monopoly introduced by the tsarist and 
 confirmed by the Provisional Governments, although it was not officially confirmed and even introduced by the new government. To strengthen its position, the Soviet government took a number of measures to resolve the food problem. The most important, even the main one was the exchange of goods between the 
 city and the village. It was necessary to save the urban population from hunger, to supply the army with food. It should be noted that the initial measures including in the exchange policy of the Soviet government were not of a violent nature. The country had industrial reserves for commodity exchange in the country: manu-
 factory, high-grade iron, etc. remaining from tsarism. Everything was sent to the village. There is an opinion that the Soviet government gave industrial products to the peasantry for nothing and that was true. But commodity exchange made it possible to alleviate the food crisis in the cities, feed the army, and politically 
 strengthen the Soviet power. For the exchange of goods, it was necessary to attract various regulatory bodies of the country that were engaged in the procurement and distribution of bread. 
 This article highlights the role of consumer cooperation, which was underexplored in the historical literature, in the commodity exchange. Specific examples, facts and figures are given for the bread producing provinces in southern Russia.
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10

Sabdanbekova, Z., and A. Sadykova. "The historiography of the demography of Pavlodar priirtyshye." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical Sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 142, no. 1 (2023): 76–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2023-142-1-76-92.

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The article provides a historiographic analysis of the demographic development of the population of Pavlodar region. As a result of comprehensive research in the context of a particular region, the influence of events of national history on the socio-demographic development were studied, which made it possible to identify the consequences of historical events in more depth. Classification, differentiation and analysis of regional features provides an opportunity to determine the impact on the demographic development of the population, serves as a basis for scientific hypothesis in determining the causes of socio-demographic problems. In the pre-revolutionary period, studies concerning the population of the Pavlodar region consisted mainly of statistical data provided by officials of the tsarist government and travelers. There are almost no special historical demographic studies. Pre-revolutionary studies consisted of statistical data provided by officials of the tsarist government and travelers. Most of the works written in Soviet times are characterized by an analysis of the quantitative and qualitative composition of the population, problem of labour resources. Works during the years of Independence focus on an analysis of the colonial policy of the Tsarist government, the consequences of Soviet policy, the specifics and causes of socio-demographic development of regions.
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11

Klimiuk, Zbigniew. "Stosunki gospodarcze i handlowe ZSRR – Niemcy w latach 1918–1940 (część 2)." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 9, no. 2 (2019): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.2999.

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The author analyzes in his paper the economic and trade relations between Germany and the Soviet Union in the period of 1918–1944. During this period trade relations with Germany constituted a continuation of relations between Tsarist Russia and Germany before World War I. The German-Soviet Economic Agreement of October 12, 1925, formed special conditions for the mutual trade relations between the two countries. In addition to the normal exchange of goods, German exports to the Soviet Union were based, from the very beginning, on a system negotiated by the Soviet Trade Mission in Berlin under which the Soviet Union was granted loans for financing additional orders from Germany. Trade with the Soviet Union, promoted by the first credit-based operations, led to a dynamic exchange of goods, which reached its highest point in 1931. In the early 1930s, however, Soviet imports decreased as the regime asserted power and its weakened adherence to the disarmament requirements of the Treaty of Versailles decreased Germany’s reliance on Soviet imports. In addition, the Nazi Party’s rise to power increased tensions between Germany and the Soviet Union. In the mid-1930s, the Soviet Union made repeated efforts at reestablishing closer contacts with Germany. The Soviets chiefly sought to repay, with raw materials the debts which arose from earlier trade exchange, while Germany sought to rearm, therefore both countries signed a credit agreement in 1935. That agreement placed at the disposal of the Soviet Union until June 30, 1937 the loans amounting to 200 million Reichsmarks which were to be repaid in the period 1940–1943. The Soviet Union used 183 million Reichsmarks from this credit. The preceding credit operations were, in principle, liquidated. Economic reconciliation was hampered by political tensions after the Anschluss in the mid-1938 and Hitler’s increasing hesitance to deal with the Soviet Union. However, a new period in the development of Soviet-German economic relations began after the Ribbetrop–Molotov Agreement, which was concluded in August of 1939.
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12

MEMMEDLI, Gülnara GOCA. "Education History of Meskhetian (Ahiskaian) Turks: Tsarist Russia Period." International Education Studies 14, no. 1 (2020): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ies.v14n1p108.

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When we talk about Meskhetian/Ahiskaian Turks, it is perceived that the Turkish community with a population of approximately 200 thousand existed in the Meskhetian/Samtskhe-Javakheti region of Georgia, who was exiled from their ancestral lands to the Central Asian countries in 1944 by the Soviet government. Due to its settled position, Ahiskaian Turkishness has been a gateway between Anatolia and the Caucasus, in other words, between the regions and civilizations, as well as the unifying bridge of Anatolian and Azerbaijani Turks. After the exile, this position expanded further, and it also assumed the role of the cultural carrier of Central Asia, Anatolia, and Azerbaijan. Today about 150 thousand Meskhetian Turks live in Kazakhstan, 100 thousand in Turkey, 100 thousand in Azerbaijan, 100 thousand in the Russian Federation, 50 thousand in Kyrgyzstan, 15 thousand in Uzbekistan, 10 thousand in the United States, 10 thousand live in Ukraine and 1,500 in Georgia. As they live in different countries, Meskhetian Turks are defined as a trans-national community. It is known that Meskhetian Turks have a rich cultural heritage. The modern type of schooling process of this community has an important historical background. In the presented article, the schools that operated before the Turks' 1944 evacuation from the historical Meskhet-Javakheti region in south-west Georgia are investigated. At the end of the 19th century, the new type of credit schools gave education in the Turkish language and opened in the villages of the Turks inhabited by the Turks in the Akhaltsikhe District in the province of Tiflis in Tsarist Russia, is being studied. In this context, the activity history of the primary schools established in the villages of Atsquri and Okam in 1881, Khertvisi in 1885, Adigeni in 1895, Oshora, Tsnisi, and Varkhani in 1897, the content of education in these schools, the contributions of reformist teachers who lit the light of enlightenment in the Akhaltsikhe cultural region, information specific to students is presented. The study's subjective sources and materials are mainly related materials in the Central Historical Archives of the National Archive of Georgia in Tbilisi.
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13

Nadekhina, Yuliya Petrovna, and Kristina Evgen'evna Kostrikova. "The role of the Ministry of Finance of Tsarist Russia in the creation of professional periodicals in the interests of domestic entrepreneurs." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 3 (March 2022): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2022.3.37683.

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The Ministry of Finance of tsarist Russia, after its formation in 1802, played an important role in the life of the country, was one of the most influential in the government. The authors show that the needs of Russia's economic development have pushed the information aspect to one of the leading places in the activities of the government of tsarist Russia. Based on the study of historiographical materials of the Soviet and post–Soviet periods, as well as with the involvement of pre-revolutionary materials, the article examines the active role of the Ministry of Finance of tsarist Russia at the turn of the XIX - XX centuries, which contributed to the development of professional periodicals in the field of trade, industry and finance, which played a certain role in the formation of the domestic entrepreneurial class and reflected the development of capitalism in our country. The Ministry of Finance provided the domestic business community and the interested public with high-quality periodicals covering commercial and industrial activities in the country and abroad. One of such publications is the "Trade and Industrial Newspaper". The article examines the prerequisites for the emergence and stages of formation of one of the popular publications of pre–revolutionary Russia - a Trade and industrial newspaper, which not only fulfilled its main mission by providing information of a commercial and financial nature, but also gradually turned into an authoritative socio-political publication. This publication is the most important source for the study of various aspects of the financial, economic and socio-political life of the Russian Empire during this period.
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14

ISAKHANLI, HAMLET. "Wavering Azerbaijani Literati Views of America: From the Russian Tsarist through the Modern Periods." Journal of American Studies 48, no. 3 (2014): 839–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875813001990.

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The historical thoughts and opinions of one nation regarding another are useful both for the purpose of analyzing global events and for understanding both nations. Until modern times, the Azerbaijani people did not have contact with the USA or widespread knowledge of American people, but throughout the past two centuries elite Azerbaijani thinkers and scholars have expressed interest in America from various viewpoints, including the political, scientific, and educational fields. The article reviews statements about the USA as they are documented in the publications by Azerbaijani historians, journalists, creative writers, educators, and politicians from the 1830s through to contemporary times. Using these documents, and poetry of Soviet times, the article analyzes Azerbaijani perspectives on America, which over time have wavered, both upwards and downwards, but often reflected the prevailing political ideology towards the USA, particularly during the Soviet period.
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15

Baghdasaryan, S. D., and T. A. Samsonenko. "Contribution of soviet historians to the development of domestic people’s studies." Scientific bulletin of the Southern Institute of Management, no. 2 (June 25, 2020): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31775/2305-3100-2020-2-109-114.

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The article is devoted to the contribution of Soviet domestic science to the study of the peasant class in the second half of the XVIII century. in the Russian Empire. The position of the peasantry in state policy is analyzed, and the scientific schools of the Soviet period specializing in the study of the system of serfdom are considered. The question is raised about the scientific achievements of Soviet historical science in the complex of using the existing approaches, scientific schools, and the system of knowledge about the development of the peasantry in the Russian Empire in the second half of the XVIII century. The study of social and economic processes of development of the peasant class during the evolution of feudal relations was the most popular topic of scientific research in Soviet historiography. The problems related to the condition of dependent peasants during the period of serfdom in tsarist Russia deserve careful study and continue to arouse interest in the works of Russian researchers.
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16

Anderson, Richard D., Valery I. Chervyakov, and Pavel B. Parshin. "Words Matter: Linguistic Conditions for Democracy in Russia." Slavic Review 54, no. 4 (1995): 869–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501397.

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How does language influence politics? Usually when this question is posed, it is understood to concern relations within a polity among communities whose members speak different languages. Our concern, however, is what contribution politicians’ language may make to the choice between authoritarianism or democracy. Of course, we reject any reduction of that determination to language alone.The study of change in political Russian during the Soviet and post-Soviet era has concentrated on the consequences of variation in content. As Meyer observed, during the Soviet period scholars mainly evaluated the degree to which “routine thinking in terms of the official doctrine … [exerted] an effect on actions taken or not taken…” Remington called attention to the existence in the Soviet period of “two interdependent but opposed codes,” one for “the ritualized world of public life” and the other for private interaction—a difference that, as early as 1960, Tucker had traced back to origins in tsarist Russia.
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17

Preisegalaviciene, Lina. "The Heritage of Tsarist Russia’s Military Forts as an Object of Postcolonial Revision: Case of the Kaunas School of Art Building 1922–1923." Culture and Arts in the Modern World, no. 24 (September 22, 2023): 253–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31866/2410-1915.24.2023.287707.

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The aim of the article is to rethink which objects in contemporary Lithuania are worth being European cultural heritage and which are not — as many of them are now being used by the neighboured aggressive country as examples (politicised arguments) for today’s Russia’s imperial historical narratives. Results of the research demonstrate that the discussion on mitigations of Tsarist Russia’s military forts heritage is a new topic, as the recent decades in Lithuania have shown that the heritage of military forts’ architecture in the post-soviet decades is being protected even more than in Soviet Russia’s occupation period. So, this trend in Lithuanian cultural Heritage research emerges as an object worth deeper postcolonial revision. Significant is building the future from the past. Within this frame of thinking, the article invites us to remember the national history and select well-known cases from the country’s past as most valuable for national and cultural identity. The example of the famous 100-year-old Art School building in Kaunas city (which in the interwar period 1918–1940 was the temporary capital of the Republic of Lithuania) was chosen as the article’s main case study. After 100 years, there are no longer any doubts or debates as to how much the area of the 9th battery in Kaunas Oaks Hill (Ąžuolų kalnas) has “suffered” due to the fact that the complex of buildings of the Lithuanian national Art School was built in a Tsarist Russia military fortress plot. This is evidenced by the other mentioned cases — today outstanding national cultural heritage objects were built a century ago replacing Tsarist Russia’s military architecture, meanwhile, according to the laws in force today — these buildings should be protected. Conclusions. Russia’s war against Ukraine, it’s the right time to reassess countries’ critical heritage: in which situations it is worth, how much it is worth, and in which it is no longer worth protecting the architectural heritage of military power formed by Tsarist Russia, especially when it is ruined and too difficult to adapt it to the needs of modern people.
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Trusova, Maria. "The German Loan to the USSR in Bilateral Negotiations and from the Position of the Western Powers." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 3(63) (December 19, 2023): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2023-63-3-135-145.

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The early 1920s was a period of restoration of the states that had participated in the First World War. In Soviet Russia, this process took place within the framework of the New Economic Policy, which required, among other things, investing foreign capital. After the October Revolution of 1917, the Soviet government cancelled the debts of the tsarist and provisional governments. The discussion of debts between Soviet Russia and Entente countries did not lead to a mutually acceptable solution. Germany became one of the first countries, that established economic and then politic relations with the soviet government. That is why, Germany became one of the most important economic partners of Soviet Russia and later of the USSR. The article is devoted to the problem of granting loan to the USSR by Germany. The author reveals the difficulties and contradictions that accompanied the negotiation process, as well as the position of Great Britain and the United States in relation to the German-Soviet credit negotiations.
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Bakhriddinova, Bashorat Madievna. "HISTORY OF CREA Y OF CREATING FIRST BILINGU TING FIRST BILINGUAL AND REGUL AL AND REGULATORY EDUCATIONAL DICTIONARIES IN UZBEK L ARIES IN UZBEK LANGUAGE." Scientific Reports of Bukhara State University 4, no. 1 (2020): 147–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.52297/2181-1466/2020/4/1/8.

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The article is about the development of the Soviet era of Uzbek educational dictionary. The educational dictionaries created during this period served mainly to teach Russian in national schools. The original educational dictionaries created on the orders of Tsarist Russia were entrusted with pure socio-political tasks not only to study the language but also to study the nation, its culture, to provide mass literacy and language training in the middle of the 20th century.
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20

Kainov, Vladimir. "HISTORICAL AND LEGAL ASPECTS OF THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE INSTITUTE OF ADMINISTRATIVE JUSTICE IN RUSSIA." LAW. SAFETY. EMERGENCY SITUATIONS 2024, no. 3 (2024): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.61260/2074-1626-2024-3-16-22.

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The historical and legal aspects of the formation of the institute of administrative justice in Russia are considered. Conclusions are drawn that this institution has gone through a long path of development both during the period of tsarist Russia and during the years of soviet power. It is emphasized that the institute of administrative justice plays an important role in the realization of constitutional rights and freedoms in a legal, democratic state.
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21

Suleimenov, М. A., and G. M. Kappassova. "Soviet political regime in Kazakhstan during the period of «military communism»." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 136, no. 3 (2021): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/26-16-6887/2021-136-3-57-65.

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The article deals with the emergence and activity of Soviet power institutions in Kazakhstan during the period of «war communism». During the years of «war communism», the construction of the Soviet state apparatus continued. An important feature of this process, researchers call the wide involvement of workers and peasants in state bodies. There was a change in the national composition of civil servants - after the revolution, they began to include representatives of many peoples of the former Russian Empire. In addition, many officials continued to work in Soviet state structures that began their careers during the Provisional Government or even the tsarist regime. The escalation of the civil war led to the emergence of emergency authorities not provided for by the Constitution of the USSR. On the ground, the functions of emergency services were performed by revolutionary committees. During the years of the Civil War and «war communism», the RCP (b) became the core of the Soviet political system. Thus, under the influence of wartime emergencies, a rigid military command system began to form in the country. The article reveals the specifics of the implementation of the policy of «war communism» in Kazakhstan, carried out by the Bolsheviks during the civil war of 1918-1920. As a result of the analysis, it was possible to determine that the policy of «war communism» in the regional aspect was carried out in line with general Soviet trends. It represented a set of measures of the Soviet government in the field of industry, agriculture, and social relations aimed at militarizing production and ensuring the combat capability of the Red Army. The specifics of the implementation of the policy of «war communism» in Kazakhstan were determined by the economic backwardness of the region and the nature of hostilities. These features should include: later than in the whole Soviet Union, the inclusion of the regions of Kazakhstan in the process of implementing measures of «war communism», their extension to the indigenous population, more rigid forms and methods of implementing military-communist construction. The result of the policy of «war communism» in Kazakhstan was a drop in production, especially in the agricultural sector of the economy, the famine of 1920-1922, which led to demographic losses of the population, mass migration of nomadic peoples outside the country, widespread peasant anti-Bolshevik protests and resistance of the indigenous population in the form of Basmachism. Based on archival materials and published works, the authors analyze the activities of Soviets and revkoms. In conclusion, conclusions are drawn that determine the nature of the origin and purpose of the Soviet institutions of power.
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Чимаров, С. Ю., та В. С. Бялт. "Юридизация области дисциплинарных отношений в рядах российской милиции (1917-1919 гг.)". ТЕНДЕНЦИИ РАЗВИТИЯ НАУКИ И ОБРАЗОВАНИЯ 70, № 6 (2021): 90–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/lj-02-2021-222.

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The article presents an analysis of the legal regulation of the disciplinary responsibility of Russian militia employees during the period of the change in government models from the tsarist era to the era of democratic transformations and the transition to the Soviet-style government regime. Focusing on the desire of the new government to strictly systematize the issues of disciplinary responsibility of domestic police officers in the specified period of time, the authors substantiate the need to strengthen the police ranks on the basis of disciplining the personnel of the updated law enforcement agencies.
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Konjak, Ibrahim, and Isra Shengul Chebi. "NATIONAL IDENTITY IN CENTRAL ASIA." Alatoo Academic Studies 21, no. 1 (2021): 279–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17015/aas.2021.211.34.

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Nationalization and the formation of a national state structure in the countries of Central Asia arose initially with the emergence of ethnic identity. The formation of ethnic identity in the countries of Central Asia is a process that began during the Tsarist era and was ultimately completed mainly during the Soviet Union. The formation of ethnic identity is the most important factor in social modernization in Central Asia. Since the formation of ethnic identity is an absolutely modern phenomenon. Modernization in Central Asia, in fact, was implemented in a top-down fashion. The rise of nations was carried out through the nation states developed by the Soviets. In other words, the nation states created during the period of the Union of Soviets in Central Asia are also creators of nations in the modern sense of the word.
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Hoerder, Dirk. "Introduction to the Special Issue on Migrations in Slavic, Tsarist Russian and Soviet History." Journal of Migration History 3, no. 2 (2017): 173–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00302001.

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Migration in Rus’-land, Tsarist Russia and Soviet history received little attention before 1986. Since the 2000s interest has intensified. This issue of the Journal of Migration History provides a synopsis of the continuity as well as multiplicity of migrations from the sixth to the nineteenth century and case studies of different migrations from the late nineteenth century to the 1990s. Migration of state-backed Slavic-speaking peasants in the late nineteenth century into Kazakhs’ grazing lands disrupted the way-of-life of the herders and acerbated class relations between increasingly wealthy and increasingly poor herders. In Tsarist society as a whole, the regime deprived dissidents of ways of expression and encouraged pogroms against Jewish families and communities. Many of those who fled made their way to London and other safe havens. In Parliament, and among the British public in general, a sometimes acrimonious debate about immigration restrictions began. A 1905 anti-alien law kept the door open for political refugees but closed it to impoverished migrants. In wartime after 1914 and far more so after 1941 the state evacuated people before advancing armies and deported others, perceived to be disloyal. In this respect, the change from Tsarist to Bolshevik rule in its Stalinist version was no break – but the much larger quantity of people being moved around led to a new quality: authorities lost sight or interest in distinguishing evacuees from deportees. When, in the late 1950s, control relaxed, young people began to migrate on their own for a limited period of time. The limichiki faced exploitative hiring factories but often supportive state authorities. When glasnost changed the labour regime under neo-liberalist policies, the status of the temporary workers declined. The Tsarist-Soviet/Stalinist-post-1986 sequence of regimes encouraged, hindered or prohibited, and organised a vast variety of free, unfree, and forced labour migrations that were, in part at least, ways of life.
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Artamonova, E. A. "FROM RUSSIA TO THE UK AND BACK ACROSS THE ENGLISH CHANNEL: MUSICAL DISCOVERIES FROM WWII AND THE THAW (recent archival findings and publications)." Arts education and science 1, no. 1 (2020): 78–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/hon.202001010.

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Russian music enjoyed its popularity and appreciation among British audiences throughout the twentieth century. Musical life in London during the period of World War II was infused with a good number of concert programmes. The finest works of national composers of the tsarist Russia were performed along with musical works of the Soviet period regardless of their stylistic peculiarities as well as of the approved or disapproved states of their authors with the Soviet authorities. They laid a fine foundation for an active musical interchange between musicians of both countries formed at the turn of the Khrushchev Thaw period, when the ‘crème de la crème’ of Soviet performers stepped on British soil and British performers toured Russia in the early 1950s. It was down to personal contacts of enthusiastic musicians, rather than only those signed on a governmental level known as the Soviet-British Cultural Agreement of 1959, for example, that did maintain the initiatives and musical collaborations. The concert activities and correspondence of Vadim Borisovsky with his British colleagues, which started much earlier, is the best example in this regard. The discussion of these topics relies heavily on recent archival findings from Moscow and London.
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Vasilieva, Svetlana. "“The history of the tsarist prison can only be written only under the conditions of the Soviet system”: M. N. Gernet and the Formation of the Soviet Historiography of Penitentiary Policy." Quaestio Rossica 13, no. 2 (2025): 781–803. https://doi.org/10.15826/qr.2025.2.993.

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The year 2024 marked the 150th birthday of Mikhail Nikolayevich Gernet, a major Russian scholar, criminologist, penitentiary scientist and historian. Gernet was honoured with the State Prize of the USSR. It is noteworthy that Gernet’s scholarly career preceded 1917, a period that did not hinder his significant contributions to Soviet legal science. The article is devoted to an overview of the professional path of the author of the five-volume History of the Tsarist Prison, who began his research at an advanced age, being blind and having endured years of persecution for his ‘inability to perceive Marxist-Leninist ideology’. The study draws on documents from the personal archive of M. N. Gernet, collected in the NIOR RGB, represented by manuscripts, materials related to teaching and research activities, as well as letters written by Gernet and members of his family, and photographs. Most of the materials have not yet been incorporated into scholarly literature. The study is a thorough and methodical examination of a wide range of historical sources, including archival documents, normative-legal acts, statistical data, and visual materials. This comprehensive approach enabled the creation of a detailed historical and legal profile of prison policy in Tsarist Russia. The study also explores the activities of the prison service, charitable organisations, the church, and individuals in the execution of criminal punishments. The History of the Tsarist Prison is an informative study with unique features of the unified Soviet narrative of historiography. It is relevant in professional circles and at present.
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Yushkova, Maria Dmitrievna. "Experience in the reconstruction and renovation of architectural monuments from the Soviet and Tsarist heritages (using the example of the “Russia” Cultural Center in Glazov and the Annunciation Cathedral in Votkinsk)." Pan-Art 5, no. 1 (2025): 200–210. https://doi.org/10.30853/pa20250024.

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The aim of this research is to analyze the experience of reconstructing buildings from the Tsarist and Soviet periods. The article examines the conceptualization of the interiors of the “Russia” Cultural Center in Glazov and the Annunciation Cathedral in Votkinsk during their reconstruction. Through a detailed study of historical information, analysis of the initial state of the reconstructed architectural monuments, and architectural features of the buildings, the goals and objectives of the projects were determined. The scientific novelty in the field of reconstruction and renovation of architectural monuments from the Tsarist and Soviet periods can be summarized as follows: analysis of the reconstructions of two important cultural locations targeting different social groups; study and consideration of the opinions and interests of various population groups during renovation, including local community residents, which contributes to greater social integration and involvement. The result of the work was the creation of a design concept for the interiors of the cultural center and the Annunciation Cathedral.
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Zejmis, Jakub. "Belarus in the 1920s: Ambiguities of National Formation." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 02 (1997): 243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408501.

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In 1920 the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic emerged upon the ruins of German and Polish occupation. It replaced the short-lived Belarusian Democratic Republic as the embodiment of national statehood. The ensuing decade came to be an important but ambiguous period in Belarusian history. New state institutions such as the Commissariat of Public Enlightenment, the Institute of Belarusian Culture, and the Belarusian State University carried out unprecedented “nation-building” policies designed to reverse the effects of tsarist Russification and foster the development of Belarusian national culture. Parodoxically, many of the same institutions also implemented various aspects of “Sovietization.” A myriad of measures under the label “socialist construction” served to integrate ever more closely Belarus into the Soviet Union.
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Lampe, John R. "Ukraine and Russia, Nation and Empire." Tokovi istorije 30, no. 3 (2022): 281–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2022.3.lam.281-296.

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The current conflict in Ukraine and the troubled course of its relations with Russia since declaring independence in 1991 has encouraged speculation and misinformation about the longer history of their relationship. These two new books by leading historian of Ukrainian and Russian history provide last chapters with informed accounts of relations since 1991. Their primary concerns and the bulk of their books are devoted to the much longer histories and complex relations from the Tsarist centuries through the Soviet period.
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30

Penati, Beatrice. "Continuities and Novelties in Early Soviet Law-Making about Central Asian Water." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 62, no. 4 (2019): 674–730. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341491.

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AbstractThis article analyses the drafting process and underlying principles of early Soviet legislation on water rights and taxation on water in Central Asia. While the new Bolshevik ideology provided an ideal justification to enact the State-centric, technocratic principles implicit in the Tsarist Turkestan “water law” of 1916, it took a very long time for the Soviet regime to produce a comprehensive legislation that would explicitly replace the local pre-existing customs which had survived in the colonial period. This is surprising especially in the light of the continuity in personnel in the government agencies that governed land and water resources across the 1917 revolution. Two possible reasons for this slowness were the early Soviet “decolonisation” imperative and the inertial persuasion that the legislator could not fully grasp the intricacies of water-related rights and duties.
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31

Preisegalaviciene, Lina. "The Heritage of Tsarist Russia's Military Forts as an Object of Postcolonial Revision: Case of the Kaunas School of Art Building 1922–1923." Culture and Arts in the Modern World, no. 24 (September 22, 2023): 253–70. https://doi.org/10.31866/2410-1915.24.2023.287707.

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<i>The aim of the article </i>is to rethink which objects in contemporary Lithuania are worth being European cultural heritage and which are not — as many of them are now being used by the neighboured aggressive country as examples (politicised arguments) for today's Russia's imperial historical narratives. <i>Results </i>of the research demonstrate that the discussion on mitigations of Tsarist Russia's military forts heritage is a new topic, as the recent decades in Lithuania have shown that the heritage of military forts' architecture in the post-soviet decades is being protected even more than in Soviet Russia's occupation period. So, this trend in Lithuanian cultural Heritage research emerges as an object worth deeper postcolonial revision. <i>Significant </i>is building the future from the past. Within this frame of thinking, the article invites us to remember the <i>national history </i>and select well-known cases from the country's past as most valuable for national and <i>cultural identity</i>. The example of the famous 100-year-old Art School building in Kaunas city (which in the interwar period 1918–1940 was the temporary capital of the Republic of Lithuania) was chosen as the article's main case study. After 100 years, there are no longer any doubts or debates as to how much the area of the 9th battery in Kaunas Oaks Hill (<i>Ąžuolų kalnas</i>) has "suffered" due to the fact that the complex of buildings of the Lithuanian national Art School was built in a Tsarist Russia military fortress plot. This is evidenced by the other mentioned cases — today outstanding national cultural heritage objects were built a century ago replacing Tsarist Russia's military architecture, meanwhile, according to the laws in force today — these buildings should be protected. <i>Conclusions</i>. Russia's war against Ukraine, it's the right time to reassess countries' critical heritage: in which situations it is worth, how much it is worth, and in which it is no longer worth protecting the architectural heritage of military power formed by Tsarist Russia, especially when it is ruined and too difficult to adapt it to the needs of modern people.
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RYABOV, Aleksander V. "The struggle for an aesthetic monopoly in the early years of Soviet power." CULTURE AND SAFETY 3 (2024): 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.25257/kb.2024.3.13-20.

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The article analyzes cultural development in the first post-revolutionary years. It examines a short but extremely meaningful period when, in an atmosphere of revolutionary enthusiasm, nihilists from art try to destroy the pillars of realism and create new, proletarian art. In the context of the revolution rejection and the emigration of the creative intelligentsia of tsarist Russia, as well as due to the involvement of RCP(b) leadership in the fronts of the civil war, the struggle for an aesthetic monopoly unfolds among artists of leftist movements.
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Ulyanova, Svetlana, and Ilya Sidorchuk. "The “gloomy past” of St. Petersburg workers in the symbolic space of Leningrad in the 1920s." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 12-2 (2020): 85–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202012statyi36.

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The article examines the experience of Soviet propaganda to the history of everyday life by creation a negative memory of the past life of pre-revolutionary St. Petersburg workers. Having studied the scientific and agitation discourse, the authors came to the conclusion that the pictures of the daily life of workers during the tsarist period were an integral part of the formation of the binary opposition “then” - “now”, which implied the maximum discrediting of the pre-revolutionary past in the eyes of the population.
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Sergeev, Evgeny. "British Diplomacy at the 1922 Conference in Genoa." ISTORIYA 13, no. 3 (113) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020918-8.

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The paper highlights the diplomatic struggle between British and Soviet delegations at the international economic conference in Genoa which was held in the period from 10 April to 19 May 1922. As the author demonstrates, the participants of the prime post-war forum focused on the settlement of the so called “Russian question” relating to Soviet Russia’s acknowledgment of foreign debts in return to Moscow’s commitment to repay them, including pre-war financial obligations and loans made by the tsarist and Provisional governments throughout the global armed conflict. The study entirely reveals the inability to score a compromise on virtually all the problems, both political and economic that were raised by British diplomacy on the eve and during the Genoa conference.
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Spoerl, Joseph S. "Antizionism and Antisemitism." Bustan The Middle East Book Review 16, no. 1 (2025): 22–43. https://doi.org/10.5325/bustan.16.1.0022.

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ABSTRACT The three volumes reviewed in this article survey the ways in which left-wing antizionism incorporates key antisemitic themes. Contemporary leftist antizionism owes a large and generally overlooked debt to Soviet antizionist propaganda from the period 1949–89. Soviet antizionism in turn recycled the right-wing Russian antisemitism of the Tsarist era, as embodied in, for example, the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, a document that also played a central role in Nazi antisemitism and has been adopted also by Islamist anti-Semites in groups such as Hamas. A wider appreciation of the disturbing genetic and thematic overlap between Nazi, left-wing, and Islamist antisemitism might help to render debates about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict more productive and less poisonous.
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36

Morozova, Olga M., Tatyana I. Troshina, and Elena A. Yalozina. "“Labor as freedom, labor as burden”: on the early period of women’s professional employment in Russia." RUDN Journal of Russian History 18, no. 2 (2019): 374–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2019-18-2-374-411.

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This article discusses the emergence of the Russian working woman employed in skilled labor from the second half 19th century until the 1930s. In Russia, educated women entered the sphere of socially significant labor during the Great Reforms. The subsequent development largely explains the position of the working woman in modern Russia - hence the topicality of the present paper. Sources for this article are record-keeping documents of tsarist and Soviet institutions, statistical information, press materials as well as memoirs. Among the factors that influenced the formation of the Russian female working class in the pre-revolutionary period were a social movement for the development of female education, the emergence of special vocational schools for women, the Zemstvo reforms, industrialization and, eventually, World War I. The article shows changes in the nature of the employment of women after the 1917 Revolution. The authors document the rapid growth of women’s participation in all spheres of the USSR’s national economy in the 1930s, in particular health care, education, and work in the apparatus of state, party and economic bodies. As a result, during this period the professional traits of the three main types of Soviet female workers were formed: the woman-doctor, the woman-teacher and the womanfunctionary. At the same time, the authors come to the conclusion that Soviet rule brought no fundamental changes in the conditions of everyday life, so that the Soviet woman-intellectual turned out to be a “fighter of two fronts” - labor and domestic.
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37

Shylmambetov, Sayan. "THE JADIDS IN KAZAKHSTAN DURING THE REIGN OF TSARIST RUSSIA AND IN THE EARLY YEARS OF THE SSSR AND THE RELIGIOUS POLITICS IN THE COUNTRY." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 76, no. 4 (2021): 64–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2021-4.1728-8940.02.

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The article reviews the historical data on the dynamic work of the jadid movement in Kazakhstan in the early twentieth century and the politics of religion under the Soviet government. In addition, the contribution of the Kazakh intelligentsia to the reform of education is reflected in the actual archival data. The place of the representatives of the Jadid school in tsarist Russia in the national intelligentsia was analyzed and clarified with productive arguments. The policy of the Muslim government in Kazakhstan after the establishment of the Soviet government is clearly stated in the archives. The article covers the period from the beginning of the XX century to the rapid implementation of the repressive policy of the Soviet authorities. As a result of studying the historical data show that Jadid schools and madrassas made a significant contribution to the formation of a strong political outlook in Kazakh society.
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Boldyerev, Andrey. "Turkish Historians on the Problem of the Black Sea Straits in Soviet-Turkish Relations (1939–1945)." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 6 (2024): 237. https://doi.org/10.31696/s086919080032770-4.

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The article is devoted to the problem of the Black Sea straits in Soviet-Turkish relations during the Second World War as reflected in modern Turkish historiography. In Turkish historiography, a negative assessment of the role of the Soviet Union in the history of Soviet-Turkish relations in 1939–1945 traditionally prevails. The leitmotif is the opinion about the continuity of the expansionist policy of the USSR inherited from tsarist Russia. Turkish researchers emphasize that, starting from the pre-war period, the USSR has been preparing to revise the Montreux Convention of 1936. In their opinion, in 1939–1941, the problem of the straits contributed to the deterioration of Soviet-Turkish relations. It is overlooked that in 1941–1944, Ankara repeatedly allowed German warships disguised as merchant ships into the Black Sea. Regarding the post-war period, Turkish historians emphasize the benevolent position of Turkey and the aggressive plans of Moscow. Many authors do not pay attention to the fact that Soviet requirements for Turkey regarding the straits were not contested by any of the powers of the anti-Hitler coalition, including Turkey, and were dictated by the sad experience of Turkish sovereignty over the Bosphorus and Dardanelles. The dominant tendency in Turkish historiography is to limit the study of the Soviet Union’s claims related to the straits to the post-war period. The studies that examine the problem of the straits in Soviet-Turkish relations beginning with the interwar period are generally more objective. To study the topic, studies in English were used, since the works of Turkish scholars are largely based on English-language materials.
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Ivanov, A. I. "«INDUSTRIAL BIROBIDZHAN IS GROWING»: TWO EXHIBITIONS IN MOSCOW AND LENINGRAD DEDICATED TO JEWISH ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL CONSTRUCTION IN THE USSR IN 1930S." Regional problems 24, no. 2-3 (2021): 238–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31433/2618-9593-2021-24-2-3-238-243.

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The author of the article considers two exhibitions dedicated to the Soviet propaganda project for the radical reconstruction of the Russian Jewry socio-economic structure. The first one – «Birobidzhan» – was held in 1933 in a pavilion of the Maxim Gorky Central Park of Culture and Rest in Moscow. Another exhibition – «Jews in Tsarist Russia and in the USSR», organized by the Jewish section of the State Museum of Ethnography (now – the Russian Ethnographic Museum) was working in Leningrad for the period from 1939 to 1941. Based on the documents stored in the Scientific Archive of the Russian Ethnographic Museum, the author shows how the Soviet propaganda machine used the demonstration material of museums in 1930s. The entire arsenal of exhibition was used to demonstrate «the achievements of the Leninist-Stalinist national policy among the Jews of the USSR», a creation of the Jewish Autonomous Region in the Soviet Far East being a major one.
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Navruzov, Amir. "Дискуссии об иджтихаде и таклиде среди дагестанских улемов первой четверти ХХ в." Islamology 6, № 2 (2013): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24848/islmlg.06.2.02.

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Still poorly studied Arabic polemical treaties and Islamic press of tsarist and early Soviet Dagestan, which are introduced into the research use in this paper, shed light on important theological and legal discussions between North Caucasus ‘ulama' of that period on the modern meaning of Islamic religious tradition (taqlid) and individual reasoning in its interpretation (ijtihad). These controversies witnessed in Dagestan at least from the late seventeenth century in 1913−1928 passed on pages of Arabic speaking periodicals - weekly Jaridat Daghistan (Dagestani newspaper, 1913−19) and monthly magazine Bayan al-haqa'iq (Explanation of [Godly Shari‘a] Truths], 1925−28) edited by local Islamic modernists (jadid) ‘Ali al-Ghumuqi Kayaev (1878−1943) and Abu Sufyan Akayev (1872−1931) with the help of late imperial and early Soviet authorities. Jadid scholars insisted on legitimacy of ijtihad in the modern time approving with its help modernizing reforms the Russian/Soviet state conducted in the North Caucasus after the first Russian revolution and Civil war.
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Share, Michael. "The Bear Yawns? Russian and Soviet Relations with Macao." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 16, no. 1 (2006): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135618630500564x.

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AbstractFrom the late nineteenth century until the hand-over of Macao to Chinese rule about one hundred years later, Russia and the Soviet Union demonstrated discernible, though far from overwhelming, interest in the tiny Portuguese territory of Macao. Their activities and involvement in the enclave served as an interesting contrast and coda to their more extensive dealings with the larger entities of British Hong Kong and even more problematic Taiwan. Both Tsarist Russia and the Soviet Union had definite policies towards both Hong Kong and Taiwan; though policy emphasis altered dramatically over time, especially towards Hong Kong, both regimes sought to expand their trade with, and activities in, those territories. Soviet and Russian policies toward Macao were in some ways less consistent, circumscribed by the relative insignificance of the territory, and also for several decades from the 1920s onward by the implacable long-term hostility of the fascist Portuguese government toward Soviet Communism. Even so, the fact that first Russian and then Soviet foreign policymakers assigned some importance to Macao is amply demonstrated by the Foreign Ministry Archive, which contains nearly thirty files of varying size spanning the period from 1910 to 1987.
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42

Ko, KaYoung. "The Reinterpretation of the Contact Zone expressed in the Exhibition of the Uzbekistan “National Memorial Museum of the Victims of Repression” After the Dissolution USSR." Korean Society for European Integration 12, no. 3 (2021): 57–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2021.25.57.

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This article, in the 30th anniversary of the Soviet Union dissolution, is an attempt to examine how Uzbekistan, among the countries of the former Soviet Union, reinterprets its past history (mainly during the Soviet period) through an analysis of museum exhibitions. The immediate task of Uzbekistan, like other new born countries in Central Asia, which became independent after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, was ‘nation-building’. Various ways have been sought to create the identity of an independent nation. One of them is the change of interpretation of the Soviet period. Central Asian countries are putting forward a break with the Soviet era, citing the mistakes of the Soviet central government in the past. In addition, they are trying to strengthen the solidarity of the newly independent nation and create a national identity by putting themselves as victims of political oppression.&#x0D; In the &lt;Repression Museum&gt; exhibition, Uzbekistan identifies itself with a colony conquered by the Soviet Republics. The subjects of the colonial empire include not only Tsarist Russia but also the Soviet central government.&#x0D; Exhibitions 1 and 2 of the Museum of Repression in Uzbekistan reconstruct the history of oppression moving from the imperial Russia, through the Bolshevik revolution, the socialist construction, Stalin counter-terrorism and post-war period to the perestroika period. The repression related to the cotton scandal is unique to Uzbekistan. And the 3rd exhibition room deals with the current development of Uzbekistan.&#x0D; In the Museum of Repression in Uzbekistan, the socialist revolution disappeared. And here Lenin s ideal of pursuing common prosperity by building a common home for the people that was considered to be different from imperial Russia, a prison for the people, became insignificant. The Bolsheviks changed into a plundering colonizers that are indistinguishable from the Western empires.&#x0D; It is portrayed only in the portrait of a harsh empire that has invaded. Likewise today s authoritarian rulers in Uzbekistan are arbitrarily interpreting the past in order to solidify their own nation-state.
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Brooks, Willis. "Russia's Conquest and Pacification of the Caucasus: Relocation Becomes a Pogrom in the Post-Crimean War Period." Nationalities Papers 23, no. 4 (1995): 675–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408410.

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“The history of Russia is the history of a nation that colonized itself.”Russia's greatest historian has affirmed that the expansion of Russian rule, particularly its method, is of fundamental significance in understanding the course of Russian history, and the establishment of Russian power in the Caucasus has attracted as much scholarly attention as any other region where Russian imperialism spread in the last two centuries. Russia's finest literary figures, scholars of the most divergent bent, Russian participants in the conquest and, of course, native inhabitants themselves have examined geographic, political, military and economic, as well as cultural and other factors that would explain how the many non-Slavic peoples of this strategically critical region were incorporated into the tsarist empire. From such a literature a lengthy list of quite diverse tactics are testimony to the deep concern Russian leaders had about integrating its divergent societies in the Caucasus into the Russian empire. The tsarist ideal was stated in the simplest language when Nicholas I endorsed a report in 1833 that would force the native inhabitants of the Caucasus to “speak, think, and feel Russian.” Not surprisingly, one of the striking qualities of the tsarist, Soviet and, to a great degree, Western literature is that it often focuses, as does this essay, on the frustrations Great Russians experienced while attempting to conquer, pacify and assimilate the multi-ethnic peoples of the Caucasus within the Russian-dominated empire. In addition, while charting the demographic vagaries of the Caucasus most scholars have concentrated on the creeping in-migrations of Cossacks and others from the internal Russian provinces and on the relocation of mountain tribesmen (gortsy) from their inaccessible villages (auly) to valley floors where watchful Russians could “civilize” them. What is strikingly absent from such literature, part of what this essay attempts to provide, is an examination of the policy considerations that led to such decisions, particularly in the post-Crimean War period.
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Osipov, Sergey V., and Mikhail N. Vyaz’mitinov. "Revival of Award Production in Post-Revolutionary Russia (1918–1930s)." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (February 17, 2023): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v237.

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This paper studies the organizational and logistics issues of the Soviet award system in the early period of its existence. It analyses administrative, production, technical, and personnel problems, which manifested themselves with the revival of award production during the Civil War and the first post-war decade. Further, the transformation of the attitude of the Soviet authorities to the award system and the resulting organizational measures and approaches are assessed. The specific features of the Soviet award system are highlighted in terms of its logistical and organizational support. The question of continuity in relation to the previous award system of Tsarist Russia is raised. The paper is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity and systematic approach. The methodological basis for the study is the historical-genetic method. The novelty of this research lies in rejecting the traditional descriptive approach to the awards and in identifying common problems and approaches of the Soviet government in matters of the material and organizational aspects of the award system, while indicating the organizational and production-technical difficulties of that period and ways to overcome them. In addition, the authors point out the dynamics in the organization of award production, use of raw materials, personnel policy, etc. An obvious problem of the period under study was the initial lack of Soviet authorities’ awareness of the value and functionality of the award system, followed by the correction of these approaches in the conditions of war and economic crisis. As a result, it took almost 20 years to formulate a coherent award policy. The authors suggest considering the Soviet award policy in close connection with the general processes of political, economic and social development, as an important element of the ideological system, and as an indicator of the changes that were taking place in the Soviet state and society.
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Ms. Noor Jehan and Prof. Dr. Shabir Ahmad Khan. "Revival of Russian Language in Central Asian Republics in the Twenty First (21st) Century." Journal of European Studies (JES) 38, no. 2 (2022): 18–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.56384/jes.v38i2.253.

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Russian language went into a decline during the 1990s when Central Asian Republics (CARs) simultaneously embarked on the process of nation and state building along with economic transition. The CARs desired to diversify their political and economic relations and to lessen their dependence on Russian Federation during their early transition period. Due to its own economic and political problems associated with its transition, Russia could not pay full attention to its former Soviet states during the immediate post-Soviet period. However, due to the Tsarist and particularly Soviet legacies, the economic connectivity and interdependence of former Soviet states on Russian Federation proved long lasting. The revival of Russian language in former Soviet Central Asian Republics is mainly due to the theory of Economics of Language which explores mutual effects of language and economic variables. It says that fluency and command over a dominant language i.e., a language of science and technology and trade provides more dividends. The CARs are still heavily dependent on trade and remittances of their nationals working in Russia. A large number of workers from the countries of Central Asia work in the Russian Federation. Their remittances contribute immensely to the Gross Domestic Product (GDPs) of these countries. The CARs re-started promoting Russian language in their countries due to a significant role of this language in their economies and economic relations with Russia. Since 2000, the Russian economic revival has naturally strengthened its political and economic role in the former Soviet space which also includes Central Asia. Consequently, the Russian language also received fresh emphasis.
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Borisyonok, Elena. "Malorossianism in contemporary Ukrainian historical and journalistic discourse." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2024): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2024.1-2.07.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the concept of “Malorossianism” in the modern Ukrainian scientific discourse. Leaders of the Ukrainian national movement in the Russian Empire argued about Malorossianism. They considered it a negative phenomenon, a mental inferiority complex, provincialism. During the Bolsheviks’ policy of Ukrainianization in the territory of Soviet Ukraine, disputes about the legitimacy of the name “Malorossi” began to cease. The Bolsheviks chose the term “Ukrainian” as the official name of the population of the Soviet republic. During the period of Soviet Ukrainianization, the name “Maloross” became synonymous with the oppressive policies of the tsarist government. Outside the Soviet republic, proponents of the Ukrainian idea continued to write about the Malorossians and Malorossianism. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the question of Malorossianism became popular again in modern Ukraine. Modern Ukrainian specialists actively write about Malorossianism and consider it a negative phenomenon. Specialists in the field of literary and cultural studies, as well as specialists in other branches of social sciences write about it. The concept is often found in historical and historical-politological and historical-philosophical works. In modern domestic literature it is not given enough attention. This article examines the concept of Malorossianism, which is characteristic of modern Ukrainian science and Ukrainian historical grand narrative.
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Matthew, T. Taiwo. "The Trends of Russian Nationalism: from Imperialist to Putinist." International Journal of Social Science and Human Research 08, no. 02 (2025): 1055–61. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14892713.

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Russian history from the Tsarist period, through the Soviet regime and down to the post-Soviet time has been inundated with Russia&rsquo;s determined nationalistic moves that seek to control a vast territory of diverse peoples or reconstruct sovereign entities under its influence. The Russian nationalistic traits have popularly been treated as an affront to sovereignty integrity and disruption of the world order. The models of Russian nationalism have drawn interests of many researchers among whom have suggested that Russian nationalistic principle, particularly, in the contemporary time is archaic and irrational. This paper was undertaken to examine Russia&rsquo;s nationalism principle with a view to understanding its course of movements and the reasons for the incurable nationalistic actions. The paper is qualitative, adopted irredentist perspective as its theoretical framework, and employed historical approach as a method of analysis. This paper suggested that what determines the trends of Russian nationalism goes beyond ethnic concerns, Russian anxiety for territorial security is also a prime factor.
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Nebratenko, Gennady G., Oleg P. Gribunov, and Oksana V. Karyagina. "The Establishment of Criminal Investigation Police in the Province of the Don Cossack Host (1870 to 1918)." History of state and law 4 (April 11, 2024): 62–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1812-3805-2024-4-62-69.

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Every year, on November 5, criminal investigation officers are honored in Russia, which is timed to coincide with an event that occurred in 1918, when the Central Criminal Investigation Department was established as part of the People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs of the RSFSR. This tradition originated in the Soviet period, and is continuously honored in the internal affairs bodies of the Russian Federation. At the same time, criminal investigation originated in the pre-Soviet period, and studying the history of the detective police of the Russian Empire allows us to form a more objective view of the domestic law enforcement system. After the dissolution of the tsarist police in March 1917, the future criminal investigation department underwent reorganization, its units were retained due to the special value of full-time undercover officers who continued to fight crime. The prepared scientific article examines in detail the experience of the formation of detective units and departments in the territory of the Donskoy Army Region, which is valuable for the history of the state and law of Russia and internal affairs bodies.
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Rotari, Iurie. "Panslavismul sovietic - un oximoron ideologic în slujba politicii externe a Uniunii Sovietice (1941 - 1947)." Analele Bucovinei 60, no. 2 (2023): 585–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.56308/ab.2023.2.17.

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The Bolshevik revolution of 1917 meant, among other things, the elimination of all the ideas that existed during the tsarist period. Among them was Russian Pan-Slavism, a doctrine inspired by the similar movement of the West Slavs that sought to incorporate all Slavic peoples into a single empire, ruled by the Russian Tsar. During the Great Stalinist Terror, the last remnants of all that Slavism meant were eradicated through the so-called "Process of the Slavists", as a result of which dozens of intellectuals who had or were suspected of having a connection with Slavic studies were subjected to repression. However, during the Second World War, the Soviet Union revived the idea of Pan-Slavism, partially shifting the ideological emphasis. In this regard, the All-Slavic Committee was created in Moscow. In the period 1941–1946, the organization played the role of a Soviet propaganda organ in the Slavic countries, especially among intellectuals. Towards the end of the war, the importance of the Committee decreased and it was abolished in 1947.
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Kirasirova, Masha, and Margaret Litvin. "Soviet– and Russian–Arab Linkages: A Dimension of Global Middle East Studies." International Journal of Middle East Studies 56, no. 3 (2024): 485–89. https://doi.org/10.1017/s0020743824000977.

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The roots of the Arab world’s current Russian entanglements reach deep into the tsarist and Soviet periods. However, this shared history has fallen through the cracks of academic structures that approach the two regions separately. This roundtable, part of a growing scholarly effort to heal the area studies divide, expands and reflects on the recently published book Russian-Arab Worlds: A Documentary History, which we co-edited with historian Eileen Kane.1
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