Relevant bibliographies by topics / UN Charter, resolutions of the Security Council

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'UN Charter, resolutions of the Security Council'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 13 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "UN Charter, resolutions of the Security Council"

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Currie, John H. "The Continuing Contributions of Ronald St. J. Macdonald to UN Charter and Peace and Security Issues." Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 40 (2003): 265–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0069005800008055.

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SummaryIn this article, the author focuses in particular on Macdonald’s writings on the relationship between the International Court of Justice and the UN Security Council. After considering the continuing uncertainties in that relationship, the author argues that the emerging practice of “evolving reinterpretation” of Security Council Chapter VII resolutions suggests yet another important role for the court — that of guardian of Security Council authority through authoritative, judicial interpretation of purported Security Council authorizations to use force.
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Ansong, Alex. "Unilateral Enforcement of Un Security Council Resolutions: The Case of Operation Iraqi Freedom." Journal of Legal Studies 22, no. 36 (2018): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jles-2018-0013.

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Abstract The prohibition of armed aggression under Article 2(2) of the United Nations Charter is one of the most important developments in international law and international relations in the modern era. The fact that the right to wage war is no longer accepted as falling within the sovereignty of the state has ushered in an appreciably stable international order based on the rule of law and not the rule of might. While states obviously still engage in warfare and numerous wars have been fought by states in the era of the UN, the very fact that the prohibition of armed aggression has assumed universal acceptance as customary international law is a notable achievement. In spite of the prohibition of armed aggression under the UN Charter, self-defence and collective action mandated by the UN Security Council serve as notable exceptions. The US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 (i.e. Operation Iraqi Freedom) was peculiar because, the justification for the invasion hinged on the enforcement of UN Security Council Resolutions. This justification thus brought to the fore whether, under international law, there was the right to unilaterally enforce Security Council Resolutions. In the current resurgence of unilateralism typified by the US Trumpled withdrawal or threat of withdrawal from multilateral systems of international governance and cooperation, it is important to reiterate the lessons of unilateralism epitomized by the 2003 invasion of Iraq and the instabilities that have become offshoots of this invasion – e.g. the creation of monsters like the so-called Islamic State. This article discusses the resort to unilateralism under the guise of enforcing UN Security Council resolutions. It also engages in a brief discussion on the justifications for war prior to the UN Charter and the provisions on the use of force prescribed in the Charter. It uses the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 as a case study to shed light on legality of unilateral enforcement of UN Security Council Resolutions.
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Field, Sarah M. "UN Security Council Resolutions Concerning Children Affected by Armed Conflict: In Whose ‘Best Interest’?" International Journal of Children’s Rights 21, no. 1 (2013): 127–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718182-5680023.

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The agreement by the Security Council to adopt thematic resolutions on children is a powerful expression of our collective commitment to children and their rights: specifically to ensuring children’s right to protection from serious violations of international law. Still history is replete with examples of protectionism by powerful decision-makers; not all follow a rights-based approach as entrenched within international human rights law. The objective of this paper is to investigate the decision-making processes and related outcomes of the Security Council from the perspective of international law. At the core of this investigation is an analysis of two interconnected dynamics: first the extent to which the Council is bound – under the Charter of the United Nations – by the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC); and second the extent to which the Council is in compliance with these obligations. This includes de-constructing the resolutions from the perspective of the procedural right of the best interests of the child and also assessing the outcomes with reference to the Council’s primary responsibility – the maintenance of peace and security. Attentive to the normative power of the Security Council’s decisions and recommendations, the paper cuts deeper to investigate: (i) the legal effects of the resolutions for the development international law relating to children and (ii) the consequences for children’s right to protection from serious violations of international law – present and future.
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WHITE, NIGEL D. "The Will and Authority of the Security Council after Iraq." Leiden Journal of International Law 17, no. 4 (2004): 645–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156504002171.

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One year after the invasion of Iraq, what lessons are to be drawn about the role of the Security Council in peace and security? This article looks at the issue by considering the nature of the Security Council in its dual functions as a forum for diplomacy and a corporate body for executive action. The idea of the Security Council's possessing a separate will in its executive function is developed. The article stresses the importance for the authority of the Council of that organ expressing its will within the legal parameters of the Charter and international law. It is argued that similar legal parameters are also applicable to the permanent members in exercising their power of veto and in interpreting resolutions. Further, when interpreting resolutions member states should not misconstrue the will of the Council. The Iraq crisis of 2003 raised all these issues and, further, necessitated a reappraisal of the rules of international law governing the use of force. This article considers the relationship between diminution in Council authority and erosion of the rules of the UN Charter governing the threat or use of force in international relations.
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Jordan, Klara Tothova. "United Nations Security Council Resolution 2094 on Nuclear Nonproliferation in North Korea." International Legal Materials 52, no. 5 (2013): 1196–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/intelegamate.52.5.1196.

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On March 7, 2013, the United Nations Security Council unanimously passed Resolution 2094 (2013), bolstering the scope of United Nations (UN) sanctions against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). The Resolution represents the international community’s latest attempt at applying diplomatic and economic pressure to the DPRK so as to curb its nuclear weapons program. The resolution is also a response to the DPRK’s third nuclear test on February 12, 2013 and its subsequent threat to carry out preemptive nuclear strikes against the United States and South Korea. Acting under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, the Security Council responded to these grave violations of its existing Resolutions—seen as clear threats to international peace and security—by building upon, strengthening, and expanding the scope of the sanctions regime against the DPRK.
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Miluna, Ieva. "What Does the Uniting for Peace Resolution Mean for the Role of the UN Security Council?" AJIL Unbound 108 (2014): 118–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398772300001999.

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The Uniting for Peace resolution together with the UN Charter prescribes a certain role for the General Assembly with regard to international peace and security. Larry Johnson addresses that role, but he does not consider a second question: how does the Uniting for Peace resolution affect the UN Security Council? The normative role of the Council is influenced not only by the Charter, but also by general international law. In this comment, I explore the normative role of the Council in fulfilling the Charter’s purpose to maintain international peace and security. I argue that the text of the Charter and the prior practice of both the Assembly and the Council help to determine the proper division of these organs’ respective tasks within the Charter system. I conclude that the Council alone exercises the constant control needed to enforce measures of collective security effectively, and that the Assembly is limited to recommending the consequences for states when threats or breaches of the peace occur.
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Kirgis, Frederic L. "He Got It Almost Right." AJIL Unbound 108 (2014): 116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398772300001987.

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Larry Johnson’s answer to his own question is a qualified “no.” Surely he is correct when he says that the General Assembly does not need the Uniting for Peace resolution in order to consider a matter that is on the UN Security Council’s agenda. The International Court of Justice made that clear in its Advisory Opinion on the Construction of a Wall. It is only when the Security Council is actively pursuing the matter that UN Charter Article 12(1) requires the General Assembly to defer to the Council.Johnson is also correct when he says that Uniting for Peace does not serve to enhance the authority that the UN Charter itself supplies to the Assembly to adopt non-binding resolutions intended to keep or restore peace. The ICJ also made that clear in its Advisory Opinion on the Construction of a Wall. Without relying on the Uniting for Peace resolution, the ICJ in paragraphs 27 and 28 of its Opinion approved the practice of the General Assembly to deal with matters concerning maintenance of international peace and security. The Court turned to the Uniting for Peace resolution only in the ensuing paragraphs of its Opinion, dealing with procedural matters related to the Assembly’s request for an Advisory Opinion.
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Henderson, Christian. "II. INTERNATIONAL MEASURES FOR THE PROTECTION OF CIVILIANS IN LIBYA AND CÔTE D'IVOIRE." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 60, no. 3 (2011): 767–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589311000315.

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The interpretation of United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter has been the elephant in the room, or more accurately the chamber of the Council, since the bitter divisions over the ‘revival argument’ and the invasion of Iraq in 2003.1 Although there has been some evidence of an increase in the specificity of UNSC resolutions in an effort to avoid the same difficulties reoccurring,2 the margin of appreciation provided to States in interpreting the mandates provided to them has recently come into focus again.
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Priscilla Suri, Jessica. "THE UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION ON SANCTIONS TOWARDS INDIVIDUAL FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW." Padjadjaran Journal of International Law 3, no. 2 (2019): 202–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.23920/pjil.v3i2.316.

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AbstractThe United Nations Security Council (SC) holds the primary responsibility to maintain international peace and security as stipulated in Article 24 of the United Nations Charter (UN Charter). The emergence of international terrorism as a threat to international peace and security encourages the SC to impose sanctions in the form of assets freeze, travel ban and arms embargo towards targeted individuals through the SC Resolutions on Taliban, Al-Qaida and the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). However, the implementation of UN targeted sanctions towards individuals has been violating the targeted individual’s human rights to property, rights of movement, rights to privacy, honor and reputation, and also the rights to a fair trial. This article will explain about the legitimation of the SC Resolutions in imposing sanction towards an individual, and the obligation of UN member states towards the SC resolution that imposes sanctions against its citizen. The violations of human rights stemming from the implementation of SC Resolutions on sanction towards individuals indicate that the resolutions have been adopted beyond the limits of international law. Therefore this condition makes the resolutions lost its legitimacy under international law. In accordance with Article 25 and 103 of the UN Charter, all member states have an obligation to accept, carry on and give priority to the obligation originating from the SC Resolution including to implement the sanction measures towards individuals. Nevertheless, member states must accommodate and harmonize its obligations in respecting, protecting and fulfilling all the individuals’ rights who are targeted by the SC along with its obligation to the SC Resolutions.
 Keywords: Human Rights, Sanction towards Individuals, United Nations Security Council.AbstrakDewan Keamanan Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa (DK) memiliki tanggungjawab utama untuk menjaga perdamaian dan keamanan internasional berdasarkan Pasal 24 Piagam PBB. Munculnya terorisme internasional sebagai ancaman terhadap perdamaian dan keamanan internasional mendorong DK untuk menjatuhkan sanksi berupa pembekuan aset, pelarangan perjalanan serta embargo senjata kepada individu yang ditargetkan melalui rezim Resolusi Taliban, Al-Qaida dan Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). Dalam penerapannya penjatuhan sanksi tersebut menimbulkan pelanggaran Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) yaitu hak terhadap properti, hak kebebasan berpindah, hak atas privasi, kehormatan dan reputasi serta hak atas proses pengadilan yang adil. Pelanggaran HAM tersebut memunculkan tujuan dilakukannya penulisan artikel ini yaitu untuk menunjukan mengenai legitimasi resolusi DK yang menjatuhkan sanksi kepada individu, serta memaparkan mengenai kewajiban negara anggota PBB terhadap resolusi DK yang menjatuhkan sanksi kepada warga negaranya. Pelanggaran HAM yang disebabkan oleh penerapan penjatuhan sanksi terhadap individu mengindikasikan bahwa resolusi yang mendasari penjatuhan sanksi tersebut diadopsi dengan melampaui batasan-batasan penjatuhan sanksi DK dan telah kehilangan legitimasinya menurut hukum internasional. Sehingga meskipun negara memiliki kewajiban berdasarkan Pasal 25 dan 103 Piagam PBB untuk tetap menerima, melaksanakan dan mengutamakan kewajibannya berdasarkan Resolusi DK yang menjatuhkan sanksi terhadap individu, negara tetap harus mengakomodir dan mengharmonisasikan kewajibannya dalam menghormati, melindungi dan memenuhi HAM individu yang dijatuhkan sanksi saat melaksanakan kewajibannya yang berasal dari Resolusi DK.
 Kata Kunci: Dewan Keamanan Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa, Hak Asasi Manusia, Sanksi terhadap Individu
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Drieskens, Edith. "Beyond Chapter VIII: Limits and Opportunities for Regional Representation at the UN security Council." International Organizations Law Review 7, no. 1 (2010): 149–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157237310x523795.

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AbstractZooming in on the serving European Union (EU) Member States and exploring the legal parameters defining regional actorness both directly and indirectly, this article analyzes the EU's representation at the United Nations (UN) Security Council. Looking at the theory and practice behind Articles 52, 23 and 103 of the UN Charter, we shed fresh light on the only provision in the European Treaties that explicitly referred to the UN Security Council, i.e. the former Article 19 of the EU Treaty. We define that provision as a regional interpretation of Article 103 of the UN Charter and discuss its implementation in day-to-day decision-making, especially as for economic and financial sanctions measures. Hereby, we focus on the negotiations leading to UN Security Council Resolution 1822(2008).
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "UN Charter, resolutions of the Security Council"

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Schmidt, Julia Ruth. "European Union as an emerging international military actor and its legal relationship with UN Security Council resolutions." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/7973.

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The thesis results from a research project, combining elements of European law and public international law. The project focuses on the different forms of the use of force by the European Union in the sphere of the Common Security and Defence Policy as an integral part of the EU’s common foreign and security policy. It examines the conditions under which the European Union can engage in military crisis management missions from the perspective of European Union law as well as from the perspective of public international law. The main emphasis of the thesis is put on the former, analysing the EU’s ambitions to become an international security actor from an inside-out perspective. When addressing the vertical dimension of the EU and the use of force in more detail, the thesis analyses the extent to which the Member States are constrained in the conduct of their national foreign and security policy through decisions by the European Union in the sphere of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. With regards to the EU’s legal relationship with the United Nations, the thesis examines whether and if so to what extent the European Union, although not a member of the United Nations, is bound by UN Security Council resolutions in respect of the use of force. Based on the assumption that the EU is bound by UN Security Council resolutions imposing economic sanctions, the thesis uses a comparative method in order to show that the EU as an international organisation is bound by decisions of the UN Security Council in the sense that the EU is obliged to respect the wording and limits of a UN Security Council mandate to use force once it decides to contribute with an EU mission. If the EU decides not to accept a UN Security Council mandate, the thesis argues that the EU is under the obligation not to undermine the success of a UN authorised military intervention, in the spirit of a loyalty obligation. Apart from analyzing the interaction of the EU and the international legal framework, the thesis also uses a speculative approach in order to examine the implications of silence in the context of the use of force.
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Anyikame, Hans Awuru. "The role and effect of small arms in the recruitment of child soldiers in Africa: can the international law be strengthened?" Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_5815_1365584973.

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<p>It is an unfortunate and cruel reality that both government and armed groups used child soldiers during armed conflict. Child soldiers have become an integral part of government forces as well as insurgent groups in Africa and elsewhere. Most of them are being exploited as combatants, while others perform functions, such as porters, spies who are able to enter small spaces, cooks, messengers, lookouts, and even suicide bombers. Some of the most disturbing aspects of child soldiering are that some of them are being forced to kill or are themselves killed, sexually abused and are exposed to drugs. The use of child soldiers in conflicts is not a recent phenomenon and has indeed become a common practice that characterises modern conflicts. Recruitment is usually carried out forcefully or voluntarily by both government and rebel forces. The difference between these two types of recruitment is not always clear since their decision to join is always influenced by external factors. Examples of such reasons for voluntary recruitment include the desire to revenge, adventure, peer pressure, and need for belonging and survival. Concerning the reason for survival, some argue that, the children do not actually choose freely to become combatants, but are rather forced by circumstances. There are numerous reasons for the continuous targeting of children by armed forces and armed groups. These include shortage of combatants, the fact that children are easy to train physically and psychologically, and also that children are obedient and are readily available. The recruited children are compelled to take part in brutal induction ceremonies, where they are threatened and forced to kill or witness the killing of someone they know.</p>
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Bekele, Melhik A. "Counter-terrorism and the suppression of political pluralism : an examination of the anti-terrorism proclamation of Ethiopia." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/16747.

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In the wake of the 11 September 2001 attacks in the United States (U.S.), many states, responding to United Nations (UN) Security Council Resolutions, began to adopt an increased array of counter-terrorism measures.The Security Council had not in the beginning pre-empted the risk of counter-terrorism measures violating counter-terrorism human rights as it failed to immediately refer to states‟ duty to respect human rights in their responses to terrorism. It was only in 2003, in Resolution 1456, that the Security Council stated such duty by providing that „states must ensure that any measures taken to combat terrorism must comply with all their obligations under international law, in particular international human rights, refugee and humanitarian law".<br>Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010.<br>Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Nii A. Kotey, Faculty of Law, University of Ghana. Ghana. 2010.<br>http://www.chr.up.ac.za/<br>Centre for Human Rights<br>LLM
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Schweigman, David. "The authority of the Security Council under chapter VII of the UN Charter : legal limits and the role of the International court of justice /." The Hague : Kluwer law international, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38914501x.

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Abrahamsson, Zarah. "Mind the gap! : The decision making gap between the Security Council and the Troop Contributing Countries; when "all necessary means" is not enough." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6601.

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This two part thesis investigates the lack of definition of the wording “all necessary means” and how it ultimately impacts a decision making gap between the Security Council and the troop contributing countries regarding the use of force in UN peace operations. The assumptions are based on Reus-Smit’s constructivist theory, emphasizing that both politics and international law needs to be studied with a holistic approach in order to understand how the two realms shape each other. The assumption of this thesis is that “all necessary means” is not providing enough guidance to constrain the TCCs to behave as sovereign, equal actors in an anarchical structure. The second part of the thesis is a within-case-study of MONUC/MONUSCO, and the Security Council resolution 2098 that established the Force Intervention Brigade.
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Sjöberg, Skoglund Johanna. "Regionala organisationer som säkerhetsaktörer : En studie av regionala organisationer som verktyg för säkerhet och förstärkare av legitimitet och inkludering." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6993.

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The regional security aspect is becoming increasingly more important within security studies. The United Nations and the United Nations Security Council has expressed an intent to utilize regional organizations as security actors with regards to maintaining international peace and security, with the purpose of achieving a greater sense of legitimacy for conflict resolution. This study aims to explore the possibilities of using such organizations within regions of varying stability, and how this usage can relate to the idea of legitimacy. Based on regional security complex theory, this study seeks to show how regional organizations have been used by the Security Council within different security sectors, and how this usage is affected by the degree of integration within the region. The result of the study show that the idea of legitimacy is easiest to achieve in regions with a mid-level degree of regional integration and concerning questions of political security. The results also show a tendency within the Security Council to use organizations from other regions with higher levels of integration in regions with lower levels of integration, and raises the question if this way of using regional organizations may risk harming the ultimate goal of legitimacy.
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Allafi, Mousa. "La cour pénale internationale et le conseil de sécurité : justice versus maintien de l'ordre." Thesis, Tours, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013TOUR1002/document.

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Le système de la Cour pénale internationale (CPI), dont la mission est d’assurer la justice internationale, repose sur un lien étroit avec le Conseil de sécurité. Il convient donc de s’interroger sur le rôle du Conseil dans le fonctionnement de la justice pénale internationale. Cette question est fondamentale, car l'intervention d'un organe politique dans l’activité d’un organe judiciaire remet en cause les missions de chacune de ces institutions. L’intrusion du Conseil dans l’activité de la CPI, basée sur sa mission de maintien de la paix, est en fait établie au nom d’un ordre international voulu par le Conseil lui-même. Ce rôle affecte le fonctionnement, l’indépendance et même l’impartialité de la Cour. Les pouvoirs que le Statut de Rome confère au Conseil, lui permettent en effet de saisir la CPI, d’imposer aux Etats de coopérer avec la Cour, de suspendre son activité ou encore de qualifier un acte, de crime d’agression. Cependant, les rapports entre le Conseil et la CPI ne devraient pas être subordonnés, mais entretenus dans le respect mutuel, ainsi une véritable crainte existe concernant le respect du Conseil envers le Statut de Rome. L’étude met en évidence le conflit entre justice et politique et révèle les enjeux actuels en termes de justice pénale internationale<br>The international criminal Court system (ICC) whose mission is to ensure international justice, is based on a close relationship with the security Council. So it is proper to wonder about the Council’s role in the functioning of international criminal justice. Such a questionning is fundamental, for the intervention of a political body into the functioning of a judicial body calls into question the missions of both institutions. The Council’s interference in the activity of the ICC, based on its mission of maintaining international peace, is actually carried out on behalf of an international order intended by the Council itself. This role affects the functioning, the independence and even the impartiality of the ICC. The powers the Rome Statute gives to the Council allow it to refer to the ICC, to impose for the States to cooperate with the Court, to suspend its activity or also to qualify an act as a crime of aggression. However the relations between the Council and the ICC should not be subordinated, but maintained in mutual respect. Thus there is a real concern regarding the observance of the Rome Statute by the Council. The study highlights the conflict between justice and politics and reveals the current issues in terms of international criminal justice
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Ashnan, Almoktar. "Le principe de complémentarité entre la cour pénale internationale et la juridiction pénale nationale." Thesis, Tours, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015TOUR1004/document.

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L’objet de cette recherche est d’analyser le principe de complémentarité, de montrer la spécificité de la notion et d’en étudier la mise en œuvre à la lumière de la pratique de la Cour Pénale Internationale (CPI) afin de mettre en évidence les obstacles juridiques et politiques. Selon l’article 1er du Statut de Rome, la Cour est complémentaire des juridictions pénales nationales pour le crime de génocide, les crimes contre l’humanité, les crimes de guerre et le crime d’agression. Dans le cadre de ce principe, les juridictions nationales ont la priorité mais la compétence de la Cour prend le relais lorsqu’un État ne dispose pas des moyens techniques ou juridiques nécessaires pour juger et punir les auteurs desdits crimes ou bien s’il mène un procès truqué. Dès lors, le régime de complémentarité vise à mettre fin à l’impunité à l’égard des personnes impliquées dans les crimes les plus graves qui touchent l’ensemble de la Communauté internationale. Le Statut de Rome, notamment par les dispositions de son article 17, indique comment mettre en œuvre la complémentarité selon les critères de recevabilité qui sont l’incapacité, le manque de volonté et la gravité. Les articles 18 et 19, pour leur part, fournissent le mécanisme de décision préjudicielle sur la recevabilité et la contestation. Par ailleurs, le rôle du Conseil de sécurité face à la complémentarité est aussi considéré comme un élément essentiel pour bien comprendre l’effectivité et l'impact juridique de cette Cour. En effet, les pouvoirs que le Statut de Rome et le chapitre VII de la Charte des Nations Unies confèrent au Conseil lui permettent de saisir la CPI, de suspendre son activité, d’imposer aux États de coopérer avec la Cour, ou encore de qualifier un acte de crime d’agression, et ceci bien que l'indépendance de l’enquête et du procès soit l’épine dorsale de toute la justice pénale, si celle-ci veut être efficace<br>The purpose of this research is to analyse the principle of complementarity, to show the specific character of the notion and to study its implementation in the light of the practice of the International criminal court (ICC) in order to highlight the political and legal obstacles. In accordance with Article 1, the Court is complementary to national criminal jurisdictions for crime of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and crime of aggression. Under this principle, national jurisdictions have priority over ICC but the Court’s jurisdiction takes over when a State lacks the technical or legal means, which are necessary to try and punish the perpetrators of such crimes, or if a rigged trial took place. Therefore, complementarity aims to bring an end to impunity for those responsible for the most serious crimes of international concern. The Rome Statute, namely with the provisions of Article 17, indicates how to implement complementarity according to the criteria for admissibility which are inability, unwillingness and seriousness. Articles 18 and 19, for their part, provide the mechanism of preliminary ruling regarding admissibility and challenge. Furthermore, the role of the Security Council regarding complementarity is also considered as essential to understand the effectiveness and the legal impact of this Court. Powers which are conferred under the Rome Statute and chapter VII of the United Nations Charter allow the Security Council to refer a situation to the ICC, to suspend an ICC investigation, to require States to cooperate with the ICC, or to qualify a crime as aggression, and this despite the fact that the independence of the investigation and of the trial is the backbone of criminal justice ensuring it is efficient
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Ekomodi, Totshingo Patrice. "L’autorisation de recourir à la force accordée par le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies." Thèse, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/4041.

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L’autorisation de recourir à la force est une pratique par laquelle le Conseil de sécurité permet à des États membres des Nations Unies ou à des accords ou organismes régionaux, voire au Secrétaire général des Nations Unies de recourir à la coercition militaire. Elle est l’une des circonstances excluant l’illicéité face à l’interdiction de recourir à la force dans les relations internationales dont la règle est posée à l’article 2,§ 4 de la Charte des Nations Unies. Il est évident que cette pratique ne correspond pas clairement à la lettre de la Charte mais elle tire sa légitimité du fait qu’elle permet au Conseil de sécurité de s’acquitter de sa mission principale de maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales, étant donné que le système de coercition militaire prévu par la Charte s’avère inapplicable dans la pratique. Il reste que cette pratique est empreinte d’ambiguïté : elle apparaît tantôt comme une intervention des Nations Unies, tantôt comme une action unilatérale au profit de certaines puissances capables de mener des opérations de grande envergure. Cette ambiguïté est encore exacerbée par le problème de l’autorisation présumée que certainsÉtats pourraient déduire des actes du Conseil de sécurité, pour intervenir dans divers conflits. Dans les faits, la pratique de l’autorisation de recourir à la force semble actualiser une tendance belliciste qui caractérisait les époques antérieures. Elle peut, si l’on n’y prend garde, refondre, par pans entiers, les legs du droit contre la guerre (jus contra bellum) issu du XXème siècle, droit qui a été le fruit de longues tribulations dans l’histoire des relations internationales. Le danger le plus grave est que des acquis chèrement négociés risquent d’être jetés par-dessus bord avec trop de facilité et sans délai, pour servir des visées à court terme.<br>Authorization to use force is a practice whereby the Security Council allows member States of the United Nations or regional arrangements or agencies or the Secretary General of the United Nations to use military coercion. Such authorization circumvents the wrongfulness of using force in international relations as prohibited by article 2, § 4 of the UN Charter. It is obvious that this practice does not match the letter of the Charter, but it derives its legitimacy from the fact that it allows the Security Council to fulfill its primary mission of maintaining peace and security, since the system of military coercion under the Charter is inapplicable in practice. Nonetheless, this practice is marked by ambiguity: sometimes it appears as a UN intervention, and yet sometimes as a unilateral action of certain powers capable of conducting major operations. This ambiguity is exacerbated by the issue of presumed consent to intervene in various conflicts that some States attribute to the Security Council. In fact, the practice of authorization reinforces a hawkish tendency that characterized earlier periods. It can, if unchecked, undo the legacy of the law against war (jus contra bellum) of the twentieth century, which was the fruit of much effort in the history of international relations. The most serious danger is that hard-won negotiated achievements be thrown easily overboard and without delay, in order to serve short term goals.
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"The power of the Security Council under Chapter VII of the UN Charter and its application in the Arab Spring conflicts." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/8652.

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LL.M. (International Law)<br>Since 1945 there has been a noticeable broadening of what constitutes a threat to international peace and security. Traditionally, the definition of “threat to international peace” was limited to a conflict among nations, which were conflicts common in the world. The core threat to international peace used to be organized inter-state conflicts only. Today however, the nature of threats to international peace has changed drastically to include internal conflicts – as there are examples of cases where these have spread across the borders or have led to massive refugee situations. In this dissertation, I review the mandate of the United Nation’s inter alia the changing definition of ‘threat to international peace’.
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Books on the topic "UN Charter, resolutions of the Security Council"

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Canada. External Affairs and International Trade Canada. United Nations : resolutions on the crisis in the Persian Gulf by the UN Security Council acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations =: Nations Unies : résolutions concernant la situation dans le Golfe persique adoptées par le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies, agissant en vertu du Chapitre VII de la Charte des Nations Unies. External Affairs and International Trade Canada = Affaires extérieures et commerce extérieur Canada, 1991.

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Rechtskontrolle des UN-Sicherheitsrates. P. Lang, 1999.

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The UN veto in world affairs, 1946-1990: A complete record and case histories of the Security Council's veto. UNIFO, 1992.

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Österdahl, Inger. Threat to the peace: The interpretation by the Security Council of article 39 of the UN charter. Iustus, 1998.

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Compilation of UN Security Council resolutions on woman, peace, and security & prohibition of sexual violence: Resolution No. 1325, 1820, 1888, and 1889. Forum for Women, Law and Development, 2010.

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United States. President (2001-2009 : Bush). Iraq's compliance with UN Security Council resolutions: Communication from the President of the United States transmitting the status of efforts to obtain Iraq's compliance with the resolutions adopted by the United Nations Security Council. U.S. G.P.O., 2001.

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1946-, Bush George W., and United States. Congress. House. Committee on International Relations., eds. Iraq's compliance with UN Security Council resolutions: Communication from the President of the United States transmitting the status of efforts to obtain Iraq's compliance with the resolutions adopted by the United Nations Security Council. U.S. G.P.O., 2001.

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Ian, Johnstone. Aftermath of the Gulf War: An assessment of UN action. L. Rienner Publishers, 1994.

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Patil, Anjali V. The veto: A historical necessity, 1946-2001 : a comprehensive record of the use of the veto in the UN Security Council. A.V. Patil, 2001.

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Yang, Suzanne Xiao. China in the UN Security Council decision-making on Iraq: Conflicting understandings, competing preferences, 1990-2002. Routledge, 2012.

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Book chapters on the topic "UN Charter, resolutions of the Security Council"

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Engle, Karen. "The Grip of Sexual Violence: Reading UN Security Council Resolutions on Human Security." In Rethinking Peacekeeping, Gender Equality and Collective Security. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137400215_2.

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"Duty to Comply with Security Council Resolutions: the Force of the UN Charter." In European Judicial Responses to Security Council Resolutions. Brill | Nijhoff, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004345263_004.

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"The Effects of the European Jurisprudence: Human Rights, Due Process Reform and the UN Charter." In European Judicial Responses to Security Council Resolutions. Brill | Nijhoff, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004345263_006.

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Claus, Kreß. "Part II Predominant Security Challenges and International Law, International Security, Ch.13 Aggression." In The Oxford Handbook of the International Law of Global Security. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198827276.003.0014.

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This chapter discusses the concept of aggression. Article 39, the opening clause of the United Nations Charter’s collective security system, contains the term ‘act of aggression’, the existence of which in a given case falls to be determined by the United Nations (UN) Security Council. Recalling Article 39, the UN General Assembly, in 1974, adopted a resolution on the Definition of Aggression (Resolution 3314 (XXIX)). As the term ‘act of aggression’ is used alongside the terms ‘threat to peace’ and ‘breach of the peace’ in Article 39, the UN Security Council is not bound to determine the existence of an act of aggression to activate the Charter&amp;apos;s collective security system and authorize the use of force by one or more States in order to maintain or restore international peace and security. In the view of the International Court of Justice and the International Law Commission, the prohibition of aggression forms part of customary international law. Here again, however, the distinct legal significance of the concept compared to ‘use of force’ and ‘armed attack’ is of quite limited reach. Contrariwise, the concept of aggression has been of considerable importance in the realm of international criminal law since the latter’s inception.
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"Spain 1946 (Resolutions 4 (1946), 7 (1946) and 10 (1946))." In Petulant and Contrary: Approaches by the Permanent Five Members of the UN Security Council to the Concept of 'threat to the peace' under Article 39 of the UN Charter. Brill | Nijhoff, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004391420_005.

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"US–Iran Hostage Crisis 1979 (Resolutions 457 and 461 (1979))." In Petulant and Contrary: Approaches by the Permanent Five Members of the UN Security Council to the Concept of 'threat to the peace' under Article 39 of the UN Charter. Brill | Nijhoff, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004391420_010.

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"Namibian Occupation by South Africa 1981–83 (Resolutions 532 and 539 (1983))." In Petulant and Contrary: Approaches by the Permanent Five Members of the UN Security Council to the Concept of 'threat to the peace' under Article 39 of the UN Charter. Brill | Nijhoff, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004391420_011.

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"Un Security Council Resolutions." In The Cyprus Issue. I.B.Tauris, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755622252.0010.

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"Non-Proliferation of wmds: Resolutions 1441 (2002), 1540 (2004), 1696 (2006), 1718 (2006)." In Petulant and Contrary: Approaches by the Permanent Five Members of the UN Security Council to the Concept of 'threat to the peace' under Article 39 of the UN Charter. Brill | Nijhoff, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004391420_021.

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"Defining the Council through charter and practice." In UN Security Council. Routledge, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203969335-14.

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