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Relevant bibliographies by topics / United States. Spanish-American War, 1898

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Academic literature on the topic 'United States. Spanish-American War, 1898'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "United States. Spanish-American War, 1898"

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Federspiel, Howard M. "Islam and Muslims in the Southern Territories of the Philippine Islands During the American Colonial Period (1898 to 1946)." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 29, no. 2 (September 1998): 340–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400007487.

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The United States gained authority over the Philippine Islands as a result of the Spanish-American War (1898) and the Treaty of Paris (1899), which recognized American wartime territorial gains. Prior to that time the Spanish had general authority over the northern region of the Islands down to the Visayas, which they had ruled from their capital at Manila on Luzon for nearly three hundred years. The population in that Spanish zone was Christianized as a product of deliberate Spanish policy during that time frame. The area to the south, encompassing much of the island of Mindanao and all of the Sulu Archipelago, was under Spanish military control at the time of the Spanish American War (1898), having been taken over in the previous fifteen years by a protracted military campaign. This southern territory was held by the presence of Spanish military units in a series of strong forts located throughout the settled areas, but clear control over the society was quite weak and, in fact, collapsed after the American naval victory at Manila Bay. The United States did not establish its own presence in much of the southern region until 1902. It based its claim over the region on the treaty with the Spanish, and other colonial powers recognized that claim as legitimate.

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GLEIJESES, PIERO. "1898: The opposition to the Spanish-American war." Journal of Latin American Studies 35, no. 4 (November 2003): 681–719. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x03006953.

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This article focuses on the months before the Spanish-American war began in April 1898 and addresses two related questions: first, why was the opposition to the war so strong in the United States; second, why did it not prevail? To explore these questions, the papers of the McKinley administration are examined, along with the Congressional Record and forty-one US newspapers, as well as twelve major European newspapers (British, French, German and Spanish) and the relevant documents from the British and Spanish archives. It is only in the press that one can find a coherent, well-articulated and explicit explanation of the antiwar position.

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Valdeón, Roberto A. "Bartolomé de las Casas and the Spanish-American War." Translation and Interpreting Studies 12, no. 3 (November 23, 2017): 367–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/tis.12.3.01val.

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Abstract This article explores the uses of Las Casas’s Brevísima relación de la destrucción de las Indias in the United States of America, with a focus on the Spanish-American War. After introducing the concept of the Black Legend and its use in England, Spain’s main rival in the Americas during the early modern period, I briefly discuss the first two English translations of the tract by Las Casas. The ideological manipulation carried out by M. M. S. and by John Phillips set the tone for the future use of Las Casas as part of the anti-Spanish propaganda characteristic of Renaissance England first and of modern America later. I then proceed to examine how the narrative ascribed to Las Casas has contributed to forge an anti-Spanish feeling in the US, evident in the years before and after the Spanish-American War of 1898. This section suggests that Las Casas’s text was violated in many ways in order to support a narrative of hatred, as shown in the sermons of American Protestant ministers, books, and, above all, in the 1898 US edition of his work.

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Rubio Pobes, Coro. "Traitorous Republic or Friendly Nation. Images of the United States, Patriotic Mobilizations and Nationalisms in the Basque Country in 1898." Culture & History Digital Journal 9, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): e018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2020.018.

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The Spanish-American War of 1898 produced a wave of Anti-Americanism in all Spain, very closely associated with a heated Spanishist rhetoric. It was also expressed in the Basque Country, but at the same time triggered the discovery by Basque nationalism of the United States as a “friendly nation” (an interpretation present in Basque nationalism throughout all its history). Both Spanish and Basque nationalisms, that existed then in this territory, reacted differently to the outbreak of the war and built opposite ideas of the symbolic meaning of the United States: a traitorous republic or a freeing referent. The aim of this article is to explain, through the Basque press of the period, divergent points of view, as well as the patriotic rhetoric and the popular mobilizations –expression of informal sociability– against the United States raised by the war.

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Paterson, Thomas G. "United States Intervention in Cuba, 1898: Interpretations of the Spanish-American-Cuban-Filipino War." History Teacher 29, no. 3 (May 1996): 341. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/494551.

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Epstein, Katherine C. "The Conundrum of American Power in the Age of World War I." Modern American History 2, no. 3 (August 29, 2019): 345–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2019.23.

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Reports of the rise of the United States to a lead role on the global stage in the early twentieth century have been greatly exaggerated. As many Americans at the time recognized, the United States continued to have less capacity for overseas power projection and remained far more dependent on the world's reigning hegemon, Great Britain, than is generally now realized. The United States, it is true, acquired an overseas empire in 1898. But it lacked the basic attributes of a great power, such as economic sovereignty, naval power, and domestic consensus on the desirability of global great-power status. Even after World War I, which was a better candidate than the Spanish-American War as the moment when the United States became a leading global power, both the material and the cultural basis of that power remained fragile.

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Lifshey, Adam. "The Literary Alterities of Philippine Nationalism in José Rizal's El filibusterismo." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 123, no. 5 (October 2008): 1434–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2008.123.5.1434.

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The seminal novels of the Philippines, José Rizal's Noli me tangere (1887) and El filibusterismo (1891), are written in Spanish, a language that began evaporating in the archipelago when the United States defeated Spain in the Spanish-American War in 1898 and imposed English as a lingua franca. Where does a foundational author like Rizal fit in a discussion of globalized literatures when the Philippines are commonly framed as a historical and cultural hybrid neither quite Asian nor quite Western? In Rizal's El filibusterismo, the Philippines are an inchoate national project imagined not in Asia but amid complex allusive dynamics that emanate from the Americas. Rizal and his novel, like the Philippine nation they inspired, appear in global and postcolonial frameworks as both Asian and American in that epistemes Eastern and Western, subaltern and hegemonic, interact in a ceaseless flow that resists easy categorization.

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Greenberg, Amy S. "1848/1898: Memorial Day, Places of Memory, and Imperial Amnesia." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 124, no. 5 (October 2009): 1869–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2009.124.5.1869.

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Mr. Speaker, I believe that as we sow so shall we reap; and if in the minds of the present generation of boys and girls, young men and women, we sow the seeds of lukewarm patriotism, in the next we will reap a race of men and women who will care very little for love of country. … I would have this nation the absolute master of the commerce of the world. … [I]t is impossible to look up without having a feeling of pride steal over you for the patriots of '76, the sailors of '12, the boys in blue of '61, the courage of the boys in gray. …—Representative Edmund H. Driggs to Congress, 8 March 1898On 15 February 1898, the USS Maine exploded in Havana harbor, killing 266 crewmen. American journalists clamored for vengeance against the Spanish authorities they wrongly blamed for the accident. Three weeks later the Fifty-Fifth Congress unanimously voted in support of President McKinley's $50 million bill for the “national defense” (Morgan 275). By May, Spain and the United States were at war.

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Rasler, Karen. "War, Accommodation, and Violence in the United States, 1890–1970." American Political Science Review 80, no. 3 (September 1986): 921–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960545.

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War, postwar demobilization, and economic depression are national crises that ultimately test the state's capacity to respond simultaneously to internal and external challenges. This analysis probes the nexus between crises and domestic violence, investigating how this relationship is mediated by the influence of two variables: the severity of crisis and the presence or absence of government accommodation. Box-Tiao impact assessment models are used to estimate the separate and combined effects of American involvements in wars (the Spanish-American War, World Wars I and II, and the Korean and Vietnam Wars), their postwar periods, and the 1930s depression on economic, social, and political forms of American violence from 1890 to 1970. After establishing historical evidence for the role of national accommodation, I demonstrate that strong, positive associations between severe crises and domestic violence are to be found during the tenure of nonaccommodating administrations. Accommodating governments are associated with either negative or historically weak linkages between severe crises and domestic violence. Overall, the evidence underscores the benefit of using broad theoretical perspectives for understanding the linkages between international and domestic conflict.

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Ventura, Theresa. "“I Am Already Annexed”: Ramon Reyes Lala and the Crafting of “Philippine” Advocacy for American Empire." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 3 (June 4, 2020): 426–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000092.

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AbstractThis article reconstructs the American career of the Manila-born author Ramon Reyes Lala. Lala became a naturalized United States citizen shortly before the War of 1898 garnered public interest in the history and geography of the Philippines. He capitalized on this interest by fashioning himself into an Oxford-educated nationalist exiled in the United States for his anti-Spanish activism, all the while hiding a South Asian background. Lala's spirited defense of American annexation and war earned him the political patronage of the Republican Party. Yet though Lala offered himself as a ‘model’ Philippine-American citizen, his patrons offered Lala as evidence of U.S. benevolence and Philippine civilization potential shorn of citizenship. His embodied contradictions, then, extended to his position as a producer of colonial knowledge, a racialized commodity, and a representative Filipino in the United States when many in the archipelago would not recognize him as such. Lala's advocacy for American Empire, I contend, reflected an understanding of nationality born of diasporic merchant communities, while his precarious success in the middle-class economy of print and public speaking depended on his deft maneuvering between modalities of power hardening in terms of race. His career speaks more broadly to the entwined and contradictory processes of commerce, race formation, and colonial knowledge production.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "United States. Spanish-American War, 1898"

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Keller, Kathryn. "Racing immunities : how yellow fever gendered a nation /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10318.

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Kinney, Anders Michael Perez Louis G. "Joseph Wheeler uniting the blue and the gray, 1880-1900 /." Normal, Ill. Illinois State University, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p9986985.

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Thesis (D.A.)--Illinois State University, 2000.
Title from title page screen, viewed July 31, 2006. Dissertation Committee: Louis G. Perez (chair), Lawrence W. McBride, Sharon S. MacDonald. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 340-370) and abstract. Also available in print.

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Rhode, Benjamin. "'The living and the dying' : the rise of the United States and Anglo-French perceptions of power, 1898-1899." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e77338b1-b465-4d65-a6d3-d6d5d4f2314f.

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This thesis examines Anglo-French perceptions of power within the context of the rise of the United States of America. It uses several overlapping events falling within a moment at the end of the nineteenth century (1898-1899) - the Spanish-American War, the Dreyfus Affair and the Fashoda crisis - to explore various British and French actors' perceptions of national power, decline, and international competition. It draws heavily on diplomatic material, but its methodology is primarily cultural. It examines ways in which various cultural assumptions affected perceptions of power and global events. It takes a particular interest in the relationship between ideas about gender and dimensions of national power. It focuses on contemporary preoccupations and assumptions, whether spoken or unspoken, and argues that they could prove determinative. External realities were refracted into perceptions that in turn drove prescriptions and policy. The thesis juxtaposes perspectives from multiple states, thereby contextualizing or comparing British, French and occasionally American preoccupations with those of their transatlantic contemporaries. It draws upon archival sources which previously have been under-examined or approached from different perspectives and research priorities. Its exploration of the cultural dimensions of thought about national power and success is grounded in an awareness of the analysis and actions of certain diplomats and politicians involved in the more practical business of international affairs. Conversely, diplomatic and other records are situated within their cultural milieu, to better understand the context in which views about the international order were shaped. The thesis necessarily makes excursions into the history of emotions, since its actors' political analyses at times appear entangled and aligned with their emotional responses. The thesis therefore serves as an example of an international history that integrates diplomatic with cultural and emotional elements and demonstrates their mutual illumination.

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Donald, Iain. "Scotland, Great Britain and the United States : contrasting perceptions of the Spanish-American War and American imperialism, c. 1895-1902." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1999. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk/R?func=search-advanced-go&find_code1=WSN&request1=AAIU124791.

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British relations with the United States during the period 1895 to 1902 shifted from an attitude defined by suspicion and hostility to one of friendship. The relationship endured three main trials; the Venezuelan boundary crisis, the Spanish-American War, and simultaneous colonial struggles; the United States in the Philippines and Great Britain in South Africa. What developed was a greater mutual understanding, laying foundations for the enduring special relationship of the twentieth century. Public opinion was critical to the development of the relationship with the United States, especially in view of existing suspicions and conflicting interest groups in both countries. Great Britain, with her naval power and the vast resources of the British Empire, was undoubtedly the most powerful nation-state for much of the nineteenth century, and had stood in 'Splendid Isolation' secure in the knowledge that each threat to her supremacy could be met in turn. However, in the latter years of the century, over-stretched from her imperial possessions, Britain faced more serious threats to her security and increasing demands for a formal relationship with a power with similar interests, the United States was advanced as that partner. The Spanish-American War was a brief but successful war for the United States of America, eclipsing the bad memories of the civil war. A renewed belief in the republic was instilled, and with it an end to the isolationist characteristic of American foreign policy from the time of Washington's farewell address. The Spanish-American War was also a turning point in the relations between the United States and Great Britain. This has prompted several historians to examine why the two nations, over a relatively short period, managed to settle their differences. Most studies of Anglo-American relations at the turn of the century have centred upon the diplomatic overtures. Others examining public opinion have focused upon the reaction of the London press. While providing valuable insight into opinion prevalent in the capital of the British Empire they neglect to examine British attitudes outside of the centre, in particular in Scotland. Scottish public opinion, within the larger British context, towards the Spanish-American War and American Imperialism, provides an insight into the growth of Anglo-American relations from a new perspective.

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Minichino, Mario John. "In Our Image: The Attempted Reshaping of the Cuban Education System by the United States Government, 1898-1912." Scholar Commons, 2014. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5275.

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Abstract During the fourteen years between 1898 and 1912, the influences imparted upon the School System of Cuba were substantial. In the period immediately following the conflict with Spain, known in the U.S. as the Spanish American War, a concerted effort was underway to annex the island of Cuba. This study was undertaken to discover what courses were introduced into the K-12 curricula following the U.S. intervention, who introduced those changes, and what, if any influence those changes brought to the culture of the island. This investigation and analysis was necessary to reinvigorate the discussion regarding the history of the Cuban education system in view of the attempted cultural change brought about by the U.S. intervention. While many actions were underway by various factions both within the U.S. government and without to ensure that the annexation would be successful, one concerted effort was undertaken through the reconstruction of Cuba's schools. Changes that were made include: coursework, textbooks, structure of schools, selection process for teachers and professors at the University of Havana, holiday schedule, and the school-day and school-year. While the language of instruction remained Spanish, the method of delivery and training of Cuban school teachers was adapted through an extended summer Normal School program in association with Harvard University and a fulltime program at the New Paltz Normal School in New York. From the results collected regarding the coursework, individuals involved, and the changes imparted upon the culture of Cuba, it appears that a concerted effort was underway to impose a U.S.-styled school system on Cuba with the intended result of annexation of the island of Cuba by acclamation of the Cuban people.

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MacFarland, Susan May. "Anti-war women : the role of the Feminist-Pacifist-Internationalist Movement in American foreign policy and international relations, 1898-1930 /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1990.

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Matthews, Joshua Steven. "The American Alighieri: receptions of Dante in the United States, 1818-1867." Diss., University of Iowa, 2012. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2939.

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At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the medieval Florentine poet Dante Alighieri was an almost completely unknown figure in the United States. Yet, by mid-century, he was considered by many Americans to be one of the world's greatest poets and his major epic, the Divine Comedy, was translated during the Civil War by the most popular American poet at the time, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. This dissertation examines Dante's nineteenth-century emergence in the United States and the historical and cultural reasons why Dante, for many nineteenth-century Americans, became a highly-regarded literary figure and an unexpectedly popular poet during the Civil War. Using new historicist and book studies methodologies, it argues that Dante was widely viewed as an important theological-political poet, a cultural representative of Italy and nineteenth-century Italian nationalism and liberalism, one who spoke powerfully to antebellum and wartime issues of national disunity, states' rights, the nature of empire, and the justice and injustice of civil war. American periodicals and English-language translations of the Comedy touted Dante as a great national poet--a model who might inspire any would-be national poet of the United States--while interpreting his biography and the Comedy in terms of American and transatlantic political events, ideologies, and discourses. Aware of such promotion, many American writers, including Longfellow, James Russell Lowell, Herman Melville, and Walt Whitman, read and interpreted the Comedy in terms of national politics and, by the early 1860s, the Civil War. Given its relevance and popularity during the 1860s--numerous books by or about Dante were published in the United States during this decade--the Divine Comedy thus became an important epic poem of the Civil War, a poem that Longfellow and Walt Whitman turned to while constructing their wartime and Reconstruction-era poetry.

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Parker, Matthew Austin Parrish T. Michael. "The Philippine Scouts and the practice of counter-insurgency in the Philippine-American War, 1899-1913." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/5214.

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Costaguta, Lorenzo. "Which way to emancipation? : race and ethnicity in American socialist thought, 1876-1899." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2017. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/41285/.

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This thesis investigates socialist ideas of race and ethnicity in the US during the Gilded Age. By charting the attempts of the Socialist Labor Party to defend the economic and social rights of racial minorities such as African Americans, Chinese immigrants, and Native Americans, it explores the tension between the struggle for class emancipation on the one hand and the demand for racial equality on the other. Focusing on a group of little-investigated newspaper sources, in many cases involving new translations from German-language local socialist press, this thesis challenges the idea held by many historians of American radicalism that late-nineteenth century socialists were apparently uninterested in race. On the contrary, American socialists of the Gilded Age actively engaged with the specific interracial and inter-ethnic composition of the US working class. Applying both methods of institutional and intellectual history, this thesis argues that the Socialist Labor Party between 1876-1899 was divided into two main areas of opinion: the first, defined in this work as “colour-blind internationalist,” held that class solidarity – rather than race and ethnicity – should be used to unite workers and fight for their rights. The second, here termed “scientific racialist,” used a variety of intellectual approaches, which spanned from pseudo-scientific theories of race to Darwinism and anthropology, to demonstrate the existence of a hierarchy of human groups with different levels of physical, cultural, and social development. From the late 1870s to the end of the 1880s the scientific racialist position was prominent in the Socialist Labor Party, but was contested by colour-blind assertions. Indeed, when Daniel De Leon became the party’s leader in the 1890s, he imposed colour-blind socialism as the sole approach. This moved American socialism away from anti-egalitarian outlooks, but created a blind spot in which socialists stopped recognising race as a key element that shaped the social dynamics of the country – a situation that made it hard for them to successfully implement anti-racist policies. This, in turn, helps to explain the relative historic weakness of socialism in the US.

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Griffin, Megan Jenison. "Partisan rhetorics American women's responses to the U.S.-Mexico War, 1846-1848 /." [Fort Worth, Tex.] : Texas Christian University, 2010. http://etd.tcu.edu/etdfiles/available/etd-04292010-144802/unrestricted/Griffin.pdf.

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Books on the topic "United States. Spanish-American War, 1898"

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Field, Ron. The Spanish-American War, 1898. Washington, DC: Brassey's, 1998.

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Smolinski, Diane. Soldiers of the Spanish-American War. Chicago, Ill: Heinemann Library, 2003.

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Langellier, J. Phillip. Redlegs: The U.S. artillery from the Civil War to the Spanish-American War, 1861-1898. Philadelphia, Pa: Chelsea House Publishers, 1999.

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Langellier, John P. Redlegs: The U.S. artillery from the Civil War to the Spanish-American War, 1861-1898. London: Greenhill Books, 1998.

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Woodward, Isaiah A. Aspects of an integrated history of the United States, 1856-1901. Baltimore, Md: Morgan State University Press, 1988.

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The war of 1898: The United States and Cuba in history and historiography. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998.

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Cosmas, Graham A. An army for empire: The United States Army in the Spanish-American War. Shippensburg, PA: White Mane Pub. Co., 1994.

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Cosmas, Graham A. An army for empire: The United States Army in the Spanish-American War. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1998.

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Green, Carl R. The Spanish-American War soldier at San Juan Hill. Mankato, MN, U.S.A: Capstone Press, 1991.

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Wilson, Polly Tipton. Honor bright: Tiptons in the military : Lord Dunmore's War, 1760's-1774 through the Spanish American War, 1898. Anna, Tex: Wilson Pub. Co., 1991.

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Book chapters on the topic "United States. Spanish-American War, 1898"

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Kraaz, Sarah Mahler. "The Spanish–American War." In Music and War in the United States, 87–102. New York: Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315194981-6.

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Duany, Jorge. "Introduction Puerto Rico—A Stateless Nation." In Puerto Rico. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190648695.003.0001.

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Puerto Rico has a peculiar status among Latin American and Caribbean countries. On July 25, 1898, the United States invaded the Island during the Spanish-Cuban-American War, and has since dominated the Island militarily, politically, and economically. In 1901, the US Supreme Court defined Puerto Rico...

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Smallman-Raynor, Matthew, and Andrew Cliff. "Pan America: Military Mobilization and Disease in the United States." In War Epidemics. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198233640.003.0018.

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In the previous chapter, we outlined a number of methods employed by geographers to study time–space patterns of disease incidence and spread. In this and the next four chapters we use these methods to explore five linked themes in the epidemiological history of war since 1850. We begin here with Theme 1, military mobilization, taking the United States as our geographical reference point. Military mobilization at the outset of wars has always been a fertile breeding ground for epidemics. The rapid concentration of large—occasionally vast—numbers of unseasoned recruits, usually under conditions of great urgency, sometimes in the absence of adequate logisitic arrangements, and often without sufficient accommodation, supplies, equipage, and medical support, entails a disease risk that has been repeated down the years. The epidemiological dangers are multiplied by the crowding together of recruits from different disease environments (including rural rather than urban settings) while, even in relatively recent conflicts, pressures to meet draft quotas have sometimes demanded the enlistment of weak, physically unfit, and sometimes disease-prone applicants. The testimony of Major Samuel D. Hubbard, surgeon to the Ninth New York Volunteer Infantry, US Army, during the Spanish–American War (1898) is illustrative: . . . I examined all the recruits for this regiment . . . Practically all the men belonged to one class . . . They were whisky-soaked, homeless wanderers, the majority of whom gave Bowery lodging houses as their places of residence . . . Certainly the regiment was composed of a class of men likely to be susceptible to disease . . . The regiment was hastily recruited, and while the greatest care was used to get the best, the best had to be selected from the worst. (Hubbard, cited in Reed et al., 1904, i. 223) . . . But the problem of mobilization and disease is not restricted to new recruits. As part of the broader pattern of heightened population mixing, regular service personnel may also be swept into the disease milieu while, occasionally, infections may escape the confines of hastily established assembly and training camps to diffuse widely in civil populations.

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Lozano, Rosina. "United by Land." In An American Language. University of California Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520297067.003.0002.

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After the U.S.-Mexican War (1846-1848), the newly created treaty citizens largely remained in the United States. Treaty citizens were tied to the land by occupation, and for the elite, by ownership of ranches and farms. Some chose to cross the border into Mexico in an attempt to retain their language and other cultural customs. Most treaty citizens resided in New Mexico where they remained the overwhelming majority of the settler community who precariously secured the territory for the United States over autonomous Indians. California’s treaty citizens, by contrast, encountered a swift attack on their land claims through the 1851 Gwin Act, which set up a system to verify Spanish and Mexican land grants. Treaty citizens’ use of the Spanish language often led to the loss of their land and disrespect from new Anglo settlers. The struggle to retain land in the U.S. Southwest facilitated elite treaty citizensinvestment into the territorial and state governments of the United States, which required concessions to their use of the Spanish language.

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Shott, Brian. "‘Smoked Yankees’, ‘Wild’ Catholics and the Newspaper ‘Lions’ of Manila." In Racial Difference and the Colonial Wars of 19th Century Southeast Asia. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463723725_ch06.

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When the United States declared war on Spain in 1898, American troops battled Spanish forces in Cuba and across the Pacific in Spain’s longtime colony, the Philippines. There, American troops initially fought alongside Filipino rebels, but after the defeat of Spanish forces the United States annexed the islands and fighting broke out between the rebels and their new occupiers. American soldiers, including nearly 6,000 African Americans, struggled to understand their adversaries, employing varied conceptual frames that mixed scientific racism, the notion of Manifest Destiny, and American exceptionalism and that encompassed long-standing fault lines in American identity, including religion. The chapter draws material from diaries of soldiers, black and ethnic newspaper presses, and diplomatic sources to describe a potent but ephemeral mix of racialist thinking during and immediately after the Philippine-American War.

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Raustiala, Kal. "Territoriality in American Law." In Does the Constitution Follow the Flag? Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195304596.003.0004.

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In 1899 the English writer Rudyard Kipling penned a poem entitled “The White Man’s Burden.” The phrase is now famous, though few probably know that Kipling was its author. Fewer still know the full title: “The White Man’s Burden: The United States and the Philippine Islands.” Kipling published the poem to implore the United States, which had just defeated Spain in a war, to assume control of Spain’s former colonies. By the end of the nineteenth century the United States had grown into an economic giant and had shown itself capable of vanquishing a once great European nation. Now, Kipling suggested, it was time to step into its natural role as an imperial power. His final verse made clear the stakes: . . . Take up the White Man’s burden— Have done with childish days— The lightly proferred laurel, The easy, ungrudged praise. Comes now, to search your manhood Through all the thankless years Cold, edged with dear-bought wisdom, The judgment of your peers! . . . Many Americans at the time agreed that victory in the Spanish-American War of 1898 demonstrated that the United States was now a world power of the first rank. Yet as the poem suggests, they were not entirely sure about ruling Spain’s former colonial islands. Even if the United States did follow the lead of other great powers and build an overseas empire, it was unclear exactly how its colonies should be governed. Were the islands acquired from Spain subject to the same laws as ordinary American territory, or could the United States rule offshore territories differently simply because they were offshore? In short, as contemporaries put the question, did the Constitution follow the flag? This debate consumed the American public and elites alike. It became a central theme in the 1900 presidential contest between Republican incumbent William McKinley and Democratic challenger William Jennings Bryan. The Democratic Party platform emphatically declared an anti-imperial stance: “We hold that the Constitution follows the flag, and denounce the doctrine that an Executive or Congress deriving their existence and their powers from the Constitution can exercise lawful authority beyond it or in violation of it . . . Imperialism abroad will lead quickly and inevitably to despotism at home.”

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7

Smith, Jason W. "Making War upon the Chart." In To Master the Boundless Sea, 166–201. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469640440.003.0007.

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This chapter examines the place of charts and hydrographic surveying in the consolidation of a formal American empire after 1898 and the central place of environmental knowledge in the broader strategic debates concerning American empire in the post war period, 1899-1903. It follows the work of surveying vessels off Cuba and the Philippines, the emerging role of the Hydrographic Office and its leaders, and the strategic debates among officer-students at the United States Naval War College and the Navy’s top leadership in the General Board of the Navy in recognizing and debating the importance of the marine environment generally and the specific strategic features of various harbors and coastlines from the Caribbean to the Western Pacific. The chapter argues that charts, hydrographic surveying, and a larger cartographic discourse were central to the geography of American empire, particularly in projecting American sea power into the Western Pacific and the Caribbean.

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Symonds, Craig L. "6. The Doldrums and The New Navy (1865–1900)." In American Naval History: A Very Short Introduction, 57–67. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199394760.003.0006.

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‘The doldrums and the new navy (1865–1900)’ describes the period after the end of the Civil War: an era of swift retrenchment with little forward progress. When the Civil War ended, the U.S. Navy boasted 671 warships, yet within a decade, all but a few dozen had been sold off, scrapped, or placed in ordinary—mothballed for a future crisis. The concept of a peacetime standing navy was finally embraced with Congressional approval for new battleships in 1890. The war with Spain in 1898 also resulted in the United States assuming significant authority on Cuba and gaining control of the Philippines, Puerto Rico, Guam, and Wake Island.

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Bowman, Stephen. "Introduction." In The Pilgrims Society and Public Diplomacy, 1895-1945. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474417815.003.0001.

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The introduction provides a grounding in the diplomatic history of Anglo-American relations and surveys the main events of the so-called ‘Great Rapprochement’ between the two countries, including the Alaskan Boundary Dispute, Britain’s response to the Spanish-American War in 1898, and the US’s subsequent attitude to Britain’s war with the Boers. The introduction analyses the concept of ‘Anglo-Saxonism’ and discusses the ways in which it was important both to the Pilgrims Society and to official Anglo-American relations. The introduction also provides a chapter by chapter breakdown of the rest of the book and outlines the argument that while the Pilgrims never set the agenda for official Anglo-American relations it nevertheless played a leading role in public diplomacy and, by extension, in how people have thought about how Britain and the United States have related to each other.

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Smith, Jason W. "’Twixt the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea." In To Master the Boundless Sea, 140–65. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469640440.003.0006.

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This chapter examines the full emergence of hydrographic surveying, charts, and knowledge of the marine environment as a strategic imperative that underpinned American empire broadly and naval operations specifically during the Spanish-American-Philippine War, 1898-1902. The emergence of a modern steam-powered, steel-hulled fleet complemented new ideas about the United States’ role in the world and the size of its navy in the writings of the naval theorist Alfred Thayer Mahan. During the War with Spain, a close look at the operations of the U.S. Navy’s blockade of Cuba highlights the significance of the marine environment amid a poorly-charted, circuitous and dangerous coastal waters and the necessity of accurate knowledge of these waters for tactical, operational, and strategic reasons. The Navy found itself similarly ill-prepared in the Philippines. This chapter argues that the practice of naval operations and warfare during this war showed the marine environment to be a dangerous natural enemy, every bit as if not more fearsome than the largely inept Spanish enemy. The Americans won the war rather easily and with great consequence for America’s imperial ascendancy, but the conflict had also made clear that American sea power did not rest far from knowledge of the sea itself.

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