Academic literature on the topic 'Wilson, Woodrow, United States China'
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Journal articles on the topic "Wilson, Woodrow, United States China"
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Mencel, Marian. "China Against the Decision of the Versailles Treaty – May 4 Movement. The State of China's International Environment and Changes in the System of International Relations in the Far East Region." Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywistość XVII (May 1, 2021): 201–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.9105.
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Decisions made after World War I at the Paris Peace Conference had serious political consequences on a global scale. In Europe, new state entities disintegrated and created, the balance of power of the main po-wers changed, with the United States of America taking the first posi-tion. A bipolar system of international relations developed gradually. It reached its final form after World War II. Under the influence of the idealistic vision of the world of American President, Woodrow Wilson, the League of Nations was created. It was a universal international organization the main task of which was to ensure the "territorial integrity and political independence” of its members and to supervise the implementation of the provisions of the Versailles Treaty, regulating the global principles of international political and economic relations. They were expressed by W. Wilson in the so-called "14 points", announced in Congress on January 8, 1918. However, China was not among the beneficiaries of the "new world order" despite the fact that the Middle Kingdom participated in the war on the side of the Entente countries. The decisions made during the Paris conference were against China's raison d'état. For this reason, the country was still an economic base for strengthening its position as superpowers, especially Japan, which had been granted the rights to German concessions in China. The public protest resulted in the revolutionary May 4 Movement, which spread from Beijing to all major cities of the Republic of China, revealing the new face of Chinese society. The 100-year anniversary of these events gives rise to considerations aimed at determining the proper causes of the outbreak of the May 4 Movement and its impact on shaping internal social relations and changes occurring in the social and political space in China. The consi-derations presented in this lecture focused mainly on a synthetic appro-ach to the issue of changes occurring in the international environment, especially the policy of the powers towards China and phenomena obse-rved in Chinese society, resulting in the May 4 Movement. The material, published in subsequent volumes of "Studia Gdańskie. Wizje i rzeczywi-stość", is presented in four parts, due to the need to analyse a wide range of factors influencing the shaping of the social movement in China. In the first part, an attempt was made to indicate the conditions of the state of China's international environment and changes in the system of international relations in the Far East region in the period preceding the outbreak of World War I until its end. The changes observed in the Chinese political and economic system under the pressure of external factors and reactionary internal phenomena will be presented in the following part of the lecture. The third part will focus on the analysis of the phenomena occurring in Chinese society, especially in the context of the creation of civil society and the rejection of the Confucian tradition under the influence of liberal, socialist ideology and communism, of which the May 4 Movement was a consequence. The conclusion will involve an attempt to show the influence of the May 4 Movement on the socio-political phenomena seen during the rule of the Communist Party of China.
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Roberts, Priscilla. "B. Morton (2008).Woodrow Wilson: United States." Diplomacy & Statecraft 23, no. 1 (March 2012): 182–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2012.651980.
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KENNEDY, ROSS A. "Woodrow Wilson: United States - By Brian Morton." History 97, no. 326 (April 2012): 343–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2012.00554_35.x.
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A. Turner, Henry, and Raimundo Xavier de Menezes. "Woodrow Wilson como Administrador." Revista do Serviço Público 75, no. 02 (January 31, 2020): 134–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21874/rsp.v75i02.4284.
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Vinte e oito de dezembro de 1956 assinalou o centenário do nascimento deWoodrow Wilson , um dos presidentes mais complexos que até hoje nos governaram.Poucos contribuíram tão significativamente em campos tão variados,e apresentaram tal número de interessantes facetas em sua personalidade.W i l s o n , o sexto presidente da American Political Science Association, é conhecidocomo ilustre cientista político, em virtude de suas obras CongressionalGovernment, The State e Constitutional Government in the United States,além de numerosos ensaios sôbre o mesmo assunto. É tido como historiadorem atenção aos seus trabalhos History oí the American People e Division andReunion. Sua ação como Presidente da Universidade de Princeton bem comoas manifestações literárias sôbre temas educacionais granjearam-lhe fama deeducador. As reformas promovidas sob sua orientação, quando Governador deNew Jersey, distinguem-no como um dos Chefes de Executivo estaduais maisnotáveis, dentre os de sua geração.
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Ambrosius, Lloyd E. "Woodrow Wilson, Alliances, and the League of Nations." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 5, no. 2 (April 2006): 139–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153778140000298x.
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People in the United States and other countries, if they know anything about Woodrow Wilson, identify this American president with the League of Nations. They regard his role in its creation as his major contribution to world history. Beyond this general consensus, however, there is considerable disagreement.
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Kennedy, Ross A. "STRATEGIC CALCULATIONS IN WOODROW WILSON'S NEUTRALITY POLICY, 1914–1917." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, no. 4 (September 26, 2018): 608–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000269.
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This article analyzes Woodrow Wilson's view of the First World War's implications for U.S. national security and the way in which he related the balance of power between the belligerents at different points in time to his diplomatic objectives. It approaches this topic, which is a subject of much debate among historians, by comparing Wilson's view of the war from late 1914 to early 1915 with that of his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan, and by examining how those perceptions shaped the response of the two leaders to the sinking of theLusitania. Bryan and Wilson both wanted the United States to stay out of the war, both wanted the United States to mediate an end to it, and both of them saw mediation as a doorway to reforming international politics. Unlike Bryan, however, Wilson saw Germany as a potential threat to the United States and paid close attention to the balance of power between the Allies and Central Powers; he specifically believed that the Allies were likely to win the war. These views led Wilson to reject Bryan's advice to de-escalate theLusitaniacrisis and to adopt a much more confrontational policy toward Germany, one of the most consequential decisions Wilson made in the neutrality period.
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Thompson, J. A. "Woodrow Wilson and World War I: A Reappraisal." Journal of American Studies 19, no. 3 (December 1985): 325–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800015310.
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Woodrow Wilson was the first American President to leave the Western Hemisphere during his period of office, and, as befitted him, the circumstances in which he did so were neither casual nor frivolous. He went to Europe in late 1918 to take part in the peace conference following a war that the United States had played a crucial part in bringing to a decisive end. His aim was to secure a peace that accorded with the proposals he had set out in his Fourteen Points address of January 1918 and in other speeches — a peace that would be based upon justice and thus secure consent, that would embody liberal principles(the self-determination of peoples as far as practicable, the prohibition of discriminatory trade barriers), and that would be maintained by a new international organization in which the United States, breaking its tradition of isolation, would take part — a league of nations that would provide a general guarantee of “political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.”The symbolism of this dramatic moment, with the American prophet coming to bring redemption to the Old World, imprinted on the minds of contemporaries an image of Wilson which has affected most subsequent historiography. Viewing events from Vienna, that special victim of the First World War, Sigmund Freud found “the figure of the American President, as it rose above the horizon of Europeans, from the first unsympathetic, and… this aversion increased in the course of years the more I learned about him and the more severely we suffered from the consequences of his intrusion into our destiny.”
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Menger, Richard P., Christopher M. Storey, Bharat Guthikonda, Symeon Missios, Anil Nanda, and John M. Cooper. "Woodrow Wilson’s hidden stroke of 1919: the impact of patient-physician confidentiality on United States foreign policy." Neurosurgical Focus 39, no. 1 (July 2015): E6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/2015.4.focus1587.
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World War I catapulted the United States from traditional isolationism to international involvement in a major European conflict. Woodrow Wilson envisaged a permanent American imprint on democracy in world affairs through participation in the League of Nations. Amid these defining events, Wilson suffered a major ischemic stroke on October 2, 1919, which left him incapacitated. What was probably his fourth and most devastating stroke was diagnosed and treated by his friend and personal physician, Admiral Cary Grayson. Grayson, who had tremendous personal and professional loyalty to Wilson, kept the severity of the stroke hidden from Congress, the American people, and even the president himself. During a cabinet briefing, Grayson formally refused to sign a document of disability and was reluctant to address the subject of presidential succession. Wilson was essentially incapacitated and hemiplegic, yet he remained an active president and all messages were relayed directly through his wife, Edith. Patient-physician confidentiality superseded national security amid the backdrop of friendship and political power on the eve of a pivotal juncture in the history of American foreign policy. It was in part because of the absence of Woodrow Wilson’s vocal and unwavering support that the United States did not join the League of Nations and distanced itself from the international stage. The League of Nations would later prove powerless without American support and was unable to thwart the rise and advance of Adolf Hitler. Only after World War II did the United States assume its global leadership role and realize Wilson’s visionary, yet contentious, groundwork for a Pax Americana. The authors describe Woodrow Wilson’s stroke, the historical implications of his health decline, and its impact on United States foreign policy.
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Eisenach, Eldon J. "Which Wilson Do We (Dis)Honor?" Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 3 (August 31, 2016): 758–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716001298.
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Woodrow Wilson is the only American political scientist to have served as President of the United States. In the time between his political science Ph.D. (from Johns Hopkins, in 1886) and his tenure as president (1913–21), he also served as president of Princeton University (1902–10) and president of the American Political Science Association (1909–10). Wilson is one of the most revered figures in American political thought and in American political science. The Woodrow Wilson Award is perhaps APSA’s most distinguished award, given annually for the best book on government, politics, or international affairs published in the previous year, and sponsored by the Woodrow Wilson Foundation at Princeton University.Wilson has also recently become the subject of controversy, on the campus of Princeton University, and in the political culture more generally, in connection with racist statements that he made and the segregationist practices of his administration. A group of Princeton students associated with the “Black Lives Matter” movement has demanded that Wilson’s name be removed from two campus buildings, one of which is the famous Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs (see Martha A. Sandweiss, “Woodrow Wilson, Princeton, and the Complex Landscape of Race,” http://www.thenation.com/article/woodrow-wilson-princeton-and-the-complex-landscape-of-race/). Many others have resisted this idea, noting that Wilson is indeed an important figure in the history of twentieth-century liberalism and Progressivism in the United States.A number of colleagues have contacted me suggesting that Perspectives ought to organize a symposium on the Wilson controversy. Although we do not regularly organize symposia around current events, given the valence of the controversy and its connection to issues we have featured in our journal (see especially the September 2015 issue on “The American Politics of Policing and Incarceration”), and given Wilson's importance in the history of our discipline, we have decided to make an exception in this case. We have thus invited a wide range of colleagues whose views on this issue will interest our readers to comment on this controversy. —Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor.
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Hochschild, Jennifer. "Should APSA’s Most Prominent Award Continue to be Named after a Racist?" Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 3 (August 31, 2016): 760–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716001304.
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Woodrow Wilson is the only American political scientist to have served as President of the United States. In the time between his political science Ph.D. (from Johns Hopkins, in 1886) and his tenure as president (1913–21), he also served as president of Princeton University (1902–10) and president of the American Political Science Association (1909–10). Wilson is one of the most revered figures in American political thought and in American political science. The Woodrow Wilson Award is perhaps APSA’s most distinguished award, given annually for the best book on government, politics, or international affairs published in the previous year, and sponsored by the Woodrow Wilson Foundation at Princeton University.Wilson has also recently become the subject of controversy, on the campus of Princeton University, and in the political culture more generally, in connection with racist statements that he made and the segregationist practices of his administration. A group of Princeton students associated with the “Black Lives Matter” movement has demanded that Wilson’s name be removed from two campus buildings, one of which is the famous Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs (see Martha A. Sandweiss, “Woodrow Wilson, Princeton, and the Complex Landscape of Race,” http://www.thenation.com/article/woodrow-wilson-princeton-and-the-complex-landscape-of-race/). Many others have resisted this idea, noting that Wilson is indeed an important figure in the history of twentieth-century liberalism and Progressivism in the United States.A number of colleagues have contacted me suggesting that Perspectives ought to organize a symposium on the Wilson controversy. Although we do not regularly organize symposia around current events, given the valence of the controversy and its connection to issues we have featured in our journal (see especially the September 2015 issue on “The American Politics of Policing and Incarceration”), and given Wilson's importance in the history of our discipline, we have decided to make an exception in this case. We have thus invited a wide range of colleagues whose views on this issue will interest our readers to comment on this controversy. —Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Wilson, Woodrow, United States China"
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Salisbury, Christopher Graham. "Woodrow Wilson, World War I and the rise of Poland /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2002. http://adt.library.uq.edu.au/public/adt-QU20020916.165334/index.html.
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Wayson, Donald. "Woodrow Wilson's diplomatic policies in the Russian Civil War /." Connect to full text in OhioLINK ETD Center, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=toledo1241638204.
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Thesis (M.L.S.)--University of Toledo, 2009.Typescript. "Submitted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Liberal Studies." "A thesis entitled"--at head of title. Bibliography: leaves 58-66.
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Hassett, Matthew. "Consolidating empire : the United States in Latin America, 1865-1920 /." Electronic version (PDF), 2007. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2007-3/hassettm/matthewhassett.pdf.
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Snow, L. Ray (Livveun Ray). "The Texas Response to the Mexican Revolution: Texans' Involvement with U.S. Foreign Policy Toward Mexico During the Wilson Administration." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501180/.
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The Mexican Revolution probably affected Texas more than any other state. As the Revolution intensified, Texans responded with increased efforts to shape the Mexican policies of the Woodrow Wilson administration. Some became directly involved in the Revolution and the U.S. reaction to it, but most Texans sought to influence American policy toward Mexico through pressure on their political leaders in Austin and Washington. Based primarily on research in the private and public papers of leading state and national political figures, archival sources such as the Congressional Record and the Department of State's decimal file, major newspapers of the era, and respected works, this study details the successes and failures that Texans experienced in their endeavors to influence Wilson's Mexican policies.
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Pituch, William G. "Participating in the world : select American press coverage of United States internationalism, 1918-1923." Thesis, Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/845.
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Taylor, Samantha Alisha. "A Comparative Study of America's Entries into World War I and World War II." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2009. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1860.
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This thesis studies events that preceded America's entries into the First and Second World Wars to discover similarities and dissimilarities. Comparing America's entries into the World Wars provides an insight into major events that influenced future ones and changed America.
Research was conducted from primary sources of Presidents Woodrow Wilson and Franklin D. Roosevelt. In addition, secondary sources were used that study the events preceding America's entries into World War I and World War II. Research was also conducted on public opinion.
In World War I, German actions angered Wilson and segments of the American public, persuading Wilson to ask for a declaration of war. While German aggression shaped American opinion in World War II, Japanese action forced the United States to enter the war. In both cases, the tone of aggression that molded the foreign policy of Presidents Wilson and Roosevelt and shaped American public opinion originated from Germany.
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Schuster, Casey Elizabeth. "The War in the Classroom: The Work of the Educational Section of the Indiana State Council of Defense during World War I." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/3223.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)When the United States entered World War I in April 1917, many Americans quickly rallied to support the nation. Among the numerous committees, organizations, and individuals that became active in the mobilization process were the forty-eight state councils of defense. Encouraged to form by President Wilson and his administration in the days and weeks following U.S entry in the war, the state councils grew as offshoots of the Council of National Defense and assisted in bringing every section of the country into a single scheme of work. Everyone was expected to do their part in WWI, whether they were fighting overseas or helping on the home front. The state councils, broken down into various sections and county, township, and high-school level councils, made sure that this was the case by reaching down into local communities and encouraging individuals to become involved in the war effort. Their work represented the embodiment of a “total war” philosophy and, yet, studies on these organizations are surprisingly scarce, giving readers an inadequate understanding of the American home front during the conflict. This thesis therefore places the focus directly on the state councils and examines the work they undertook to make the United States ready for, and most effective in wartime service. In particular, it explores the efforts of the Educational Section of the Indiana State Council of Defense. By concentrating on this one section, readers may gain a better understanding of the lengths that the state councils went to in order to put every person – teachers and students included – on a wartime footing.
Books on the topic "Wilson, Woodrow, United States China"
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Dommermuth-Costa, Carol. Woodrow Wilson. Minneapolis: Lerner Publications Co., 2003.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Wilson, Woodrow, United States China"
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Pierce, Anne R. "The Ongoing Importance of Wilson's and Truman's Views and Achievements Regarding the Mission and Power of the United States." In Woodrow Wilson & Harry Truman, 263–74. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315135915-10.
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"Woodrow Wilson and the developmental imperatives of modern U.S. liberalism." In The United States as a Developing Country, 102–42. Cambridge University Press, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511572357.005.
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Smith, Tony. "Democracy Promotion through Progressive Imperialism." In Why Wilson Matters, 65–94. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691183480.003.0003.
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This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's efforts, first as an academic, later as president of the United States, to promote democracy through “progressive imperialism.” A first step for Wilson was to embrace America's democratizing mission in the Philippines. Later, he would continue in this fashion after he became president and faced the challenge of providing stability in the Western Hemisphere during the Mexican Revolution and with the opening of the Panama Canal in 1914—the same year that war broke out in Europe. Wilson's driving concern now became focused: how to provide for a stable peace based on freedom. His answer: through protecting, indeed if possible expanding, democratic government the world around as the best way to end violence among states and provide freedom to peoples.
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Smith, Tony. "Wilson’s Wilsonianism." In Why Wilson Matters, 130–44. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691183480.003.0005.
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This chapter assesses Woodrow Wilson's Wilsonianism. At the heart of the Wilsonian project—the keystone of American liberal internationalism—is the promotion of democracy worldwide for the sake of a peaceful international system and thus for American national security. Here is the essential building block of the system of Wilson's notion of “collective security,” itself the best guarantee of world peace his generation could hope to provide. Through the League of Nations, Wilson proposed that a community dominated by democracies pledge itself to a combined military effort to preserve the international system from the threat of a devastating war, or at least to preserve the security of the democratic world. Ultimately, the enduring impact of Wilson's thought on American policy-makers makes him the most important president the United States has ever had with respect to its conduct in world affairs.
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Smith, Tony. "Know Thyself: What Is “Wilsonianism”?" In Why Wilson Matters, 1–28. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691183480.003.0001.
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This introductory chapter provides an overview of Wilsonianism, which comprises a set of ideas called American liberal internationalism. More than a century after Woodrow Wilson became president of the United States, his country is still not certain how to understand the important legacy for the country's foreign policy of the tradition that bears his name. Wilsonianism remains a living ideology whose interpretation continues either to motivate, or to serve as a cover for, a broad range of American foreign policy decisions. However, if there is no consensus on what the tradition stands for, or, worse, if there is a consensus but its claims to be part of the tradition are not borne out by the history of Wilsonianism from Wilson's day until the late 1980s, then clearly a debate is in order to provide clarity and purpose to American thinking about world affairs today.
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Smith, Tony. "From Theory to Practice: Neo-Wilsonianism in the White House, 2001–2017." In Why Wilson Matters, 235–75. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691183480.003.0008.
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This chapter examines neo-Wilsonianism in the White House, considering the Bush Doctrine—often referred to as the National Security Strategy of the United States, September 2002, or NSS-2002. In the annals of American foreign policy there had never been anything even remotely like NSS-2002, its façade of Wilsonianism covering a far more aggressive imperialist claim for American exceptionalism than Woodrow Wilson had ever espoused, which in due course threatened to destroy altogether the credentials of good stewardship for world affairs that American liberal internationalism had enjoyed from the 1940s through the 1980s. One month after NSS-2002 appeared, the Iraq Resolution passed Congress with strong majorities in both chambers. Neo-Wilsonianism, born in theory during the 1990s, entered into practice five months after this historic vote with the invasion of Iraq that started on March 20, 2003. The chapter then looks at neo-Wilsonianism during the Obama presidency.
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Nichols, Christopher McKnight. "Woodrow Wilson, W. E. B. Du Bois, and Beyond." In Rethinking American Grand Strategy, 175–200. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190695668.003.0009.
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This chapter evaluates Woodrow Wilson's long-term impact on American internationalism. By chronicling the powerful influence of Wilsonianism—and even more of the variously interpreted political, economic, and social “lessons” of World War I—on internationalist as well as on isolationist ideas, it examines some of the ways in which an expanded definition of grand strategy should apply to Wilson, Jane Addams, and W. E. B. Du Bois. This analysis highlights the centrality of the “moment” from roughly 1914 through 1920 and into the 1920s in the development of varied internationalisms. Peace internationalism, black internationalism, isolationist-internationalism, and of course Wilsonian internationalism amounted to grand strategies aiming to remake the organization of the world and the place of the United States in global relations, and seeking to transform international relations in response to what most of those living at the time considered the most cataclysmic event in human history: the Great War. That these and other internationalist ideologies, primarily aimed at finding solutions to nationalist rivalry and conflict, did not prevent another world war should in no way undermine one's understanding of the power and ambitions of these competing as well as complementary internationalisms.
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Aronson, Amy. "Agonizing Dilemmas and the March toward War." In Crystal Eastman, 151–62. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199948734.003.0007.
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In 1916, Crystal Eastman quietly married Walter Fuller, after becoming pregnant with their first child. At the same time, she faced one of the cruelest dilemmas of her political life. It was an election year, and Woodrow Wilson promised peace but not suffrage while his opponent, former New York governor Charles Evans Hughes, promised suffrage but not peace. She chose peace, backed Wilson, and broke with every downtown feminist and militant suffragist with whom she had stood since college. But after Election Day, Wilson’s promises for American “peace without victory” eroded with changing circumstances. Ultimately, the infamous “Zimmerman telegram,” in which Germany promised to help Mexico recover territory lost to the United States in the 1840s if they joined the war on the side of the Central Powers, turned the tide. When Eastman’s colleagues met with Wilson on February 28, 1917, they knew the United States would soon enter the world war.
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Preston, Andrew. "4. The American century?" In American Foreign Relations: A Very Short Introduction, 63–80. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199899395.003.0004.
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Despite rejecting the internationalist marriage Woodrow Wilson had arranged for it with the world, America was still the strongest state in the international system. ‘The American century?’ explains how the myth of isolationism emerged in this period, and why it was so powerful. The Depression did more damage to America’s role in the world than anything in the decades before it, yet in the late 1930s Franklin D. Roosevelt began rebuilding the structures of American power. Thanks to Roosevelt, during World War II the United States transitioned from a major, but often peripheral actor on the world scene, to one of the most powerful states the world has ever seen.
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Maurer, Noel. "The Trap Closes." In The Empire Trap. Princeton University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691155821.003.0004.
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This chapter talks about how the United States could cajole and threaten foreign governments into protecting American property. It proved less capable, however, of fixing the problems that led to instability, default, and expropriation. The chapter recounts the failures of the early fiscal receiverships. The Dominican Republic fell back into civil war by 1912. In fact, the Dominican state entirely collapsed in 1916, forcing a full-scale American occupation to reestablish a modicum of order. Anti-imperialist Woodrow Wilson wound up presiding over a deepening of America's informal empire. His anti-interventionist administration continued the policies of Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft. Wilson abhorred the notion that might makes right; respect for human rights and national integrity, not commercial or financial interests, should determine a nation's foreign policy.