Artículos de revistas: "1939-1945 War and society"

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BRODIE, THOMAS. "German Society at War, 1939–45". Contemporary European History 27, n.º 3 (23 de julio de 2018): 500–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000255.

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The actions, attitudes and experiences of German society between 1939 and 1945 played a crucial role in ensuring that the Second World War was not only ‘the most immense and costly ever fought’ but also a conflict which uniquely resembled the ideal type of a ‘total war’. The Nazi regime mobilised German society on an unprecedented scale: over 18 million men served in the Wehrmacht and Waffen SS, and compulsoryVolkssturmduty, initiated as Allied forces approached Germany's borders in September 1944, embraced further millions of the young and middle-aged. The German war effort, above all in occupied Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, claimed the lives of millions of Jewish and gentile civilians and served explicitly genocidal ends. In this most ‘total’ of conflicts, the sheer scale of the Third Reich's ultimate defeat stands out, even in comparison with that of Imperial Japan, which surrendered to the Allies prior to an invasion of its Home Islands. When the war in Europe ended on 8 May 1945 Allied forces had occupied almost all of Germany, with its state and economic structures lying in ruins. Some 4.8 million German soldiers and 300,000 Waffen SS troops lost their lives during the Second World War, including 40 per cent of German men born in 1920. According to recent estimates Allied bombing claimed approximately 350,000 to 380,000 victims and inflicted untold damage on the urban fabric of towns and cities across the Reich. As Nicholas Stargardt notes, this was truly ‘a German war like no other’.

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OLLERENSHAW, PHILIP. "War, Industrial Mobilisation and Society in Northern Ireland, 1939–1945". Contemporary European History 16, n.º 2 (mayo de 2007): 169–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777307003773.

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AbstractArchive-based regional studies can contribute much that is new to the economic, political and social history of the Second World War. This paper considers the process of industrial mobilisation in Northern Ireland, a politically divided region which was part of the United Kingdom but which had its own government. It examines the changing administrative framework of war production, the debate on military and industrial conscription, the role of women and the economic implications of geographical remoteness from London. The paper adds to our limited knowledge of regional mobilisation and contributes to a neglected aspect of the history of Northern Ireland.

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Casdorph, Paul D. y Jerry Purvis Sanson. "Louisiana during World War II: Politics and Society, 1939-1945." Journal of American History 87, n.º 2 (septiembre de 2000): 724. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568882.

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Brooks, Jennifer E. y Jerry Purvis Sanson. "Louisiana during World War II: Politics and Society, 1939-1945". Journal of Southern History 67, n.º 1 (febrero de 2001): 208. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3070140.

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Fairclough, Adam y Jerry Purvis Sanson. "Louisiana during World War II: Politics and Society, 1939-1945". American Historical Review 106, n.º 1 (febrero de 2001): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2652307.

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Stephenson, Jill. "War and Society in Wurttemberg, 1939-1945: Beating the System". German Studies Review 8, n.º 1 (febrero de 1985): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1429605.

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Tikhomirov, Sergey. "1939-1945: Environmental Aspects of the War in Europe". Review of Central and East European Law 31, n.º 1 (2006): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092598806x111622.

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AbstractWorld War II made it clear that the realization of the potential of existing military technology and methods for using it—along with the extraction of natural resources during the prosecution of the war—constitute a man-made burden for the environment threatening the sustainability of the ecosystems of the combatant countries. The discovery of this danger to the environment was made possible by the implementation of the doctrine of "total destruction" that was conducted under Hitler's direction.The subsequent sixty years have shown, however, that progress in society has been too slow with respect to the subordination of military expediency to environmental sensibility and the adoption of measures toward the ecologization of armed combat. An important strategic resource for resolving the environmental problem of armed conflicts—time—is being lost much more quickly than states are taking steps aimed at the elimination of the threat that was revealed by World War II and that has increased multifold in the six intervening decades.Using historical hindsight, the author proposes his own view of the problem from the perspective of international law.

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Ajayi, Abiodun. "Contribution to Britain’s War Efforts in Osun Division of Western Nigeria, 1939–1945". Journal of African Military History 4, n.º 1-2 (26 de octubre de 2020): 133–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24680966-bja10005.

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Abstract Although no real battle was fought in Nigeria during the Second World War (1939–1945), the burden of the war was much felt by Nigerians. They made significant contributions to the war effort; a method through which the British shifted the burden of the war onto their colonial subjects. This strategy had caught the attentions of many scholars, and various discussions have centered on its origin, purpose and operation at provincial and Nigeria wide level. Thus, contributions at the Districts and Division levels have always been subsumed into colony-wide studies, and by that fact remained unresearched. This paper focuses the effects of the imperial coping strategy on the Yoruba society with Osun Division as a case study. The study adopts historical approach, which depends on written, oral, and archival sources. However, it is hoped that, with due attention being given to the efforts of the people at a local level, the impact of the Second World War on African social order will be better understood.

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Böhler, Jochen y Jacek Andrzej Młynarczyk. "Collaboration and Resistance in Wartime Poland (1939–1945) – A Case for Differentiated Occupation Studies". Journal of Modern European History 16, n.º 2 (mayo de 2018): 225–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2018-2-225.

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Collaboration and Resistance in Wartime Poland (1939-1945) - A Case for Differentiated Occupation Studies This article aims to diffenenciate the often simplistic depiction of war and occupation in Europe between 1939 and 1945 as a fight of good against evil. Such a description can be found not only in popular culture, but also, though less blatantly, in historical literature. Without questioning the overall responsibility of the Axis powers for the horrendous crimes committed during the war, this article argues for a more nuanced approach that takes into account the often complex nature of interaction between the occupiers and the occupied. Instead of invoking moral judgment, the authors aim to prioritize the historical analysis of the reality of Poland's occupation by the Nazis, recognizing that the parties involved had their own agency and often conflicting agendas. The authors apply this approach to two major phenomena: collaboration with, and resistance against the occupying forces. It thereby becomes clear that violence was exchanged not only between the occupants and the occupied, but also between different political and ethnic groups of the Polish society.

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Musallam, Adnan A. "The Impact of World War II On Egyptian Society and On Sayyid Qutb, 1939–1945". Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies 44, n.º 1 (2020): 32–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsa.2020.0003.

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Lônčíková, Michala. "The end of War, the end of persecution? Post-World War II collective anti-Jewish violence in Slovakia". History in flux 1, n.º 1 (21 de diciembre de 2019): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/flux.2019.1.8.

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Contrary to the previous political regime of the Slovak state (1939–1945), official policy had significantly changed in the renewed Czechoslovakia after the end of World War II, but anti-Jewish sentiments and even their brachial demonstrations somewhat framed the everyday reality of Jewish survivors who were returning to their homes from liberated concentration camps or hiding places. Their attempts to reintegrate into the society where they had used to live regularly came across intolerance, hatred and social exclusion, further strengthened by classical anti-Semitic stereotypes and prejudices. Desired capitulation of Nazi Germany and its satellites resulted also in the end of systematic Jewish extermination, but it did not automatically lead to a peaceful everyday life. This paper focuses on the social dynamics between Slovak majority society and the decimated Jewish minority in the first post-World War II years and analyses some crucial factors, particular motivations and circumstances of the selected acts of collective anti-Jewish violence in Slovakia. Moreover, the typological diversity of the specific collective atrocities will be discussed.

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Field, Geoffrey. "Perspectives on the Working-Class Family in Wartime Britain, 1939–1945". International Labor and Working-Class History 38 (1990): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900010176.

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In the late 1940s the British people seemed preoccupied with family and children to an unprecedented degree. A similar revival of family life occurred in other European countries, testimony to the common legacy of the war years, during which private life had been broken apart by death, forced separations, constant anxiety, and unaccustomed privation. But the specific form of postwar familial ideology in Britain reflects the complex circumstances, cultural traditions, and mood of the nation. Everywhere the faces of smiling, responsible parents and healthy, carefree children gazed out from advertising billboards and National Health posters, symbolic of the nation's “social capital” and a better future. Widespread concern about low birthrates helped to strengthen domestic and mothering images of women; magazines and radio espoused the ideas of a growing phalanx of child-care professionals; and government social policy redefined the reciprocal obligations of parents and the state, reflecting a new “social democratic” conception of family as the basic unit of society and the chief incubator of citizenship and community values.

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Rutherford, J. "Germany and the Second World War, volume IX/II: German Wartime Society 1939-1945: Exploitation, Interpretations, Exclusion". German History 33, n.º 1 (6 de octubre de 2014): 162–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghu098.

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Gilbert, Bentley Brinkerhoff y David Thoms. "War, Industry, and Society: The Midlands, 1939-45." American Historical Review 96, n.º 5 (diciembre de 1991): 1550. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165353.

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Broadberry, Steve y David Thoms. "War, Industry and Society: The Midlands, 1939-45." Economic History Review 43, n.º 3 (agosto de 1990): 507. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596966.

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D'Souza, Rohan. "War and Society in Colonial India (1807–1945)". Indian Historical Review 34, n.º 2 (julio de 2007): 225–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/037698360703400220.

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Czubocha, Krzysztof. "ODPOWIEDZIALNOŚĆ ZSRR ZA NARUSZENIA PRAWA MIĘDZYNARODOWEGO W STOSUNKU DO POLSKI W LATACH 1939-1945". Zeszyty Prawnicze 5, n.º 1 (10 de junio de 2017): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2005.5.1.09.

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International Responsibility of the Soviet Union for its Illegal Actions against Poland between 1939 and 1945SummaryThe author of the paper comes to a conclusion that many actions concerning Poland taken by the Soviet Union during The Second World War constituted an abuse of power. The Soviet U nion invaded Poland and illegally occupied its Eastern territories until 1945. As a result of the aggression, hundreds of thousands of Polish soldiers and citizens were killed or persecuted.At the end of The Second W orld W ar decisions concerning Poland were taken at inter-Allied conferences w ithout Poland’s participation. The Great Powers decided to deprive Poland of its Eastern territories against the will of the Polish Government-in-exile, which was legal at that time. W hat is more, Poland was not a signatory of the Jalta and Potsdam agreements. Therefore, the decisions referring to Polish Eastern border should be invalidAs far as the problem of a new Polish government is concerned, it is necessary to stress that according to international law a change of a government in a particular state should take place w ithout any external interference. Nevertheless, the Soviet U nion decided to create a new government for Poland to replace the legal government-in-exile. As a consequence, the Provisional Government of National Unity was created., It consisted mostly of communists who were dependent on the Soviet Union. Many o f them were Soviet spies. They were able to gain power only as a result of the Soviet military intervention in Poland. The government did not represent Polish society and was created against its will. The Soviet U nion did not have the right to impose this sort of government on Poland.The problem of reconciliation between Poland and Russia is also approached in the paper. During the Second World War Polish state and its citizens suffered great losses. Neither the Soviet U nion nor Russia has ever assumed responsibility for the Soviet U nion’s illegal actions against Poland and its citizens between 1939 and 1945. In such circumstances any sort of reconciliation cannot take place.

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Bookbinder, Paul. "Jörg Echternkamp, ed., Germany and the Second World War, Volume IX/II. German Wartime Society 1939–1945: Exploitation, Interpretations, Exclusion". European History Quarterly 45, n.º 4 (octubre de 2015): 764–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691415607130j.

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Malé, Jordi. "“Remaining for the moment without an audience”: The Literary and Civil Commitment of Carles Riba". Journal of Catalan Intellectual History 1, n.º 11 (1 de octubre de 2017): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jocih-2016-0003.

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AbstractCarles Riba (1893–1959) wrote several articles in which he showed his commitment to literature and reflected on the role of literature in society, as “Socrates in front of the judges” (1926), “Politicians and Intellectuals” (1927), “Literature and Rescuing Groups” (1938) and the presentations of the Revista de Catalunya (1939 and 1955). Many of these texts were written in turbulent political contexts: the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera (1923–1929), the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) and the post-war period under Franco (1939–1959). The aim of this paper is to study these articles and analyse Riba’s view of writers and intellectuals.

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Zaremba, Marcin. "Powojenne paniki wojenne: Polska 1945–1980". Kultura i Społeczeństwo 63, n.º 2 (18 de diciembre de 2019): 61–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2019.63.2.4.

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The author defines “war panic” and analyzes specific manifestations of the phenomenon: the war panics that Poland experienced repeatedly after the Second World War. The author demonstrates that for Polish society the Second World War was the most traumatic event of the twentieth century, and that it left behind not only the human losses and a sea of ruins, but enormous deposits of fear. These ap- peared above all in flight behavior, the hoarding of shop goods, and the withdrawal of money from banks in order, for instance, to buy jewelry – every time the pattern was the same. The first war panic occurred already in 1945. Until the end of the 1960s, Poles were convinced that a third world war was just around the corner. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan also induced a panic. Poles were afraid of war, but war was also used to threaten them. During the Stalinist period, the threat was of American imperialism, and in the 1970s, of German “militarists” and “revanchists.” The Second World War did not entirely end in 1945. The author claims that we can speak of its long-term, post-war continuation.

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Stephenson, Jill. "'Emancipation' and its Problems: War and Society in Württemberg 1939-45". European History Quarterly 17, n.º 3 (julio de 1987): 345–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569148701700304.

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Ferree, Myra Marx, Hanno Balz, John Bendix, Meredith Heiser-Duron, Jeffrey Luppes, Stephen Milder y Randall Newnham. "Book Reviews". German Politics and Society 36, n.º 4 (1 de diciembre de 2018): 98–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2018.360405.

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Ann Taylor Allen, The Transatlantic Kindergarten: Education and Women’s Movements in Germany and the United States (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017).Christoph Becker-Schaum, Philipp Gassert, Martin Klimke, Wilfried Mausbach, and Marianne Zepp, ed., The Nuclear Crisis. The Arms Race, Cold War Anxiety, and the German Peace Movement of the 1980s (New York: Berghahn Books, 2016).Armin Grünbacher, West German Industrialists and the Making of the Economic Miracle: A History of Mentality and Recovery (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2017).Dan Bednarz, East German Intellectuals and The Unification of Germany (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017).Cornelia Wilhelm, ed. Migration, Memory, and Diversity: Germany from 1945 to the Present (New York: Berghahn Books, 2017).Britta Schilling, Postcolonial Germany: Memories of Empire in a Decolonized Nation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014).Jenny Wüstenberg, Civil Society and Memory in Postwar Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017).John J. Kulczycki, Belonging to the Nation: Inclusion and Exclusion in the Polish-German Borderlands 1939-1951 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2016).

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Nedeljkovic, Sasa. "Sketches of the Serbs in Cavtat until 1945". Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, n.º 142 (2013): 163–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1342169n.

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At the end of 19th and in the first half of 20th century Catholic Serbs consisted the majority in Cavtat, also known as ?little Belgrade? for that reason. They permanently confronted Croatian nationalists who aspired to make Cavtat a Croatian city. People from Cavtat closely cooperated with national societies from Dubrovnik. National Women?s Cooperative from Dubrovnik opened in 1920 a branch in Cavtat with ?Pcelica? institution. Serbian Sisters? Circle (Kolo srpskih sestara) opened a vocational school in Cavtat at its own expense. The school was governed by Women?s Charitable Organisation from Cavtat, and financed by the Circle. King Aleksandar and Queen Marija received an enthusiastic welcome when they visited Cavtat in 1925. Catholic Serbs considered the Sokol Movement (Sokolsko drustvo) a binding thread of Yugoslav society. The Sokol Movement in Cavtat was the most active and the largest society in Cavtat until the April War in 1941. Cavatat municipality was separated from Konavle in 1937. The Yugoslav Radical Union (JRZ) led by Niko Vragolov won the elections. According to the Cvetkovic-Macek Agreement from August 26th, 1939 Cavtat was separated from Banovina of Zeta and allotted to Banovina of Croatia. The Croatian Peasant Party (HSS) in Banovina of Croatia used its leading position to expand persecutions and deprivations of Catholic Serbs, the Yugoslavs and the Sokols. Local newspapers, especially magazines Dubrovnik and Sokolski glasnik, reported about these persecutions. In Banovina of Croatia municipality of Cavtat was appended in 1940 to the municipality of Konavle with the seat in Gruda. Everything that happened in and around Dubrovnik in Banovina of Croatia was an introduction to what was happening later in the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). The Ustashi persecutions did not cause Catholic Serbs to break down. During the Second World War Dubrovnik and Cavtat were important strongholds of the Yugoslav Army in the Homeland. After the War Cavtat became part of Croatia.

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Ljubin, Valeriy P. "SOVIET PRISONERS OF WAR IN GERMANY, 1941–1945 – AN UNDESIRABLE TOPIC FOR GERMAN SOCIETY?" RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, n.º 2 (2021): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2021-2-105-116.

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In German and Russian historiography, the tragic fate of the Soviet prisoners of war in Germany during the Second World War has not been suffi- ciently explored. Very few researchers have addressed this topic in recent times. In the contemporary German society, the subject remains obscured. There are attempts to reflect this tragedy in documentary films. The author analyses the destiny of the documentary film “Keine Kameraden”, which was shot in 2011 and has not yet been shown on the German television. It tells the story of the Soviet prisoners of war, most of whom died in the Nazi concentration camps in 1941– 1945. The personal history of some of the Soviet soldiers who died in the German captivity is reflected, their lives before the war are described, and the relatives of the deceased and the surviving prisoners of war are interviewed. The film features the German historians who have written books about the Soviet prisoners. All the attempts taken by the civil society organizations and the historians to influence the German public opinion so that the film could be shown on German television to a wider audience were unsuccessful. The film was seen by the viewers in Italy on the state channel RAI 3. Even earlier, in 2013, the film was shown in Russia on the channel “Kultura” and received the Pushkin Prize.

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Sassoon, Donald. "The Rise and Fall of West European Communism 1939–48". Contemporary European History 1, n.º 2 (julio de 1992): 139–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004410.

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The First World War had engendered in 1917 the first communist state and, following this, in 1919, an international communist movement. With the exception of the People's Republic of Mongolia no new communist states emerged between the wars. The Second World War provided European communism with a second chance to establish itself as a significant political force. In its aftermath the Soviet model was extended to much of the eastern part of Europe while, in the West, communism reached, in 1945–6, the zenith of its influence and power. When the dust had settled, Europe, and with it socialism, had become effectively divided. In Eastern, and in parts of Central Europe a form of socialist society was created, only to be bitterly denounced by the (social-democratic) majority of the Western labour movement. It lasted until 1989–90, when, as each of these socialist states collapsed under the weight of internal dissent following the revocation of Soviet control, it became apparent that no novel socialist phoenix would arise from the ashes of over forty years of authoritarian left-wing rule – at least for the foreseeable future.

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Astramowicz-Leyk, Teresa. "Program direction of „Gazeta Grudziądzka” 1894–1939 – selected aspects". Masuro-⁠Warmian Bulletin 292, n.º 2 (2 de agosto de 2016): 213–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.51974/kmw-135018.

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This article presents the principle programming assumptions of the „Gazeta Grudziądzka” (1894–1939), written and published by one of the leaders of the popular movement in Western Prussia, Wiktor Kulerski. The rectified information refers to the date of the publication of the first issue of the magazine and the address of the printing house. Polish literature from Grudziądz had a popular, nationalist and Catholic character. The founder and owner of the paper and his colleagues focused on these three values. The „Gazeta” reached its largest circulation before the First World War. Later, due to the territorial changes in Greater Poland, uprisings and the attitudes of the publisher during the First World War, it was not easy to attract readers. With the accession of Kulerski to the Polish People’s Party „Piast”, the paper became a press instrument of the popular movement. Moreover, after the founder’s death his son, Witold, took over the publishing company. The enduring feature of the „Gazeta Grudziądzka” program was economic anti-Semitism. Nationalism was strongly emphasized until the First World War, but it was presented as a defence against the Germanization of Polish society under Prussian occupation.

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Kiknadze, V. G. "History of the Second World War: Countering Attempts to Falsify and Distort to the Detriment of International Security". MGIMO Review of International Relations, n.º 4(43) (28 de agosto de 2015): 74–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-4-43-74-83.

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One of the negative phenomena of the modern world are attempts to falsify history and the results of the Second World War, 1939-1945., is an important component of the ideological confrontation in the information space of neoliberal forces of Russian society with patriotic and non-violent, is a tool for achieving geopolitical goals of a number of states. United States, European Union and Ukraine tend to distort the results of the Second World War to remove the history of the Great Patriotic War, the feat of the Soviet people, who saved the world from fascism, and the Soviet Union (Russian Federation), together with Nazi Germany put in the dock of history, accusing all the troubles of the XX century. At the same time attempts to rehabilitate fascism and substitution postwar realities lead to the destruction of the entire system of contemporary international relations and, as a consequence, to the intensification of the struggle for the redivision of the world, including military measures. China is actively implementing the historiography of the statement that World War II began June 7, 1937 and is linked to an open aggression of Japan against China. Given these circumstances, the Military Doctrine of the Russian Federation noted that the trend of displacement of military dangers and military threats in the information space and the inner sphere of the Russian Federation. The main internal risks attributable activity information impact on the population, especially young citizens of the country, which has the aim of undermining the historical, spiritual and patriotic traditions in the field of defense of the Fatherland.

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MITTER, RANA y AARON WILLIAM MOORE. "China in World War II, 1937–1945: Experience, Memory, and Legacy". Modern Asian Studies 45, n.º 2 (10 de febrero de 2011): 225–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x10000387.

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AbstractChina's long war against Japan from 1937 to 1945 has remained in the shadows of historiography until recently, both in China and abroad. In recent years, the opening of archives and a widening of the opportunity to discuss the more controversial aspects of the wartime period in China itself have restored World War II in China (‘the War of Resistance to Japan’) to a much more central place in historical interpretation. Among the areas that this issue covers are the new socio-political history of the war that seeks to restore rationality to the policies of the Guomindang (Nationalist) party, as well as a new understanding in post-war China of the meaning of the war against Japan in shaping Cold War and post-Cold War politics in China. In doing so, it seeks to make more explicit the link between themes that shaped the experience of World War II in China to the war's legacy in later politics and the uses of memory of the conflict in contemporary Chinese society.

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Seipp, Adam R. "“This Land Remains German”: Requisitioning, Society, and the US Army, 1945–1956". Central European History 52, n.º 03 (septiembre de 2019): 476–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891900075x.

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AbstractThis article examines debates over the requisitioning of real estate by the US Army during the decade after the end of World War II. Requisitioning quickly emerged as one of the most contentious issues in the relationship between German civilians and the American occupation. American policy changed several times as the physical presence of the occupiers shrank during the postwar period then expanded again after the outbreak of the Korean War. I show that requisitioning became a key site of contestation during the early years of the Federal Republic. The right to assert authority over real property served as a visible reminder of the persistent limits of German sovereignty. By pushing back against American requisitioning policy, Germans articulated an increasingly assertive claim to sovereign rights.

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Bernstein, Lewis, David P. Barrett y Larry N. Shyu. "China in the Anti-Japanese War, 1937-1945: Politics, Culture, and Society". Journal of Military History 66, n.º 1 (enero de 2002): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677379.

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Davidson, Alastair, Ann Curthoys y John Merritt. "Australia's First Cold War 1945-1953, Vol. 1: Society Communism and Culture". Labour History, n.º 52 (1987): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27508848.

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Lēvalde, Vēsma. "Atskaņotājmākslas attīstība Liepājā un Otrā pasaules kara ietekme uz mūziķu likteņiem". Aktuālās problēmas literatūras un kultūras pētniecībā: rakstu krājums, n.º 26/1 (1 de marzo de 2021): 338–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.37384/aplkp.2021.26-1.338.

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The article is a cultural-historical study and a part of the project Uniting History, which aims to discover the multicultural aspect of performing art in pre-war Liepaja and summarize key facts about the history of the Liepāja Symphony Orchestra. The study also seeks to identify the performing artists whose life was associated with Liepāja and who were repressed between 1941 and 1945, because of aggression by both the Soviet Union and National Socialist Germany. Until now, the cultural life of this period in Liepāja has been studied in a fragmentary way, and materials are scattered in various archives. There are inaccurate and even contradictory testimonies of events of that time. The study marks both the cultural and historical situation of the 1920s and the 1930s in Liepāja and tracks the fates of several artists in the period between 1939 and 1945. On the eve of World War II, Liepāja has an active cultural life, especially in theatre and music. Liepāja City Drama and Opera is in operation staging both dramatic performances, operas, and ballet, employing an orchestra. The symphony orchestra also operated at the Liepāja Philharmonic, where musicians were recruited every season according to the principles of contemporary festival orchestras. Liepāja Folk Conservatory (music school) had also formed an orchestra of students and teachers. Guest concerts were held regularly. A characteristic feature of performing arts in Liepaja was its multicultural character – musicians of different nationalities with experience from different schools of the world were encountered there. World War II not only disrupted the balance in society, but it also had a very concrete and tragic impact on the fates of the people, including the performing artists. Many were killed, many repressed and placed in prisons and camps, and many went to exile to the West. Others were forced to either co-operate with the occupation forces or give up their identity and, consequently, their career as an artist. Nevertheless, some artists risked their lives to save others.

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Moeller, Robert G. "Die Deutsche Kriegsgesellschaft 1939 bis 1945. Politisierung, Vernichtung, Überleben. Edited by Jörg Echternkamp. Band 9, Halbband 1, Das Deutsche Reich und der Zweite Weltkrieg. Edited by Militärgeschichtliches Forschungsamt. Munich: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt. 2004. Pp. xi+993. €49.80. ISBN 3-421-06236-6. Die Deutsche Kriegsgesellschaft 1939 bis 1945. Ausbeutung, Deutungen, Ausgrenzung. Edited by Jörg Echternkamp. Band 9, Halbband 2, Das Deutsche Reich und der Zweite Weltkrieg. Edited by Militärgeschichtliches Forschungsamt. Munich: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt. 2005. Pp. xiii+1112. €49.80. ISBN 3-421-06528-4." Central European History 39, n.º 2 (19 de mayo de 2006): 333–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906320122.

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During the Second World War, Germans fought a “two-front war.” A “community of fate” bound together Germans at home and Germans in uniform who carried the war beyond Germany's borders. “Between 1939 and 1945, there was no doubt that civilians were no longer excluded from the fighting; they found themselves right in the middle of it—as actors, as observers, and as those who bore the suffering” (part 1, p. 2) of the war. The Nazi leadership knew this from the start, and only days after the Nazi invasion of Poland, Hermann Göring was exhorting a factory workforce to remember: “We are now all fighters at the front!”(part 1, p. 8). Jörg Echternkamp reminds us of this in his introduction to this massive two-part volume, the latest installment in the history of Germany in the Second World War that has occupied historians of the Military History Research Office (Militärgeschichtliches Forschungsamt, or MGFA) for the last twenty-five years. Echternkamp is the editor, and he deserves enormous credit for pulling together a collection of twenty essays—some of which could easily stand on their own as monographs, all of which are grounded in staggering amounts of original research—that not only summarize what we know about the impact of the war on the homefront in Germany, but also add considerably to that knowledge. Previous volumes in the MGFA series (seven of which are available from Oxford University Press in English translation) have focused primarily on the military planning, the war at the front, and the organization of the war economy at home. In the more than 2,000 pages of this two-part volume, contributors turn their attention to the impact of the war on German society. The results are extremely impressive, and what Echternkamp has brought together will be the starting point for anyone who wants to understand the war at home in Germany.

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Kneodler, Thais da Silva, Graciele Oroski Paes, Fernando Rocha Porto, Pedro Ruiz Barbosa Nassar y Alexandre Barbosa de Oliveira. "Nursing throughout war times: political propaganda and professional valorization (1942-1945)". Revista Brasileira de Enfermagem 70, n.º 2 (abril de 2017): 407–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7167-2016-0440.

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ABSTRACT Objective: to discuss the symbolic effects of the publication on written press of institutional rites related to the courses promoted by the Brazilian Federal District's Schools of Nursing during the Second World War. Method: exploratory and documentary study, whose sources were treated by historical method. Results: one noticed, in the news reports analyzed, that the Brazilian Estado Novo has used nurses images to divulge within the society the woman's acting altruistic model in service to the country, through the systematic diffusion by the press of her honorable acting during the war, what assured the amplification of the visibility and acknowledgment of the Nursing profession in that context. Conclusion: the diffusion by press of emergency nurses graduations magnified their apparition in public spaces, occasion on which the institutional rite was strategically used to transmit to the society the urgency of the new profession, in order to support the political causes in vigor in the country.

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Ramsden, Stefan y Rosemary Cresswell. "First Aid and Voluntarism in England, 1945–85". Twentieth Century British History 30, n.º 4 (3 de febrero de 2019): 504–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwy043.

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Abstract First aid was the focus of growing voluntary activity in the post-war decades. Despite the advent of the National Health Service in 1948, increased numbers of people volunteered to learn, teach, and administer first aid as concern about health and safety infiltrated new activities and arenas. In this article we use the example of the Voluntary Aid Societies (VAS, focusing in particular on St John Ambulance) to highlight continuities and change in the relationship between state and voluntary sector in health and welfare provision during the four decades after 1945. Though the state assumed vastly expanded health and welfare responsibilities after the war, the continuing vitality of the VAS suggests cultural continuities that the post-war welfare state did not eradicate. The article therefore builds on the insights of historians who argue that volunteering remained a vital component of British society across the later twentieth century, and that the state and voluntary sector were not mutually exclusive.

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Collins, Peter. "Presidential politics: The controversial election of 1945". Notes and Records of the Royal Society 65, n.º 4 (8 de junio de 2011): 325–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2011.0002.

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A change of leadership is an opportunity for an organization to review its values and objectives and, perhaps, set a new course for itself. As World War II was drawing to a close in 1945, the Royal Society was faced with such an opportunity, having to select not only a new President in succession to Henry Dale but also two new Officers. Many within and beyond the Society were keenly interested in the outcome. Almost 20% of the Fellowship, spurred on by Percy Andrade, signed a petition setting out for the benefit of Council where the Society should be heading and the attributes that the incoming President would need to lead it there. The petitioners' vision proved somewhat controversial, but more controversial was their action in seeking to influence Council directly rather than leaving things to take their normal discreet course. In the end they won the argument but lost the battle. The episode is revealing of the Society's values and culture at the time.

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Lo Biundo, Ester. "Radio Londra 1943-1945: Italian society at the microphones of the BBC". Modern Italy 23, n.º 1 (29 de diciembre de 2017): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2017.66.

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Propaganda from the BBC directed at Italy during the Second World War played a dual role. The ‘Radio Londra’ programmes, on the one hand a propaganda tool of the British government and on the other moral support to many Italians, are part of the cultural heritage of the war. This article explores what topics and types of programme were broadcast during the period of the Allied occupation of Italy (1943–1945) in order to engage the support of different social categories, including ordinary men and women, soldiers, factory workers, former Fascists, and intellectuals. The first part analyses some of the programmes in order to determine their propaganda strategies, while the second part focuses on the letters sent by listeners in Italy to the BBC broadcaster Colonel Stevens. It will be seen how both the use of cultural stereotypes and the attention to the detail of daily life for Italian civilians contributed to the success of the programmes.

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Apperley, Alan. "Revisiting Dearing: Higher Education and the Construction of the ’Belabored’ Self". Culture Unbound 6, n.º 4 (1 de octubre de 2014): 731–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.146731.

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Several authors have identified a ’therapeutic turn’ in education in the UK, at all levels of the system. In this paper I focus on and develop this claim, specifically in relation to the Higher Education sector. I seek to do two things: First, I argue that the ‘self’ which is identified by commentators on the therapeutic turn needs to be reworked in the direction of McGee’s idea of the ’belabored’ self. This is because the therapeutic turn serves, I argue, a set of wider economic goals arising from the restructuring of capitalism which followed in the wake of the oil crisis of 1973 and the subsequent breakdown of the post-war (1939-1945) consensus around the purpose of public policy, of which education is an important part. Second, I revisit an important document in the history of the UK Higher Education sector: the National Committee of Inquiry Into Higher Education’s 1997 report Higher Education In The Learning Society (known popularly as the Dearing Report, after its chair, Sir Ron Dearing). I argue that that the committee’s ambition to bring about a learning society characterised by lifelong learning played an important and neglected part in bringing about the therapeutic turn in higher education in the UK. The project of creating a learning society characterised by lifelong learning, advocated by the Dearing Report, should properly be recognised as an exhortation to embark upon a lifetime of labouring upon the self.

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Franck, Raymond E. "Book Review: The Pursuit of Power: Technology, Armed Force and Society Since A.D. 1000; The Future of War: Power, Technology and American World Dominance in the 21st Century; War, Economy and Society, 1939-1945; War and Economy in the Third Reich". Armed Forces & Society 27, n.º 3 (abril de 2001): 477–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x0102700308.

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Cordell, Karl. "Politics and Society in Upper Silesia Today: The German Minority Since 1945". Nationalities Papers 24, n.º 2 (junio de 1996): 269–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408441.

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In 1919, Polish nationalist forces led by Josef Pilsudski succeeded in re-establishing an independent Polish state. Poland had disappeared from the map of Europe in 1794 following the third partition. It had been devoured by its traditional enemies; Prussia, Austria and Russia. Historically, Poland had been a state without fixed borders, and via a combination of changing dynastic alliances and a pattern of eastward migration, from the twelfth century formerly Slav areas east of the rivers Oder and Neisse became progressively germanicized. By 1921, following the end of World War I, several peace conferences, and after a series of referenda in disputed (former) German areas and a series of wars with all of its neighbors, including an especially successfully prosecuted war against the embryonic Soviet Union, the new state had managed to become a state which incorporated virtually all ethnic Poles. However, in addition to incorporating the overwhelming majority of ethnic Poles, the borders of the new Polish state also included huge numbers of other ethnic, religious and national groups.

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Vilanova, Francesc. "Did Catalonia endure a (cultural) genocide?" Journal of Catalan Intellectual History 1, n.º 11 (1 de octubre de 2017): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jocih-2016-0002.

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AbstractDuring the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), Spanish fascism developed its own repressive tools and resources against their enemies (Republicans, Socialists, Communists and Anarchists among others) in the same way other European fascisms did. The depth of the Spanish nationalism brought Franco’s repression against the Catalan society to the height of the processes of cultural and linguistic persecution in the same way that Nazism or Italian fascism had done in the territories they occupied during the years of World War II.

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Kossel, Elmar. "Der Wiederaufbau von Florenz 1945". Architectura 46, n.º 1 (30 de diciembre de 2016): 72–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/atc-2016-0005.

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AbstractFlorence suffered heavy destruction due to blasting by the german Wehrmacht in the area around the Ponte Vecchio in 1944. On the question of how the historic, in the core medieval buildings should be rebuilt, a vigorous debate was ignited, which also was intensively conducted in public. The debates core was about the question of wether the old center should be reconstructed exactly as it was or should a modern and contemporary solution be given priority. The art historian Bernhard Berenson and the archeologist Ranuccio Bianchi Bandinelli exemplified the position in the debate for the Florentine context. Linked to this discussion was also the question, how Italy would present itself after war and fascism as a new and democratic society. The built result can be seen as a compromise of these positions, as the new architecture is added in the center emphasized inconspicuousDespite the consistently negative reception, it was possible to dissociate oneself in two respects from this locally located variety of post-war modernity: On the one hand, the international architectural scene and, on the other hand, its own architectural heritage which is contaminated by fascism. The reference to its own architectural heritage and the very independent appropriation of international influences should remain the basic characteristic of the »Scuola Fiorentina« until the mid-1970s

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BALDOLI, CLAUDIA y MARCO FINCARDI. "ITALIAN SOCIETY UNDER ANGLO-AMERICAN BOMBS: PROPAGANDA, EXPERIENCE, AND LEGEND, 1940–1945". Historical Journal 52, n.º 4 (6 de noviembre de 2009): 1017–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x09990380.

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ABSTRACTThe Italian experience of being bombed has been neglected in the historiography of the Second World War, especially in English. This marginalization is not justified by the record of events; according to official estimates, Italian civilian victims of bombing numbered around 60,000. The reaction of the Italian population to air raids was carefully evaluated and discussed by the Allies, who decided to hit civilians living near industrial areas with a view to testing their psychological resistance. The article focuses on the civilians' reactions to death coming from the sky, by examining their response to both Anglo-American and Fascist propaganda, and to the experience of the raids at different stages of the war. It analyses the ways in which civilians coped with the collapse of state defences (including the creation of legends and the spreading of rumours independent of state propaganda), and the psychologically complex and shifting response to bombers who introduced themselves as liberators. The research presented is based on archival sources, particularly prefects' reports from different parts of Italy to the Ministry of Interior, on both Anglo-American and Fascist propaganda, newspaper articles, and civilians' diaries.

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44

Barros, A. "The Lasting War; Society and Identity in Britain, France, and Germany after 1945". French History 23, n.º 2 (20 de abril de 2009): 283–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crp019.

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Leese, Peter. "The Great War and German Memory. Society, Politics and Psychological Trauma, 1914–1945". First World War Studies 3, n.º 2 (octubre de 2012): 250–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19475020.2012.728752.

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Heitzer, Enrico. "The lasting war: society and identity in Britain, France and Germany after 1945". National Identities 21, n.º 4 (9 de agosto de 2018): 436–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2018.1505585.

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Lappo, G. M. y A. A. Aguirrechu. "Geographers and the Russian Geographical Society in the Great Patriotic War (1941–1945)". Izvestiya Rossiiskoi Akademii Nauk. Seriya Geograficheskaya., n.º 3 (23 de julio de 2015): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.15356/0373-2444-2015-3-8-18.

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48

Rogut, Dariusz. "The Attitude of Soviet Security Organs to the Home Army (July 1944 – January 1945)". Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 4, n.º 4 (2020): 1303–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2020-4-4-6.

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The article deals with the problem of relations between the Soviet State Security Organs and the Home Army, an underground Polish military organization, in the final period of the Second World War. The author concludes that the main tools for establishing the Communist dictatorship and suppressing Polish society were the NKVD, NKGB, and SMERSH. Repression was aimed at broad groups of Polish society (landlords, teachers, doctors, clergy, etc.) and at certain individuals who were considered by the Soviet leadership as dangerous, hostile, and threatening the new Communist authorities. According to some estimates, from January 1944 to the end of the 1940s, 80–100 thousand Poles were arrested in the territory of the Second Polish Republic, of whom several thousand were convicted (not counting Polish citizens of other nationalities). They were held in screening and filtration camps, camps for prisoners of war and internees, correctional labour camps and labour battalions of the NKVD-MVD. The arrests, internment, mass deportations and trials of this period contradicted the norms of international law and marked the beginning of the new, Soviet, period of occupation.

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Enssle, Manfred J. "Five Theses on German Everyday Life after World War II". Central European History 26, n.º 1 (marzo de 1993): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019944.

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To order an untidy past, historians identify and interpret significant pivots in the development of nations. One such pivot in the fractured history of twentieth-century Germany was the period between 1945 and 1949. In these brief postwar years, a remarkable “mutation” of German politics and society began under Allied tutelage. In this interregnum between Hitler and Adenauer, a war-devastated West Germany started on the path “from shadow to substance.” As the Bonn Republic endured, historians started to trace its origins back to certain political and economic structures first erected in the postwar years. Increasingly, they emphasized postwar Weichenstellungen, or turning points, which influenced later events. By the 1980s, this structuralist view strongly suggested that contemporaries of the years 1945–1949 had actually lived through the Vorgeschichte, or prehistory, of the Federal Republic, and of affluence.

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GAYLE, CURTIS ANDERSON. "China in the Japanese Radical Gaze, 1945–1955". Modern Asian Studies 43, n.º 5 (septiembre de 2009): 1255–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x08003867.

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AbstractJapanese images of China have much to tell us about the way Japan sees its own modernisation and its place in the international system. Contrary to popular belief, Japan did not turn unabashedly toward the USA after 1945. During the first decade after World War II, a number of important Japanese radical historians and thinkers decided that modernisation could be accomplished without the help of the West. Just when many in Japan were looking to America and Europe as exemplars of modernisation, others looked instead to revolutionary China and its past struggles against Japanese colonialism in the construction of a very different historical position from that ordinarily associated with the early post-war years. Certain Japanese historians, inspired by the push toward decolonisation in Asia, set about writing the history of the present in ways that aligned Japan with modern Chinese history. Even though China had just been liberated from Japanese colonial rule, Japanese Marxists saw their own position—under American imperialism—as historically and politically congruous with China's past war of resistance against Japan (1937–45). Through campaigns to develop a kind of cultural Marxism on the margins of Japanese society, they sought to bring about post-war Japanese ‘national liberation’ from American hegemony in ways that consciously simulated past Chinese resistance to Imperial Japan. Replacing Japan's own cultural Marxist traditions from the pre-war era with the more palpable and acceptable example of China, they also hoped a new form of Asian internationalism could remedy the problem of Japan's wartime past. The historical irony associated with this discursive twist deferred to future generations the problem of how the Left* would come to terms with the past.

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