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1
Weidemann, Diethelm. "Afghanistan und die Region". Universität Potsdam, 2014. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2014/6993/.
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Der Afghanistankonflikt hat seit 2001 deutliche Auswirkungen auf das regionale Umfeld – in Pakistan, Kaschmir, Xinjiang und den zentralasiatischen Republiken. Dies wird sich nach dem Abzug der ISAF-Truppen noch verstärken. Dabei geht es sowohl um die grenzüberschreitenden Folgen der beiden Militärinterventionen als auch um die Wirkungen der innerafghanischen Konflikte auf die gesamte Region. Diese Problematik besitzt ein erhebliches Konfliktpotenzial, das größere Aufmerksamkeit verdient.
2
Iro, Andrea. "Staatszerfall und State-Building in Afghanistan : die USA im Spannungsfeld zwischen Staatsaufbau und Terrorbekämpfung nach dem 11. September 2001 /". Marburg : Tectum-Verl, 2008. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=3085483&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.
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Höse, Alexander. "Obamas Außenpolitik : Neubeginn in den transatlantischen Beziehungen?" Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2009/3281/.
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US-Präsident Barack Obama hat die ersten hundert Tage seiner Administration hinter sich. Wie Alexander Höse zeigt, waren diese von einigen Höhen und Tiefen gekennzeichnet; allein die globale Finanzkrise hat ihren Beitrag dazu geleistet. Der Autor gibt einen Überblick über Obamas vermeintlich neue Politik und zeigt, dass sich so viel doch nicht geändert hat.
4
Ruttig, Thomas. "Einiges besser, nichts wirklich gut : Afghanistan nach 34 Jahren Krieg ; eine Bilanz". Universität Potsdam, 2014. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2014/6991/.
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Afghanistan steht vor einem Wendepunkt. Die Lage beim Abzug der NATO/ISAF-Truppen gibt wenig Anlass zum Optimismus. Zwar wurden gewisse Fortschritte bei der Entwicklung des Landes erreicht, insgesamt ist die Lage jedoch hinsichtlich Sicherheit, politischem System und Wirtschaft beunruhigend.
Afghanistan gehört nach wie vor zu den ärmsten Ländern der Erde und ein anhaltender Frieden ist nicht in Sicht. Im Gegenteil: Die Mehrheit der Afghanen fürchtet die Zukunft.
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Kreft, Heinrich. ""More of the same" in der zweiten Amtszeit? : Die Außenpolitik des George W. Bush". Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4762/.
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Despite the difficult situation in Iraq, US President Bush easily won a second term, but his room for manoeuvre is now significantly smaller than it was four years ago. He has at least three conflicts on his plate: the first and most critical one in Iraq, the second the continuing war on terror and the third the struggle to consolidate Afghanistan. Conscious of the growing risk of US overstretch, Bush is now reaching out to the European allies. However, most observers anticipate a change in style rather than any real change in substance.
6
Karlsson, Johan. "Taktik vid strid i bergsterräng : En jämförelse mellan USA och Sovjets taktik i Afghanistan". Thesis, Swedish National Defence College, Swedish National Defence College, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-146.
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I och med det svenska bidraget till NATO missionen i Afghanistan samt den nyupprättade bergsplutonen på Arméns JägarBataljon i Arvidsjaur så har frågor kring taktik i bergsterräng även blivit aktuellt för Sverige. Då svenska utbildningarna och doktriner i huvudsak saknar problematiseringen kring att strida eller verka i bergsterräng så kan man där av ställa sig frågan hur ska vi få kunskap om detta? Detta arbete syftar därför till att jämföra den av USA använda taktiken i Afghanistans bergsterräng och den Sovjet har använt sig av. Frågan som arbetet försöker besvara är dels vad skillnaden har varit mellan taktiken hos stormakterna samt vad som varit den största framgångsfaktorn och begränsningen i respektive lands konflikt. Arbetet bygger på ett underlag främst från litteratur samt artiklar om operationer genomförda i Afghanistan.
Arbetets resultat kan sammanfattas med att de faktorer som mest har påverkat dessa länders lösande av uppgift har varit hur ledarskapet har varit inom deras förband, och då främst hur i vilken utsträckning dessa har använt sig av uppdragstaktik. Flexibilitet, samordning av den indirekta elden och valet av understödsförmågor har även dessa varit viktiga faktorer som påverkat lösandet av uppgiften.
Due to the Swedish contribution to the by NATO led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan and the newly established Mountain Platoon at the Swedish Army Ranger Batalion in Arvidsjaur have the question about mountain warfare started to be of interest for Sweden. Because of the lack of discussion of mountain warfare and how to act in the mountain terrain in the Swedish military doctrine and education the question is how to get knowledge of this? The purpose of this paper is to compare the tactics used by the U.S. and the Soviets in the mountains of Afghanistan. The question this paper is trying to answer is what the different between the two countries tactics and what have been the most important factor for success and the biggest limitation in the countries tactics in the conflict. The basis for the comparison was received from literature and articles about operations conducted in Afghanistan.
The results of the essay can be summarized in that the most prominent factor have been the leadership used by the units, and mainly to what extent they have used mission type tactics, Flexibility, coordination of the indirect fire and what support they have chosen to use have also been an important factor that affected the outcome.
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Seifert, Arne C. "Abzug, um zu bleiben : Nachdenken in den USA über den strategischen Sieg". Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2013/6330/.
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Hippler, Jochen. "Dauerkrise in Pakistan". Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/2936/.
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Ist Pakistan das gefährlichste Land der Welt? Jochen Hippler, ein exzellenter Kenner dieses Landes, analysiert die innenpolitische Dauerkrise. Der Staat wird immer fragiler und die Politik immer mehr durch Gewalt geprägt. Große Teile des Staatsapparates sind deformiert. Gelingt es nicht, diesen Zerfall zu stoppen, wird Pakistan mittelfristig für die Welt bedrohlicher als das krisengeschüttelte Afghanistan.
9
Iro, Andrea. "Staatszerfall und state-building in Afghanistan die USA im Spannungsfeld zwischen Staatsaufbau und Terrorbekämpfung nach dem 11. September 2001". Marburg Tectum-Verl, 2006. http://d-nb.info/988073803/04.
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Ragnarsson, Gustav y Lula Mohamed. "Ett nödvändigt ont? Om USAs agerande gentemot Pakistan. : En studie om utrikespolitisk förändring". Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för lärande, humaniora och samhälle, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-30334.
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This study examines foreign policy change.In contrast to most previous research this study investigates when trend-and significant foreign policy changes occurs. This study is a case study that examines US foreign policy changes and actions towards the Islamic republic of Pakistan.This study will also be using Jakob Gustavsson’s theory on foreign policy change. This is a qualitative study.A relationship historically defined by its ups and downs. This study finds that it is most likely that in order for significant changes to occur in foreign policy there must be changes in the fundamental structural conditions. A plausible conclusion is that the trend change that has occurred is the result of a series of events under 2011 that led to a crisis between the two countries
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Said, Habib. "External States as Spoilers in Peace processes : A case study of the USA in Afghanistan". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-80188.
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The complexity of spoilers in the conflict resolution and the breakdown of the peace process through violence or other method have made spoiling an interesting topic. The discussion and the research on the spoiler has contributed to understanding the nature of the issue of spoilers. However, the discussion is rolling over the perception of spoiler and the obstacle of spoiling behavior. Some researchers are focusing on spoiling behavior of internal and external spoiler who are within the country of the conflict, while some of the recent researches concentrate on the spoiling actions of states or actors who are geographically external to the conflict which can derail the peace processes. Obviously the role of external states actors especially the US was not covered by the research with the only exceptions in which the United State has been highlighted as the external state spoiler in Colombia. In the case of the Afghanistan there are several states involved in Afghan conflict but there is no research has been done on democratic countries, such as the US as having potential spoiling behavior in the Afghan peace process. Therefore this study is trying to see if the US has a spoiling behavior in the context of Afghanistan. The analytical framework developed in this study outline some condition to spoiling behavior and activities which is applied to case of study US in Afghanistan to find out if the US acting as potential spoiler in Afghan peace process. The role of US in Afghanistan is one of the reason that encourage looking into the US impact on the country and its long pursuit of peace. In this study, the US opinion, role, and activities towards Afghan peace process and conflict are discussed throughout this study. The analytical framework which has been developed in this study suggests that the US has the potential to spoiling behavior.
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Åkerdahl, Helena. "Response to the Terrorist Attacks of September 11 : De etniska grundantagandenas påverkan på USA:s konfliktrelation under kriget i Afghanistan". Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-59606.
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Denna studie syftar till att undersöka om den grundläggande synen på identiteter USA:s ledande politikers besitter går att utläsa i strategiskt viktiga tal med koppling till USA:s insats i Afghanistan. Syftet är också att undersöka vad dessa synsätt haft för inverkan på konfliktrelationerna i detta fall. Den besvarar därför vilken grundläggande syn George W. Bush och Barack Obama uppvisat gällande identiteter. Den berör också vilken påverkan dessa identitetssyner haft för USA:s konfliktinställning och hur det förklarar konfliktutvecklingen. För att besvara dessa frågeställningar presenteras ett teoretiskt ramverk bestående av Carol Bacchis teori om problemformuleringens betydelse samt de essentialistiska och konstruktivistiska perspektiven. Ramverket binds sedan samman i en konkurrerande och en samverkande konfliktmodell, som definierar de följder olika identitetssyner har på konfliktrelationerna. Dessa egenskaper används sedan tillsammans med de essentialistiska och konstruktivistiska perspektiven för att kategorisera studiens empiriska material genom en förenklad variant av Bacchis What’s the problem represented to be? – approach. Materialet består av George W. Bushs tal ”Response to the Terrorist Attacks of September 11”, 2001, hans ”andra installationstal”, 2005 och Barack Obamas tal ”the Way Forward in Afghanistan and Pakistan”, 2009. Analysen av talen visar att konflikten 2001 var essentialsitisk och konkurrerande för att sedan 2005 till stor del klassas som konstruktivistisk och samverkande. 2009 definieras den sedan helt av konstruktivismen och en samverkande konfliktrelation. Därmed visar studien att det finns en relation mellan den bakomliggande synen på etniska identiteter och den typ av konfliktrelation som utvecklas. De bakomliggande antagandena och de konfliktrelationer som uppvisats har även kunnat förklara konfliktutvecklingen då de antaganden som uppvisats stämt överens med den utrikespolitik som rått vid de olika tidpunkterna.
13
Karlsson, Josefine. "Krigsjournalistik : En kritisk diskursanalys av New York Times rapportering av kriget i Afghanistan 2001". Thesis, Örebro : Örebro University. School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences, 2008. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:175140/FULLTEXT01.
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Møller, Silke. "Do Afghan women need saving? : A Critical Discourse Analysis of Laura Bush’s representation of the women in Afghanistan". Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-45801.
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Do Afghan women need saving? This study focuses on the discourse of the USA’s First Lady Mrs. Laura Bush in the years (2001-2009) and how she represents the women in Afghanistan in the context of the USA-led intervention in Afghanistan. My aim is to understand how the USA intervention can be legitimized through Mrs. Bush’s argumentation of bringing human rights to Afghan women. In the analysis in this thesis, Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis is used in combination with feminist and postcolonial theory to understand her discourse about the women in Afghanistan and how her resulting discourse functions in connection with the USA-led intervention in Afghanistan. The study concludes that Mrs. Bush constructs the Afghan women as in need of help and in connection the USA as the helping hand who have an obligation to save the women in Afghanistan. In combination with strategic use of ‘embedded feminism’ and an oriental discourse Mrs. Bush’s discourse functions to make the USA-led intervention in Afghanistan seem legitimate.
15
Walker, Molly C. "Masterplan for a healing garden in the village of Qala-e-Malakh, Behsood District, Nangarhar Province, Afghanistan". Virtual Press, 2007. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1379443.
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This creative project is the exploration of a healing garden for Afghan women who have been victims of war and terror. The project culminates with a masterplan and design for a healing garden in the rural village of Qala-e-Malakh in the Behsood District of the Nangarhar Province of Afghanistan. This issue became a viable project when I was put into contact with Lalbibi (Bibi) Bahrami, an Afghan woman living in Yorktown, Indiana, and native of Qala-e-Malakh. She has worked tirelessly to create and raise funds for her organization, Afghan Women's And Kids' Education and Necessities (AWAKEN), which provides education, basic healthcare, and vocational training to women and children in several rural villages. It is my intent to determine how a designed space, incorporating elements of native culture, emotional treatment standards, and therapeutic garden research, can help heal and renew the spirits of women who have experienced such extreme tragedy and devastation.Department of Landscape Architecture
16
Yasin, Mohammad Ajmal. "Cannabis Use and Its Health Consequences in Afghanistan: Implication for Intervention and Prevention". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2013. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/iph_theses/291.
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Cannabis is the most widely used illicit drug, worldwide and also in Afghanistan. According to United Nation Office for Drug and crime (UNODC) Afghanistan Cannabis survey (2009), more than half of all drug users interviewed in Afghanistan had used cannabis in their life time. In this survey around 630,000 people, mostly men, were documented as cannabis users. On the other hand, cannabis life time use amongst regular female drug user was 40%. The annual prevalence of cannabis use was 8.1 percent in male and 0.2 percent in female populations (UNODC Afghanistan Cannabis survey 2009). In Afghanistan cannabis is most commonly used amongst various groups of individuals, including public transport and truck drivers, and law enforcement personnel, such as Afghan National Police and Afghan National Army recruits. According to a Government Accountability Report for the United States Congress in March 2010, the percentage of Afghan Police recruits who tested positive for drug use, (i.e., marijuana, hashish and opiates) was 12-40% (Nordland & Wafa, 2010). Cannabis use has been linked to a myriad of adverse health outcome included but not limited to, increased risk of schizophrenia, impairment of cognitive functioning, deterioration of motor skills, weakening of driving skills, adverse pregnancy outcome and increased risk of cardiovascular and respiratory diseases (Kalant, 2004). The aim of this paper is to highlight cannabis production, use and adverse health outcomes in Afghanistan and to propose recommendations for cannabis control and reversal of its negative health outcomes.
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Trautmann, Sebastian. "Substance Use and Substance Use Disorders Associated With Military Deployment to Afghanistan: Who Is at Risk?" Doctoral thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2015. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-165289.
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Background: Given the increasing number of military deployments in modern forces and the high individual and social costs of substance use disorders, the risk of substance use (alcohol, nicotine, illegal drugs) and substance use disorders (abuse, dependence) associated with deployment and deployment-related stressful experiences is an important area of research. Main questions in this area are: Are deployment and deployment-related stressful experiences associated with problematic substance use patterns and substance use disorders? Are there high-risk groups for deploymentrelated increases in substance use and the occurrence of substance use disorders? Do other mental disorders such as posttraumatic stress disorder play a role for the risk of substance use disorders? This dissertation thesis aims to contribute to these questions. The thesis is based on a research program in German military personnel deployed to Afghanistan. The program includes a crosssectional and a prospective-longitudinal study component. In the cross-sectional component, a random, stratified sample of 1483 was assessed twelve months after return from deployment. As a control group, 889 never deployed soldiers were also assessed. In the prospective-longitudinal component, another sample of 358 male soldiers was assessed directly before and twelve months following deployment. Information about substance use and substance use disorders was obtained using a standardized diagnostic interview. Deployment-related stressful experiences and other relevant variables were assessed with additional scales and questionnaires. Based on this study program, the following research questions were addressed: (1) Do deployed and never deployed soldiers differ regarding the prevalence of problematic substance use patterns (alcohol, nicotine, illegal drugs) and substance use disorders (alcohol, nicotine)? (2) How are soldiers with deployment-related changes in alcohol use characterized? (3) Are posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms related to the risk for substance use disorders (alcohol, nicotine)? (4) Are soldiers with prior mood and anxiety disorders at higher risk for the onset of substance use disorders (alcohol, nicotine) following deployment-related stressful experiences? Main results: Regarding these research questions, the following main results were observed: (1) Deployed and never deployed do not differ considerably regarding the prevalence of substance use and substance use disorders. (2) There was evidence for both deployment-related increases and decreases in alcohol use in specific subgroups. Compared to soldiers with a stable consumption, soldiers with increased alcohol use were characterized by lower ranks, less acceptance, less social support, more sleeping problems after deployment and more deployment-related negative cognitions. Soldiers with deployment-related decreases in alcohol use were characterized by fewer posttraumatic stress disorders symptoms prior deployment and less childhood emotional neglect. (3) Posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms were related to the risk for substance use disorders. These associations were partially attributable to other comorbid mental disorders. However, several posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms were related to substance use disorders above the contribution of comorbidity. (4) Specific constellations of prior mood and anxiety disorders and high degrees of certain deploymentrelated stressful experiences predicted the onset of alcohol use disorders. Conclusions: Based on these findings it can be concluded that German soldiers deployed to Afghanistan do not have an overall elevated risk for substance use and substance use disorders. However, several subgroups with a deployment-related increase in substance use and substance use disorders could be identified for specific substances. These subgroups include soldiers with low ranks, low social support and other mental disorders, of which several posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms might be particularly relevant. In addition, soldiers who experience mood and anxiety disorders prior to deployment as well as high degrees of specific deployment-related stressful experiences might be at higher risk for the onset of alcohol use disorders. It is also noteworthy that some soldiers show a deployment-related decrease in alcohol consumption. These findings might contribute to an improved identification of high-risk groups and suggest targets for possible interventions and preventive efforts. Because of some limitations, mainly regarding crosssectional designs and limited statistical power, some observed associations have to be interpreted with caution. Further prospective studies in high-risk populations or larger samples are necessary to replicate and extend the suggested findings. Moreover, the generalizability of findings to non-military samples and other types of stressful experiences should be investigated. These investigations might help to further reduce the prevalence of excessive substance use and substance use disordersHintergrund: Das Risiko für den Konsum psychotroper Substanzen (Alkohol, Nikotin, illegale Drogen)und das Auftreten von Substanzstörungen (Missbrauch, Abhängigkeit) im Zusammenhang mit Belastungen in militärischen Einsätzen ist angesichts der Zunahme militärischer Einsätze sowie der hohen individuellen und sozialen Kosten von Substanzstörungen ein Forschungsthema von hoher Relevanz. Wichtige Fragen sind dabei: Stehen Auslandseinsätze generell im Zusammenhang mit problematischen Konsummustern und Substanzstörungen? Gibt es bestimmte Risikogruppen für Anstiege im Substanzkonsum und das Auftreten von Substanzstörungen? Welche Rolle spielen andere psychische Störungen, wie z.B. die posttraumatische Belastungsstörung (PTBS), für das Auftreten einer Substanzstörung? Diese Dissertationsschrift behandelt verschiedene Aspekte dieser Fragestellungen auf der Grundlage eines Forschungsprogramms zur psychischen Gesundheit bei in Afghanistan eingesetzten deutschen Soldaten. Das Programm umfasste eine querschnittliche und eine prospektiv-longitudinale Studie. In der Querschnittstudie wurde eine randomisierte, stratifizierte Stichprobe von 1483 Soldaten zwölf Monate nach Rückkehr aus einem Einsatz in Afghanistan untersucht. Als Kontrollgruppe wurden zudem 889 Soldaten untersucht, welche niemals im Einsatz waren. In der prospektiv-longitudinalen Studie wurde eine weitere Stichprobe von 358 männlichen Soldaten unmittelbar vor und zwölf Monate nach Einsatzrückkehr aus Afghanistan untersucht. Information zu Substanzkonsum und Substanzstörungen nach DSM-IV wurden mittels standardisierter diagnostischer Interviews erfasst. Einsatzbezogene belastende Ereignisse und andere relevante Variablen wurden mit zusätzlichen Skalen und Fragebögen erhoben. Auf Basis dieses Studienprogramms wurden unter anderem die folgenden Fragestellungen bearbeitet: (1) Unterscheiden sich Soldaten mit und ohne Auslandseinsatz hinsichtlich der Prävalenz von kritischen Konsummustern (Alkohol, Nikotin, illegale Drogen) und Substanzstörungen (Alkohol, Nikotin)? (2) Durch welche Merkmale sind Soldaten mit einsatzbezogenen Veränderungen im Alkoholkonsum gekennzeichnet? (3) Sind Symptome der PTBS mit dem Risiko für Substanzstörungen (Alkohol, Nikotin) assoziiert? (4) Haben Soldaten mit bereits vor dem Einsatz bestehenden Angst- und affektiven Störungen ein höheres Risiko für das Auftreten einer Substanzstörung (Alkohol, Nikotin) nach belastenden Einsatzereignissen? Hauptergebnisse: In Bezug auf diese Fragestellungen ergaben sich folgende Ergebnisse: (1) Soldaten mit und ohne Auslandseinsatz unterschieden sich kaum hinsichtlich der Prävalenz von Substanzkonsum und Substanzstörungen. (2) Allerdings ergaben sich Hinweise auf Zu-, wie auch Abnahmeeffekte im Alkoholkonsum in unterschiedlichen Subgruppen. Soldaten mit einem Anstieg im Alkoholkonsum waren im Vergleich zu Soldaten mit stabilem Konsum durch einen niedrigeren Dienstgrad, ein geringeres Ausmaß an Akzeptanz, weniger soziale Unterstützung, mehr Schlafprobleme nach Einsatzrückkehr sowie ein höheres Ausmaß an negativen einsatzbezogenen Bewertungen gekennzeichnet. Bei Soldaten mit einer einsatzbezogenen Reduktion im Alkoholkonsum fanden sich weniger PTBS-Symptome vor dem Einsatz sowie ein geringeres Ausmaß an emotionaler Vernachlässigung in der Kindheit. (3) Es gab Zusammenhänge zwischen PTBS-Symptomen und Substanzstörungen, die jedoch teilweise durch andere komorbide psychische Störungen erklärt werden konnten. Allerdings blieben einige PTBS-Symptome über andere komorbide Störungen hinaus mit Substanzstörungen assoziiert. (4) Bestimmte Konstellationen von bereits vor dem Einsatz bestehenden Angst- und affektiven Störungen sagten bei hohem Ausmaß an einigen einsatzbezogenen Belastungen das Auftreten einer Störung durch Alkoholkonsum vorher. Schlussfolgerungen: Auf Grundlage dieser Befunde lässt sich schlussfolgern, dass in Afghanistan eingesetzte Bundeswehrsoldaten kein generell erhöhtes Risiko für kritische Konsummuster und das Auftreten von Substanzstörungen aufweisen. Allerdings konnten Subgruppen identifiziert werden, die in Bezug auf bestimmte Substanzen ein erhöhtes Risiko für einen erheblichen Anstieg im Substanzkosum oder das Auftreten einer Substanzstörung haben. Dazu gehören unter anderem Soldaten mit niedrigen Dienstgrad, geringer sozialer Unterstützung und anderen psychischen Störungen, wobei bestimmte Symptome der posttraumatischen Belastungsstörung von besonderer Relevanz sein könnten. Zudem scheint das Risiko für Störungen durch Alkoholkonsum bei Soldaten erhöht, bei denen bereits vor dem Einsatz Angst- und affektive Störungen auftraten und die gleichzeitig ein hohes Ausmaß an bestimmten Einsatzbelastungen erleben. Bemerkenswert ist aber auch, dass einige Soldaten nach dem Einsatz eine erhebliche Reduktion des Alkoholkonsums aufweisen. Die Befunde könnten zu einer verbesserten Identifikation von Risikogruppen beitragen und Ansatzpunkte für mögliche Interventionen und präventive Maßnahmen liefern. Aufgrund einiger Limitationen, die vor allem querschnittliche Designs und eine eingeschränkte statistische Power betreffen, sollten einige der beobachteten Zusammenhänge vorsichtig interpretiert werden. Weitere prospektive Untersuchungen an größeren Stichproben sowie Hochrisikokohorten sind nötig, um die Befunde zu replizieren und zu erweitern. Weiter sollte die Übertragbarkeit der Befunde auf nichtmilitärische Stichproben unter Einbezug anderer Arten von belastenden Ereignissen untersucht werden. Diese Untersuchungen könnten langfristig zur Senkung von problematischen Substanzkonsum und Substanzstörungen beitragen
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Trigueiro, Gabriel Romero Lyra. "Crise da identidade: uma análise de Dissent Magazine sobre a Guerra do Afeganistão e a Guerra do Iraque (2000-2006)". reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFF, 2013. https://appdesenv.uff.br/riuff/handle/1/280.
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Este trabalho aborda as reações às guerras do Afeganistão e Iraque de diversos intelectuais envolvidos com a revista norte-americana de esquerda Dissent Magazine. Afinados com aquilo que chamo de campo liberal-left, parte substantiva desses intelectuais não hesitou em prover apoio às medidas militares adotadas pelo governo de George W. Bush. As causas originárias desse apoio são examinadas na presente pesquisa, bem como os argumentos daqueles que, no mesmo periódico, membros da mesma cultura política em questão, se puseram a criticar as ações de política externa do governo Republicano – bem como, por conseguinte, seus colegas de revista. A natureza desses embates e as consequências intelectuais para a cultura política liberal-left são investigadas a seguir.
This paper discusses the reactions to the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq for many intellectuals involved with the U. S. left-wing magazine Dissent. Attuned to what I call the liberal-left field, a substantial part of these intellectuals did not hesitate to support the military measures taken by the George W. Bush government. The primary causes of this support are examined in this study, as well as the arguments of those who, in the same journal, members of the same political culture in question, began the criticize the foreign policy of the Republican government – and, therefore, their magazine colleagues.The nature of these conflicts and its intellectual consequences to the liberal-left political culture are investigated below.
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Williamson, Myra Elsie Jane Bell. "Terrorism, war and international law: the legality of the use of force against Afghanistan in 2001". The University of Waikato, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2594.
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The thesis examines the international law pertaining to the use of force by states, in general, and to the use of force in self-defence, in particular. The main question addressed is whether the use of force, which was purported to be in self-defence, by the United States, the United Kingdom and their allies against al Qaeda, the Taliban and Afghanistan, beginning on 7 October 2001, was lawful. The thesis focuses not only on this specific use of force, but also on the changing nature of conflict, the definition of terrorism and on the historical evolution of limitations on the use of force, from antiquity until 2006. In the six chapters which trace the epochs of international law, the progression of five inter-related concepts is followed: limitations on the resort to force generally, the use of force in self-defence, pre-emptive self-defence, the use of forcible measures short of war, and the use of force in response to non-state actors. This historical analysis includes a particular emphasis on understanding the meaning of the 'inherent right of self-defence', which was preserved by Article 51 of the United Nations' Charter. This analysis is then applied to the use of force against Afghanistan which occurred in 2001. Following the terrorist attacks of 11 September, the US and the UK notified the United Nations Security Council of their resort to force in self-defence under Article 51. Each element of Article 51 is analysed and the thesis concludes that there are significant doubts as to the lawfulness of that decision to employ force. In addition to the self-defence justification, other possible grounds for intervention are also examined, such as humanitarian intervention, Security Council authorisation and intervention by invitation. This thesis challenges the common assumption that the use of force against Afghanistan was an example of states exercising their inherent right to self-defence. It argues that if this particular use of force is not challenged, it will lead to an expansion of the right of self-defence which will hinder rather than enhance international peace and security. Finally, this thesis draws on recent examples to illustrate the point that the use of force against Afghanistan could become a dangerous precedent for the use of force in self-defence.
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Hayaud-Din, Mian Ahad. "U.S. Foreign Policy in Islamic South Asia: Realism, Culture, and Policy Toward Pakistan and Afghanistan". [Tampa, Fla. : s.n.], 2003. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0000074.
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Safi, Zikrullah [Verfasser]. "Nutrient cycling and nutrient use efficiency in urban and peri-urban agriculture of Kabul, Afghanistan / Zikrullah Safi". Kassel : Universitätsbibliothek Kassel, 2011. http://d-nb.info/1012867978/34.
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Thomas, Daniel. "The Use of Force: Hard Offensive Counterterrorism". Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1566914942650583.
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Voje, Julian [Verfasser]. "Die geostrategische Bedeutung Afghanistans aus Sicht der USA : Kontinuität und Wandel von 1979-2008 [[Elektronische Ressource]] / Julian Voje". Bonn : Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Bonn, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1053959710/34.
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Letourneau, Brian. "Alcohol Misuse Among Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation Iraqi Freedom Military Healthcare Professionals". Diss., NSUWorks, 2018. https://nsuworks.nova.edu/cps_stuetd/119.
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Over 2.1 million United States military service members have deployed to support Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) and Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF). Nearly 40% of OEF/OIF service members meet criteria for an alcohol use disorder post-deployment. Minimal research has addressed alcohol misuse among military healthcare professionals despite the prevalence of alcohol abuse among civilian providers. This study explored whether military healthcare professionals involved with OIF/OEF operations have increased risk for alcohol misuse (i.e., problem drinking, heavy weekly drinking, heavy episodic drinking). Three evidence-based hypotheses were evaluated: (a) among OEF/OIF military personnel, healthcare professionals would have an increased likelihood of alcohol misuse compared to service members in other occupations; (b) personnel who screen positive for PTSD would be more likely to screen positive for alcohol misuse outcomes versus personnel who screen negative for PTSD; and (c) personnel with enlisted status would be more likely to endorse alcohol misuse compared to personnel with officer status. Participants were drawn from 81,247 military personnel enrolled in the Millennium Cohort Study, a prospective, longitudinal cohort study investigating health consequences of military service. Chi-square tests of independence identified significantly different demographic characteristics between participants in the first and second enrollment panels and resulted in participants being divided into subgroups based upon their enrollment panel and baseline alcohol use. Participants who had complete data at baseline and all follow-up waves were included in the primary multinomial logistic regression analyses used to identify variables associated with each alcohol use outcome over time. Results suggested that being a healthcare professional did not influence alcohol misuse outcomes. A positive screening for PTSD was associated with greater endorsement of alcohol misuse outcomes across most participant subgroups, and holding enlisted status was associated with problem drinking and heavy episodic drinking in some participant subgroups. Additional variables associated with alcohol misuse outcomes included being younger, male, using tobacco, and belonging to the National Guard/Reserve. The results of this study suggest that, while alcohol-related interventions may not need to be tailored to specific occupations, alcohol use screening and treatment should continue to be focused on at-risk groups to enhance troop health and functioning.
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French, Brent. "The Reintegration Myth: An Interpretive Phenomenological Inquiry into the Reentry Experiences of Air Force Reservists Returning from Afghanistan". Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1338316378.
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Behzad, Allah Mohammad. "Lesson planning in Afghan school : A quantitative study on the use of lesson plans in primary schools of Parwan, Afghanistan". Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för pedagogiska studier, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-34532.
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This is a quantitative study which explores the use of Lesson Plans (LPs) in Afghan primary schools. The main objectives of this study were to find out the implementation method of LPs, reasons of applying LPs and teachers’ views on LPs. This study was conducted in three districts (Shekh Ali, Siah Gerd and Shinwari) and Charikar city of Parwan Province and data was collected by questionnaires filled in by 200 language and math teachers (100 male and 100 female). The main findings of the research show that all teachers regardless of sex, education level and teaching experiences claimed that they used LPs in their teaching. A majority of teachers, regardless of sex, education background and years of teaching experience elaborated LPs of their own and did not use the format instructed by Teacher Training Colleges (TTC). Most teachers prepared their LPs one day before and at home. To consider the importance of LP stages the findings show that the majority of both male and female teachers responded to all stages. Through a short glance on reasons of applying LPs we see that 50% of both male and female teachers used LPs to achieve the goal. More experienced teachers didn’t use LPs because of having enough experiences. Important parts of LPs include motivation of students and student activities. The study found that teachers often motivated their students by telling a story or poem. Group work was a common activity. One implication of this study is that the TTC should revise their teaching on LPs since hardly any teacher seems to use these formats.
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Ryan, Sean Ryan. "Rapport Development and Native Language Use Between U.S. Advisors and Afghan Counterparts". ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/3540.
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Advisory activities form a central element of the U.S. National Security Strategy to mitigate the need for employment of large military formations. The commitment of large U.S. combat formations has resulted in more than 6,000 fatalities since September 11, 2001; poor relationship skills were cited as contributing factors in 51 or more fratricide-murders of U.S. soldiers by Afghan compatriots in 2012. Informed by social exchange theory, servant leadership theory, and role theory, the Army conceptual rapport framework provided a lens for this phenomenological symbolic interactionism study of rapport between Afghan counterparts and U.S. advisors. Participants included 15 English-speaking Afghan soldiers, police, and government officials. Data from semi-structured interviews conducted via Internet or telephone were manually coded and analyzed for overarching themes. Findings indicated that mutual understanding and respect were principal components to building rapport, and rudimentary use of Afghan languages by U.S. advisors provided symbolic value that contributed to rapport development. Findings may contribute to positive social change by informing advisor employment policies, enhancing preparatory training, and improving relationships between U.S. advisors and the foreign leaders with whom they work.
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Pata, Martin. "Obama's Foreign Policy: Is there such a thing?" Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-165568.
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This thesis examines the foreign policy of the 44th President of the United States of America, Barack Obama. A significant theme of Barack Obama's candidacy for presidency was "change"; more specifically change in policy from previous administration. Therefore, the thesis looks at the changes brought about by President Obama once he was elected. First, we look at foreign policy of the United States under President George W. Bush, then we look at foreign policy-related assertions of Barack Obama during his candidacy, and lastly we look at the actual policies of the new administration, with particular focus on the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, drones and extrajudicial killing, Guantanamo detention facility and extraordinary rendition, and NSA surveillance.
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Wolff, Immanuel. "Afghanistan and the Problem of Legitimacy in International Public Law Implications for the Legitimate Use of Force in Response to Terrorist Attacks /". St. Gallen, 2008. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/05610720001/$FILE/05610720001.pdf.
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Richmond, Sean. "At the vanishing point of law? : international law and the use of force by Britain and Canada in the Korean War and Afghanistan Conflict". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d290493c-3afd-4a51-8dea-27ea0bd9069a.
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This thesis examines important aspects of Canada and Britain’s participation in the Korean War of 1950-53 and the Afghanistan Conflict of 2001-present with a view to better understanding how international law influenced this participation, and whether key leaders and officials understood said law as a binding and distinct phenomenon. It draws on constructivist International Relations (IR) theory and “interactional” International Law (IL) theory, and employs a method of historical reconstruction and process tracing. I argue that, contrary to what realism might predict, international law helped define and shape each state’s possible course of action in the wars, and the justifications that could be made for their behaviour. More specifically, Canada and Britain’s involvement in the conflicts suggests that, when states use force, international law can play four broad roles: 1) it helps constitute the identities of the actors at issue; 2) it helps regulate the political and military practice of the actors at issue; 3) it permits and legitimates certain political and military practices that otherwise might not be permitted; and 4) it helps structure the process by which agents seek to develop and promote new legal rules and legitimate practice. However, I also contend that, contrary to what IL scholars might predict, the discourse and actions of Canadian and British leaders and officials during the Korean War and Afghanistan Conflict offer mixed support for the hypothesis that, when states use force, policy-makers understand international law as a binding and distinct set of legal rules, and the legal status of these rules impacts their decision-making. In sum, my findings suggest that international law can play important roles in world politics and the use of force by states, but it is unclear whether these effects are attributable to an obligatory quality in law.
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Trautmann, Sebastian Verfasser], Hans-Ulrich [Akademischer Betreuer] Wittchen, Silke [Akademischer Betreuer] Behrendt, Sabine [Akademischer Betreuer] Schönfeld y Andreas [Akademischer Betreuer] [Maercker. "Substance Use and Substance Use Disorders Associated With Military Deployment to Afghanistan: Who Is at Risk? / Sebastian Trautmann. Gutachter: Hans-Ulrich Wittchen ; Andreas Maercker. Betreuer: Hans-Ulrich Wittchen ; Silke Behrendt ; Sabine Schönfeld". Dresden : Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1071785621/34.
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Trautmann, Sebastian Verfasser], Hans-Ulrich [Akademischer Betreuer] [Wittchen, Silke Akademischer Betreuer] Behrendt, Sabine [Akademischer Betreuer] Schönfeld y Andreas [Akademischer Betreuer] [Maercker. "Substance Use and Substance Use Disorders Associated With Military Deployment to Afghanistan: Who Is at Risk? / Sebastian Trautmann. Gutachter: Hans-Ulrich Wittchen ; Andreas Maercker. Betreuer: Hans-Ulrich Wittchen ; Silke Behrendt ; Sabine Schönfeld". Dresden : Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2015. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-165289.
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Dini, Cassiana Borilli. "Uma análise das possibilidades de estabilização do Afeganistão : os projetos regionais de Estados Unidos, China e Rússia". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/77670.
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Esta dissertação realiza uma análise prospectiva das possibilidades de estabilização do Afeganistão a partir dos projetos regionais de Estados Unidos, China e Rússia, através das teorias da mudança política internacional e da estabilidade hegemônica, do realismo neoclássico, do realismo ofensivo e do neofuncionalismo. Após o anúncio de 2009 de retirada das tropas dos Estados Unidos do Afeganistão para 2014, a região vem apresentando modificações nos padrões de relações de poder. Há evidências de uma competição em curso pelo controle das rotas de escoamento, linhas de transmissão de energia, recursos e mercados afegãos entre os atores citados, sendo também demonstrada pelos diferentes projetos de reconstrução que esses três países propõem ao Afeganistão. O objetivo é melhor entender como a competição pela liderança política regional ocorre entre esses atores através dos diferentes projetos de reconstrução e integração do Afeganistão na região e qual é a importância deste país no jogo de poder regional. Para isso, a análise realiza inferências descritivas. Em primeiro lugar, a medida de presença militar desses três países no Afeganistão. Num segundo momento, a dimensão técnica dos projetos, especialmente de infraestrutura (implicações para a segurança, permeabilidade social e política; e os aspectos técnicos e estratégicos). E em terceiro, a importância das elites e a fragmentação étnica no Afeganistão são consideradas como fatores essenciais para entender a aceitação e a viabilidade política dos projetos. Nesse aspecto, a pesquisa também avalia como a criação de agências para atender esses projetos favorece o conjunto de burocracias e influência institucional de cada um dos três concorrentes regionais. Por fim, nessas variáveis são consideradas as decisões de política externa de Estados Unidos, China e Rússia para o Afeganistão, assim como o modo com que países vizinhos (Irã, Paquistão e Índia) servem como fatores de influência na política doméstica afegã. A pesquisa tem caráter qualitativo, é de tipo exploratório-descritivo e se utiliza do método hipotético-dedutivo e do rastreamento de processo para expor ao máximo o estudo de caso escolhido. Como resultado, é oferecida uma melhor contextualização da atual competição regional; e as relações de poder manifestas no caso afegão sugerem a proeminência da liderança regional dos Estados Unidos a partir do Afeganistão, devido à presença militar norte-americana no país, inibindo as tentativas de China e Rússia de aumentar sua influência na região.This thesis undertakes a prospective analysis of the possibilities for stabilization of Afghanistan from the regional projects of the United States, China and Russia through the lens of the theories of international political change, hegemonic stability, neoclassical realism, offensive realism and neofunctionalism. After the 2009 announcement of withdrawal of the United States troops from Afghanistan by 2014, the region has been showing modifications in its patterns of power relations. There are evidences of an ongoing competition for control of Afghan flow routes, energy transmission lines, resources and markets between the aforementioned actors, also demonstrated by the different reconstruction projects that these three countries offer to Afghanistan. The aim is to better understand how the competition for regional political leadership occurs among these actors through their different projects for reconstruction and integration of Afghanistan in the region, and what is the importance of the country in the regional power competition. For that, the analysis conducts descriptive inferences. First, it studies the measure of military presence of these three countries in Afghanistan. Second, it analyzes the technical dimensions of the projects, especially of infrastructure (and its implications towards security, social and political permeability, and the technical and strategic aspects). And third, the importance of elites and ethnic fragmentation within Afghanistan are considered as essential factors to understand the acceptance and political feasibility of the projects. In this respect, the research assesses how the creation of agencies to attend these projects favors the set of bureaucracies and institutional leverage for each of the three regional contenders. Finally, in these variables are considered the foreign policy decisions of the United States, China and Russia to Afghanistan, as well as the manner in which neighboring countries (India, Pakistan and Iran) serve as factors of influence in the Afghan domestic politics. So this is a qualitative and also exploratory and descriptive research that uses the hypothetical-deductive method and process tracing technique to expose the most of the selected case study. As a result, it is offered a better contextualization of the current regional competition; and the power relations expressed in the Afghan case suggest the prominence of the regional leadership of the United States from Afghanistan, due to the U.S. military presence in the country, inhibiting attempts from China and Russia to increase their influence in the region.
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Shwalb, David Abraham. "Loneliness and Use of Coping Mechanisms Among U.S. Military Personnel Deployed to the Middle East". Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 2007. http://contentdm.lib.byu.edu/ETD/image/etd1965.pdf.
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Saraiva, Rodrigo Motta. "Legítima defesa ou represália? O uso da força no conflito armado de 2001 no Afeganistão". Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2135/tde-02122009-164104/.
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Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar as ações militares lideradas pelos EUA no Afeganistão, em 2001, como resposta aos notórios ataques terroristas de 11 de setembro daquele ano contra o WTC e o pentágono, tendo como o foco confrontar os argumentos jurídico-políticos dos EUA utilizados no sentido de qualificar suas ações militares no referido conflito armado pretensamente sob a égide da legítima defesa, com os argumentos jurídicos trazidos pelas normas, usos e costumes e doutrina do direito internacional. Na primeira parte do trabalho, são relatados, mediante a utilização da doutrina internacional, e de documentos de política externa, os fatos envolvendo o conflito armado no Afeganistão de 2001, expondo os principais acontecimentos, segundo uma ordem cronológica, abordando também as Resoluções da ONU sobre tais eventos. Também será exposta uma breve síntese contendo uma contextualização histórica e geopolítica sobre o Afeganistão. Na segunda parte do trabalho, são destacadas algumas das seqüelas produzidas por tais fatos, quais sejam: a Estratégia de Segurança Nacional dos EUA, lançada em 2002, também conhecida como a \'Doutrina Bush\', com a respectiva política de ataques preventivos; e a subseqüente e polêmica invasão militar norte-americana ao Iraque em 2003, que ficou conhecida como a Segunda Guerra do Golfo. Finalmente, na terceira parte do trabalho, faz-se um enfrentamento mais direto dos argumentos utilizados pelos EUA para legitimar, sob o manto da legítima defesa individual ou coletiva, o uso da força contra o Afeganistão, expondo, para tanto, contra-argumentos lastreados no Direito Internacional vigente, contendo, em primeiro lugar, a evolução histórica da regulação do uso da força e do sistema de segurança coletiva, a imperatividade das normas internacionais que autorizam o uso da força, e suas exceções legítimas. Demonstrada a solidez dos arts. 2 (4) e 51 da Carta da ONU, e da Resolução 3314/74 da Assembléia-Geral da ONU, \"Definição de Agressão\", conclui-se pela ausência, no conflito objeto deste estudo, do elemento caracterizador da legítima defesa, o ato de agressão atribuível a um determinado Estado (o Afeganistão); da usurpação das limitações ao seu exercício: a proporcionalidade e provisoriedade da situação criada; bem como alertando-se sobre os riscos inerentes na redução dos requisitos previstos pelo artigo 51 da Carta das Nações Unidas.This dissertation aims to analyze the actions led by the U.S. military forces in Afghanistan, in 2001, in response to the notorious terrorist attacks occurred on 11 September 2001 against the WTC and the Pentagon, mainly focusing on comparing all legal and political arguments which U.S. claim to qualify their military actions in the aforementioned armed conflict under the aegis of self-defense, with the legal arguments brought by the rules, practices and customs of international law and doctrine. In the first part of the work, by using the international doctrine, and documents of foreign policy, the facts involving the armed conflict in Afghanistan in 2001 are reported outlining the main events, according to a chronological order, and also addressing the UN Resolutions on such events. It will also be exposed on a brief contextualization of Afghanistan\'s history and geopolitical situation. In the second part of work, some of the sequels produced by such facts are highlighted, which are the following: the U.S. National Security Strategy, launched in 2002, also known as the \'Bush Doctrine\', containing its policy of preventive attacks, and also the subsequent and controversy U.S. military invasion of Iraq in 2003, which would became known as the Second Gulf War. Finally, in the third part of the work, there will be a more direct confrontation between the arguments used to legitimize the U. S. actions against Afghanistan, under the mantle of individual or collective self-defense, and therefore the counter-arguments supported by the existing international law, that will inc1ude, firstly, the historical evolution of the regulation of the use of force and the collective security system, the imperative international law that grants the legitimate exceptions for the use of force. Whereas there will be demonstrated the consistency of the artic1es 2 (4) and 51 of the UN Charter and the Resolution 3314/74 of the UN General Assembly, \"Definition of Aggression\" it is conc1uded that in this specific armed conflict, an essential element of self-defense is not present: an aggression attributable to a specific state (Afghanistan); and also are missing all the limitations required during self-defense exercise: the proportionality and the provisional character of the created situation in Afghanistan; lastly it is underlined the inherent risks of reducing the requirements established by Article 51 of the UN Charter.
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"Abgrund Afghanistan". Universität Potsdam, 2014. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2014/7005/.
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Afghanistan ist seit über 30 Jahren ein von Kriegen geschütteltes Land. Ende 2014 soll der Einsatz der ISAF-Truppen dort beendet werden, doch erscheint dieses „Manöver“ eher wie ein Abbruch denn wie ein geordneter Abzug nach erfolgreicher Mission. Die Sicherheitslage vor Ort ist weiterhin instabil. Das bedeutet auch Instabilität für die Region. Deutsche und internationale Experten ziehen die ernüchternde Bilanz eines militärischen Abenteuers, die bei zukünftigen Auslandseinsätzen - auch der Bundeswehr - bedacht werden sollte.
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Vargová, Hana. "Protipovstalecké úsilí v Afghánistánu - Sovětský vs. Americký model". Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-332238.
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This Thesis attempts to be an overview of the so far achievements accomplished in the fight against the Afghani rebels and in the reconstruction and state-building in Afghanistan. The author seeks to analyse strategies applied by the Soviets during the Cold War invasion (1979- 1989) and the Western allies under the U.S. leadership in cooperation with NATO (2001- present). The paper describes tactics of the invaders in the two wars and identifies "tipping points" when the conventionally stronger invading powers had to resort to counterinsurgency tactics. The author applies counterinsurgency warfare theory presented by David Galula and others in those phases of conflicts in order to evaluate the success or failure of given strategies. The theoretical framework consists of the theory of asymmetrical conflicts, insurgency warfare and counterinsurgency theory with special focus on its implications when applied in Afghanistan. The main goal of the work is to analyse the weaknesses of the Soviet strategy and to inquire whether the Western allies are not repeating the same mistakes their Cold War counterparts committed.
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Křížek, Filip. "Zahraniční politika USA a sovětská invaze Afghánistánu". Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-405707.
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The subject of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan is widely known and has the public attention. Still it is not processed enough by the historians. The end of the 1980's, as a period of withrdraw of the Soviet soldiers, draws more attention. Even the person of Jimmy Carter does not draw that much attention as the personality of his successor Ronald Reagan. The author will concentrate on the steps that were taken consequently after the Soviet incursion by the leading policy makers of the USA headed by president Carter. The author will analyse the indirect American involvement in the conflict and its influence on the relations of the superpowers and the condiotions in the administrative of the president of the USA. The author will also make an effort to show the continuity with the previous foreign policy of USA, Afghanistan and Soviet Union.
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Kalibová, Lenka. "Afghánský konflikt: časoprostorová analýza bojových aktivit hnutí Tálibán". Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-415091.
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This diploma thesis deals with the temporal and spatial distribution of Taliban terrorist attacks in Afghanistan. It covers the period since the start of the Operation Enduring Freedom in October 2001, when the troops of the United States and their allies invaded the country, until the end of 2018. This thesis aims to find out what targets Taliban attacked during the reported period, and whether there is a link between the frequency of terrorist attacks and the real events that took place at the time of the attacks. The secondary aim of this work is to place the results obtained by the analysis into a broader geographical context. Using geographic information system, this thesis evaluates spatial differences in the localization of Taliban terrorist attacks. Data of the Taliban attacks were obtained from the Global Terrorism Database, and the maps were created in ArcGIS software. Within the temporal analysis window, the frequency of attacks is related to the timeline of predetermined important events, such as elections, religious and national holidays and decisions of foreign parties about their activities in the region. It was found that the increased frequency of Taliban attacks was related to the Afghan elections or the decisions of foreign parties about their operations in the region. The...
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Kratochvílová, Eva. "Komparace civilních kapacit stabilizačních a rekonstrukčních misí EU a USA (případ Afghánistánu)". Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-298459.
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CIZOJAZYČNÉ RESUMÉ/SUMMARY In this diploma thesis "Comparison of EU and US civilian capacities for the stabilization and reconstruction (the case of Afghanistan)" deals with the problematic of civilian capacities for stabilization and reconstruction missions on the case of the two main actors, the USA and the European Union. Under this objective I analyzed the institutional, functional and also financial aspects of these capacities as well as the dynamics of their development in time. The first chapter deals with the definition of the stabilization and reconstruction missions, it explains its general rules which are supposed to be fulfilled. These crosscutting principles (clearly defined goals, activities with long-acting impact, host nation ownership and capacity, reinforcement of local institutions, divide of the resources according to local needs, cooperation with other governments, donors, NGO's, private sector and universities, principle of flexibility, rule of accountability and transparency) were defined in order to be applied in the last chapter on the evaluation and analysis of the case of Afghanistan's stabilization and reconstruction missions. For the aim of the final comparison, the second and third chapters are dedicated to the EU and USA development of the civilian stabilization and...
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Zábranský, Richard. "Bushova administrativa a Pakistán: utilitární spolupráce?" Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-329606.
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Pakistan is a poor and aid-dependent state but it is also the only Muslim state armed with nuclear weapons. In the late 1990s, Pakistan had to deal with economic and technological sanctions from the U.S., which punished Islamabad for its nuclear aspirations and military coup d'état in fall of 1999. The India-Pakistan rivalry is crucial aspect that impacts the U.S.-Pakistan cooperation. After 9/11, Pakistani president Musharraf was concerned that the U.S. could turn their attention to India, thus strengthening the cooperation with Pakistan's rival. The terrorist attacks of 9/11 changed the national security environment and Washington had to adapt, so it could more effectively respond to newly emerging threats. Rise of strategic importance of Pakistan was a result of the U.S. hunt for Al-Qaeda and subsequent war in Afghanistan, as Americans needed to assure access to Afghanistan, logistical support for American forces, intelligence information about situation in Afghanistan and Pakistan's border regions. However, U.S.-Pakistan cooperation was influenced by divergent national security priorities. Keywords Pakistan, USA, Musharraf, Bush, U.S. support, strategy, Taliban, Al-Qaeda, assistance, 9/11 Rozsah práce: 122 928 znaků
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Prchlíková, Eliška. "Budování státu: Komparace přístupů USA, Německa a České republiky na příkladu činnosti jejich provinčních rekonstrukčních týmů v Afghánistánu". Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-313550.
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The master thesis examines the involvement of the United States of America, Germany and the Czech Republic in post-conflict reconstruction and state building in Afghanistan through their Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRT). The aim of the thesis is to find out to what extent the Provincial Reconstruction Teams represent their founder countries' effort of state building in Afghanistan, and to deduce the differences among their attitudes to state building in Afghanistan by comparing their PRTs' activities. Countries directly found their PRTs and therefore their attitude to state building in Afghanistan should be reflected in the activities of their PRTs. The PRTs should reflect the priorities of their founder countries in reconstruction of Afghanistan. This thesis begins with outlining the links among the PRTs, state building and NATO's comprehensive approach and counterinsurgency strategy which pays attention to the civilian aspects of fighting wars. The U.S., German and Czech preferences regarding the state building are examined through their foreign policy documents. Activities of the U.S., German and Czech PRTs are analysed to verify, whether they correspond to their countries' proclaimed aims in the field of state building in Afghanistan.
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Kondrótová, Katarína. "Americké způsoby válčení a strategická kultura: reflexe v domácí a zahraniční kinematografii". Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-410407.
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American Ways of War and Strategic Culture: A Reflection in Domestic and Foreign Cinematography Katarína Kondrótová Abstract This thesis examines the portrayal of American strategic culture in movies from the USA and two countries with which the USA has been in conflict with - Vietnam and Afghanistan. The research focuses on comparing them with official US strategies and contrasting the different national portrayals among themselves. The aim is to discover how the USA and its way of war is depicted at home and abroad through movies - a popular medium with the power to shape perceptions. The research is anchored in the international relations theory of post-structuralism and the concepts of strategic culture and national ways of war. They serve as a lens through which the most popular war movies from each country are analyzed. The findings showed that American movies were more precise in depicting their real-life strategic approaches and tended to be more derogatory in their portrayal of their adversaries. They also showed a more critical depiction of US conduct in Vietnam compared to Afghanistan. When it comes to the foreign movies, Vietnamese films were more critical of the USA than Afghan films, but not as disdainful of the enemy as the USA. Afghan depictions exhibited the dual nature of their opinion of...
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Štverková, Iva. "Role Spojených států amerických v NATO: změny po 11. září 2001 za vlády prezidenta G. W. Bushe". Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-357936.
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The goal of this thesis is to examine president Bush's policy after 9/11 and its implications for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The shock of 9/11 attacks resulted in "war mentality" manifesting itself in the pressure of the public and media for swift radical actions. This resulted in ad hoc decisions taken without proper analyses and consideration of consequences. After 9/11, Bush Administration used black-and-white rhetoric and simplified the war on terror into war between good and evil. The U.S. under Bush did not consider international institutions to play significant role in international politics and preferred bilateral cooperation. By omitting the Alliance, Washing, however, undermined NATO. Europe was sympathetic to the U.S. and proclaimed its support for Washington since day one but European NATO members and the U.S. had different threat perception regarding Iraq, and could not agree on a common solution. The actions taken by Americans in Afghanistan and Iraq and the reluctance of European allies in supporting the U.S. war against terrorism resulted in escalation of relations in the Alliance. As the U.S. headed toward engagement in two conflicts, it increasingly appreciated the value of NATO. On the other hand, Europe never forgot that the United States is its main ally. Most...
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Slavíková, Petra. "Válka proti terorismu na pozadí teorie spravedlivé války". Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-304774.
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The day of September 11, 2001 which was primarily seen like an ordinary day was significantly written into the world's history. The worst terrorist attack of all ages were commited in the United States, nearly 3.000 people were killed during the attacks. American administration in response to the attacks declared the "war on terorr", which was mainly represented by military interventions to Afghanistan 2001 and Iraq 2003. Inseparable part of Bush's foreign policy was National Security Strategy, which is the strategic basis for invasion to Iraq, approved on September 2002. This concept of this analysis is dealing with these three concrete events of american foreign policy which are specified on the background of Just War Theory JWT. Concretely on the basis of category jus ad bellum - right to war. The main aim of this work is to explore compatibility of these missions with the principles of just war and find out whether operations were launched justly according to JWT. National Security Strategy NSS - which is discussable in the current international system with the regard of the controversial concept of preemption - is important part of the research too. Pre-emptive strategy is confronted with the just war theory, primarily in the sence whether it is possible to consider preemption like just cause...
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Matějka, Stanislav. "Bezpilotní letecké prostředky v národní bezpečnostní politice USA. Nová tvář války proti terorismu". Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-338728.
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The paper deals with the use of unmanned aircraft of the American national security policy. It examines the history of unmanned aviation, its military use, and cost- efficiency. It then examines the main obstacles and problems with their use in national security that this technology meets and will meet in the future after a higher level of autonomy is developed. These problems involve legal issues, international and domestic American law, the issue of civilian casualties, the role of the media, and public opinion. The final chapter focuses on the problems of technical, strategic and operational issues. In this section the research paper comes to the first conclusion which claims that the introduction of more autonomous systems to war will radically change its structure and, consequently, standard procedures and strategies. Case studies are included to illustrate how successful the drone strategy is applied in the five countries where the United States leads a war on terror. The research using the theory of the revolution in military affairs concludes that these UAVs pose the greatest challenge in history and it goes well beyond military matters. UAVs in national security affect the understanding of the basic principles of war in relation to the concepts of warrior ethos and just war.
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Štaif, Vít. "Úsilí o prvou hegemonii versus rozšiřování mocenské roztříštěnosti po Studené válce". Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-350307.
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An Abstract The text focuses on the aim of the state politics to gain the position of the first global hegemony after the end of the Cold War. It observes, with the regard to the wide-ranging influence of the USA at that time, and to the important American visions about its character, especially their particular decisions. It tries to describe the way, which the other influential participants of the global politics, the states as well as those of other kind, used to express their reactions to this activity, and their relation to the USA, the strongest contender in the effort to acquire the first global hegemony. The power contest is here mainly introduced by the insight into the course of the conflicts, which they, after the end of the Cold War, faced and influenced. The text concentrates on those political and security challenges with, apart from the policies of the USA, the strong presence of the intervention of the international organizations, above all the UN, the NATO and the EU, or of the occassionally created alliances. The prospects of hegemonial possibilities is presented in the conclusion.
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"Community-Based Development--Scaling up the correct use of misoprostol at home births in Afghanistan". Master's thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.18815.
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abstract: Globally, more than 350 000 women die annually from complications during pregnancy and childbirth (UNFPA, 2011). Nearly 99% of these, according to World Health Organization (WHO) trends (2010) occur in the developing world outside of a hospital setting with limited resources including emergency care (WHO, 2012; UNFPA, 2011). The most prevalent cause of death is postpartum hemorrhage (PPH), accounting for 25% of deaths according to WHO statistics (2012). Conditions in Afghanistan are reflective of the scope and magnitude of the problem. In Afghanistan, maternal mortality is thought to be among the highest in the world. The Afghan Mortality Survey (AMS) data implies that one Afghan woman dies about every 2 hours from pregnancy-related causes (AMS, 2010). Lack of empowerment, education and access to health care resources increase a woman's risk of dying during pregnancy (AMS, 2010). This project aims to investigate the prospects of scaling-up the correct use of misoprostol, a prostaglandin E1 analogue, to treat PPH in developing countries where skilled assistance and resources are scant. As there has been little published on the lessons learned from programs already in place, this study is experience-driven, based on the knowledge of industry experts. This study employs a concurrent triangulation approach to synthesize quantitative data obtained from previous studies with qualitative information gathered through the testimonies of key personnel who participated in pilot programs involving misoprostol. There are many obstacles to scaling-up training initiatives in Afghanistan and other low-resource areas. The analysis concludes that the most crucial factors for scaling-up community-based programs include: more studies analyzing lessons learns from community driven approaches; stronger partnerships with community health care workers; overcoming barriers like association with abortion, misuse and product issues; and a heightened global and community awareness of the severity of PPH without treatment. These results have implications for those who actively work in Afghanistan to promote maternal health and other countries that may use Afghanistan's work as a blueprint for reducing maternal mortality through community-based approaches. Keywords: Afghanistan, community-based interventions, community-driven, maternal mortality, MDG5, misoprostol, postpartum hemorrhage, reproduction, scale-upDissertation/Thesis
M.S.Tech Technology 2013
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Williamson, Myra E. J. B. "Terrorism, war and international law the legality of the use of force against Afghanistan in 2001 /". 2007. http://adt.waikato.ac.nz/public/adt-uow20070716.103819/index.html.
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Ferreira, Fernanda Cristina Alvarenga. "Para além de uma paz liberal: uma avaliação do statebuilding no Afeganistão". Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10316/94747.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais - Estudos da Paz, Segurança e Desenvolvimento apresentada à Faculdade de EconomiaEsta dissertação busca fundamentalmente compreender e questionar as formas prevalecentes de peacebuilding que têm dominado a agenda de paz ocidental desde os anos 1990. Através do estudo de caso da intervenção estadunidense no Afeganistão em 2001, o objetivo do trabalho é analisar a relação entre a agenda liberal de paz e o fracasso do statebuilding implantado pelos Estados Unidos no Afeganistão. Este trabalho questiona em que medida o peacebuilding centrado no statebuilding a partir de um modelo de paz liberal tem contribuído para o fim do conflito no Afeganistão? Como se pode avaliar o projeto estadunidense no país? Neste sentido, o trabalho revisita a literatura sobre as operações de paz emergentes no contexto de pós-Guerra Fria para trazer contribuições no campo da teoria de Relações Internacionais que vigoraram neste período e, em um segundo momento, oferece alternativas epistemológicas quanto ao pensar e repensar a construção da paz. Esta dissertação defende que a exportação da paz liberal e o peacebuilding liberal no Afeganistão, Estado que não possui familiaridade com os preceitos liberais, dificulta a viabilidade da resolução do conflito e acaba por enfraquecer as instituições que tinham por objetivo servir ao statebuilding liberal, criando um vácuo de poder no Estado e assim abrindo espaço para o escalonamento do conflito civil. A investigação conclui que a tentativa de construção da paz no Afeganistão não obteve sucesso e não trouxe, em nenhuma instância, a paz devido ao modelo de exportação da democracia e de preceitos liberais equivocadamente universalizados que os três presidentes norte-americanos adotaram em sua estratégia de ação no país. Sem uma abordagem mais social, histórica e cultural no processo de paz, as possibilidades de se construir unidade social e legitimidade governamental limitaram-se ao estabelecimento de instituições administrativas fracas, não operacionais e que não dialogam com, ou representam a sociedade afegã. A metodologia adotada é uma abordagem qualitativa do peacebuilding liberal com aplicação do estudo de caso supramencionado.
This dissertation fundamentally seeks to understand and question the prevailing forms of peacebuilding that have been leading the Western peace agenda since the 1990s. Through the case study of the American intervention in Afghanistan in 2001, the objective of the work is to analyze the relationship between the liberal peace agenda and the failure of the US-built statebuilding in Afghanistan. This dissertation questions to what extent has statebuilding based peacebuilding from a liberal peace model contributed to the end of the conflict in Afghanistan? How can the American project in the country be assessed? In this sense, the work revisits the literature on emerging peace operations in the post-Cold War context to bring contributions in the field of International Relations theory that were in force during this period and, in a second moment, offers epistemological alternatives to rethink peacebuilding. This dissertation argues that the export of liberal peace and liberal peacebuilding in Afghanistan, a state that is unfamiliar with liberal precepts, hinders the feasibility of resolving the conflict and ends up weakening the institutions that aimed to serve liberal statebuilding, creating a power vacuum in the state and thus opening space for the escalation of civil conflict. The investigation concludes that the attempt to build peace in Afghanistan was unsuccessful and did not, in any instance, bring peace due to the export model of democracy and mistakenly universalized liberal precepts that the three American presidents adopted in their strategy in the country. Without a more social, historical and cultural approach to the peace process, the possibilities for building social unity and governmental legitimacy were limited to the establishment of weak, non-operational administrative institutions that do not dialogue with, or represent Afghan society. The methodology applied is a qualitative approach of liberal peacebuilding applied to the case study mentioned above.