Tesis sobre el tema "Afghanistan – Politics and government – 2001-"

Promoting the rule of law is vital for the success of domestic and international postconflict state-building efforts. Yet in post-conflict settings, non-state justice systems handle most disputes, retaining substantial autonomy and authority. Legal pluralism's importance, however, is rarely recognized and dramatically under-theorized. This thesis demonstrates that multiple justice systems can co-exist and contribute to the development of a democratic state bound by the rule of law. Domestic and international efforts, however, must be cognizant of the overarching legal pluralism paradigm that exists when trying to build the rule of law and tailor their strategies accordingly. By drawing on two divergent case studies, Timor-Leste and Afghanistan, this dissertation examines the conditions under which the rule of law can be advanced in post-conflict settings featuring a high degree of legal pluralism and substantial international involvement. Four distinct legal pluralism paradigms are proposed - combative, competitive, cooperative, and benign - in order to understand how legal pluralism functions in practice. Timor-Leste successfully advanced the rule of law because the major parties remained committed to democracy and developed institutions promoting accountability, inclusivity, and legality. The state meaningfully collaborated with key non-state actors. While the process was imperfect, Timorese state-officials effectively mediated between the international community and local-level figures. This contributed to the effective transformation of a competitive legal pluralist environment into a cooperative one. The international community largely reinforced these positive trends. Conversely, Afghanistan's post-2001 regime squandered the opportunity to build a democratic state bound by the rule of law. Simultaneously, it failed to mediate between the international community and the tribal and religious authorities essential for legitimate rule. Despite international actor's substantial influence, external aid did little good and was often counter-productive. These divergent approaches helps explain judicial state-building's failure and the corresponding slide from competitive into combative legal pluralism against the Taliban.

This thesis focuses on international intervention and statebuilding in post-2001 Afghanistan. It offers an alternative lens, a network lens, to understand the complexity of internationally sponsored state re-building and transformation. It therefore analyses how political power is assembled and flows through political networks in statebuilding, with an eye to the hitherto ignored endogenous political networks. The empirical chapters investigate the role and power dynamics of Afghan political network in re-assembling and transforming the post-2001 state once a political settlement is reached; how everyday political network practices shape the nature of statehood and governance; and subsequently how these power dynamics and practices contribute towards political order/violence and stability/instability. This thesis challenges the dominant wisdom that peacebuilding is a process of democratisation or institutionalisation, showing how intervention has unintentionally produced the democratic façade of a state, underpinning by informal power structures of Afghan politics. The post-2001 intervention has fashioned a ‘network state’ where the state and political networks have become indistinguishable from one another: the empowered network masquerade as the state. This study suggests that a new political order is emerging in post-2001 Afghanistan where political stability is a function of patron-client relations, opportunistic practices of bargaining and expropriation of public resources for political network gain as well as the instrumentalisation of identities. In light of this analysis, it concludes with the implications of the research findings for the future of Afghanistan. It posits that a successful international military exit from Afghanistan and post-2014 state survival may depend primarily on the political stability of the empowered political networks. This research is based on extensive fieldwork, including participatory observation and interviews (more than 130 interviews) with key informants over 16 months in Afghanistan.

Defence Date: 17 December 2021<br>Examining Board: Prof. Andrea Mattozzi, (EUI and University of Bologna); Prof. David Levine(EUI); Prof. Oliver Vanden Eynde (PSE); Prof. Salvatore Modica (University of Palermo)<br>The idea of this PhD thesis is to document the link between the counter-narcotics operations that took place in Afghanistan in the years 2008-2015 and the Afghan civil conflict, which has led to the terrible outcome of the year 2021. In the first chapter, I propose a microeconomic model to describe the effect of counternarcotics law enforcement on the supply of drugs when territorial control is contested. I assume, as is seen on the field, that if insurgents take power, then drug producers are protected against counter-narcotics operations, but that they have to pay taxes on their production. I show that under some circumstances the influence of drug producers on the outcome of conflict induces a complementarity between investment in narcotics production and insurgent support. This complementarity has two effects: 1) It mitigates the efficacy of counter-narcotics operations 2) It generates a trade-off between the war on drugs and counterinsurgency. In the second chapter, I address point 1) by estimating the elasticity of opium supply to counter-narcotics operations in Afghanistan. I find that law enforcement had little impact, with a 1% increase in opium eradication causing a reduction of roughly a third of a percent in opium supply the following year. Moreover, this effect is driven by northern regions, far from the Taliban’s strongholds which concentrate most of the country’s production. In the third chapter, I turn to point 2) and estimate the effect of counter-narcotics operations on the population’s self-declared support for military actors. I find that those provinces where law enforcement induced the eradication of 10% or more of the total opium-cultivated area exhibit greater sympathy for opposition armed groups, such as the Taliban, and less trust in the national army. This effect is driven by the Pashtun sub-population, which agricultural sector relies heavily on opium cultivation. These results empirically confirm the existence of a trade-off between counter-narcotics and counterinsurgency. Since law enforcement was originally meant to weaken the Taliban insurgency, these results should be of interest to policymakers.<br>1. Counternarcotics and Counterinsurgency : Competing Objectives of State Development? 2. Afghanistan : Did Counter-Narcotics Counter Narcotics? Not So Much 3. Counter-Narcotics Operations Might Have Strengthened the Taliban Insurgency

This study consisted of qualitative interviews with six Afghan political leaders who served as cabinet members in the Afghan government prior to the Soviet invasion. The study sought to report the political conditions in Afghanistan based on the direct experiences and the reflections of these leaders whose titles and names remain anonymous.The data were collected and analyzed using a modified version of Spradley's Developmental Research Sequence Writing methodology. The data included field notes gathered from numerous interviews, casual conversations, tape recording, library research and documents provided by the informants.The rivalries that prevented political unity during the war of resistance have exacerbated the quest for power now that the common enemy, the Soviet Union and Afghan-Marxist regimes, has disappeared from the scene. No credible social or political within the country to initiate and promote political reconciliation. Each group appears to be attempting a unilateral solution to the national crisis. The great majority of Afghans are not only left out of the political process, but are also held hostage to the confrontation between competing groups whose political and military strategies is the elimination, or at best exclusion, of other competing groups. Dangerously, none of the powerful group's adversaries has given up the idea of war as the institution or nationally acceptable leadership is available instrument of political settlement. Among political leaders there is still much in Afghan political culture that is basically hostile to open and competitive politics.<br>Department of Educational Leadership

The increasing engagement of China in Africa after the cold war has steered debates concerning the growing complexion of this relationship. However, the emphasis of assessment has mainly been narrowed to the bilateral relationship between China and African countries. Insufficient consideration has been focused to the increasing relationship concerning China and African Union which is the continental Regional Organization of African states. This study explores the nature and impact of China-African Union relationship and its consequences to the African Union member states generally. The study examines the significance of this relationship and demonstrates how both China and African Union are using this relationship to fulfill their objectives and the ultimate effect to the African Union member states that have bilateral relations with China. By using qualitative design and the lens of constructivism this study has tested the extent of the application of China's objectives under the China African policy and the African Union objectives under the Constitutive Act and Agenda 2063 by analyzing the extent the parties are using this relationship to enhance the fulfillment of their objectives, by testing the study on the objectives of infrastructure development, peace and security, health, and capacity development as the research variables. This study shows the extent at which the parties' relations has led to the achievement of these objectives thus demonstrating the importance of the relationship between China and African Union. This relationship has enhanced peace and security preservation of the African continent, facilitated the development of African Union Centre for Disease Control and Prevention to boost the health objective on the continent, as well as aggrandized skill development through capacity development initiatives on the continent. China has also supported, consistently praised and acknowledged the role of the AU in solving African problems as well as constructing for it the biggest office block hence giving the continental organization a new face. Nevertheless, the study shows that China is using this relationship to project itself as a more active external partner for the AU and the African continent compared to the rest. Similarly, China is trying to use this relationship with the AU to socialize the AU member states towards its own priorities, and the relationship is positioning China to initiate, maintain and increase its Soft power interests on the African continent as well as advance its norms. Equally, China is carefully using its relationship with the AU to promote its geostrategic and political interests on the African continent for instance through its recent establishment of the Chinese military base in Djibouti. The study also highlights how Chinese Africa relations is not only based on interest of exploiting African resources entirely as described by previous authors, but there is also commitment towards increasing its engagement with the African Union basing on each other's policies and priorities in order to fulfill their objectives

The legal humanitarian regime, set out in the Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocols, strives to alleviate human suffering through the provision of emergency goods and services, such as food supplies, water, temporary shelter, and medical treatment. This thesis examines how international non-government organizations (INGOs) contribute to the contestation of this regime in political emergencies, the effects of this contestation, and the factors driving INGO contestation. The thesis develops an analytical framework for understanding the nature and functioning of the legal humanitarian regime, and argues that INGO contestation occurs through the two processes of regime interpretation and regime implementation. It then goes on to identify the substantive content and effects of contestation, and the factors driving INGO contestation of the regime, through a detailed study of the policies and practices of CARE, Médecins Sans Frontiers, Oxfam, and World Vision, in Afghanistan and Sri Lanka, from 1990-2010. The thesis argues that contestation has constitutive effects, as it re-defines the meaning of the formal humanitarian regime, and the underlying rules and norms that specify the regime’s function, scope, and operating principles. Contestation also has causal effects, as it can make INGOs participants in the conflict, eroding thereby the basis on which they negotiate access and their ability to respond to humanitarian needs, and the security of their staff. It has also facilitated the subordination of humanitarian assistance by donor states and combatants to their political and security objectives. INGO identity - expressed in terms of the constituent rules and norms that define INGO membership, their mandate and goals, and the manner in which they distinguish themselves from other actors - is argued to be a necessary factor for explaining INGO contestation. The focus on identity highlights the agency of INGOs in shaping the humanitarian regime and demonstrates that INGOs are not simply at the mercy of more powerful actors or external constraints.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The involvement of women in both conventional and unconventional forms of political participation in South Africa has over the past 10 years, and often at present, been experienced as problematic and limited. Exacerbating the problem of limited access and information, the study of, and literature about, women's participation in unconventional forms of politics have also been limited. It is the aim of this study to contribute to our knowledge in this area. This study investigates women's participation in unconventional politics between 1991 and 2001. This period is specifically important, as it makes possible the examination of trends in women's political participation before and after the democratic transition in 1994. This makes it possible for us to speculate about the influence of transition on women's political participation. I propose and evaluate two mam hypotheses in which I; firstly, expect women's participation in protest politics to decrease between 1991 and 2001, and secondly, expect to find women's levels of participation in protest to be consistently lower than that of their male counterparts. The complex set of variables influencing women's participation is evaluated according to the socialization and structural approaches, which offer different assumptions about the reasons for the trends in women's participation. In conclusion, I offer the main findings of my research, as well as suggesting possible areas still to be investigated within the field, as deduced from the questions arising out of my analysis in this project.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die betrokkenheid van vroue in beide konvensionele en onkonvensionele vorme van politieke deelname in Suid Afrika, was oor die laaste 10 jaar, en is steeds ervaar as problematies en beperk. Wat die probleem vererger, is die beperkte toegang tot informasie, die studie van, en literatuur oor, vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele vorme van politiek. Dit is in die strewe na die oorkoming van hierdie leemtes, dat hierdie werk aangepak word. Hierdie werk ondersoek vroue se deelname in onkonvensionele politiek tussen 1991 en 2001. Hierdie periode is spesifiek belangrik, omdat dit die demokratiese transisie na 1994 insluit, en om neigings in vroulike deelname voor en na 1994 te bestudeer. Dit maak dit moontlik om oor die invloed van die transisie op vroue se politieke deelname te spekuleer. Ek stel, en evalueer twee hoof hipoteses waarin ek; eerstens, verwag dat vroue se deelname in protes politiek sal verminder tussen 1991 en 2001, en tweedens, verwag ek om te vind dat vroue se vlakke van deelname in protes, deurentyd laer sal wees as die van mans. Die komplekse stel veranderlikes wat vroue se deelname beinvloed, word geevalueer in terme van die sosialisering- en strukturele benaderings, wat verskillende voorstelle oor die motivering van die geobserveerde neigings in vroue se deelname oplewer. Ten slotte, bied ek die hoof bevindinge van my navorsing aan, so wel as voorstelle ten opsigte van moontlike areas vir verder ondersoek binne die veld.

This thesis concerns the relationship between ideology, values, beliefs, politics, language, discourses, public policy and health outcomes. By examining the origins of federal health policy concerning Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples 1972-2001 I have explored the idea that the way a problem is constructed through language determines solutions enacted to solve that problem, and subsequent outcomes. Despite three decades of federal policy activity Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children born at the start of the 21st Century could expect to live almost 20 years less than non-Indigenous Australians. Explanations for the gap include that the colonial legacy of dispossession and disease continues to wreak social havoc and that both health policy and structures for health services have been fundamentally flawed. The research described in this thesis focuses on the role of senior Federal politicians in the health policy process. The research is grounded in theory which suggests that the values and beliefs of decision makers are perpetuated through language. Using critical discourse analysis the following hypotheses were tested: 1. That an examination of the language of Federal politicians responsible for the health of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples over three decades would reveal their beliefs, values and discourses concerning Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples and their health 2. That the discourses of the Federal politicians contributed to policy discourses and frames in the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health policy environment, and 3. That there is a relationship between the policy discourses of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health policy environment and health outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples. The hypotheses were proven. I concluded that there was a relationship between the publicly-expressed values and beliefs of politicians responsible for health, subsequent health policy and resulting health outcomes. However, a model in which theories of discourse, social constructions of people and problems, policy development and organisational decision-making were integrated did not adequately explain the findings. I developed the concept of &quotpolicy imagination&quot to explain the discrete mechanism by which ideology, politics, policy and health were related. My research suggests that the ideology and values which drove decision-making by Federal politicians responsible for the health of all Australians contributed to the lack of population-wide improvement in health outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples in the late 20th Century.

This thesis seeks to understand the developments in Germany’s foreign and security policy since the end of the Cold War. Primarily, this thesis will centre on the question of whether Germany can now, after being re-unified for more than 20 years, be considered a normal actor in international relations. Although this subject has been debated extensively, the effects a possible change in foreign policy behaviour has on related fields of policy, have largely been left aside. This thesis therefore sets out to understand if there has in fact been a change in Germany’s foreign and security policy and will then apply the findings on the institution most affected by this change, i.e. Germany’s armed forces the Bundeswehr. It will therefore firstly discuss the perceived changes in German foreign policy since 1990 by analysing the academic debate on the process of normalisation and continuation. It will be argued that Germany has in fact become more normal and abandoned the constrained foreign policy of the Cold-War-era. The Bundeswehr will therefore have to be reformed accordingly to accommodate the new tasks set out by the changed foreign policy – most importantly peacekeeping and peace-enforcing out-of-area missions. This thesis will therefore analyse the reform efforts made over the last 20 years and apply them to the Bundeswehr’s large deployments in Kosovo and Afghanistan to determine how effective the reforms have been. Finally, this thesis will be able to contribute to the discussion on Germany’s status of a normal player in international relations with the added perspective from the Bundeswehr’s point of view.

ix, 99 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.<br>This study examines how the news media and U.S. officials within the Bush administration utilized rhetoric and specific words over others to frame the violence and civil unrest in Iraq following the U.S. invasion. This study incorporates a mixed methods approach to framing analysis. It seeks to advance framing research into the role of the media in presenting dominant frames set forth by powerful political elites. By examining Department of Defense news briefings, this study critiques the officials' framing of the violence and unrest in Iraq. Likewise, through a content analysis of two newspapers' coverage of the Iraq War, it examines the frequency of certain key terms as it attempts to locate the emergence of dominant rhetorical frames, particularly "insurgency." Results reveal that officials framed Iraq's insurgency as part of the war on terror and the insurgency frame emerged in print during the periods of study.<br>Committee in charge: Prof. John Russial, Chair; Prof. Patricia A Curtin; Prof. Carl Bybee

The press is credited with playing a central role in the consolidation of democracy by informing citizens, engaging them in the process of public decision making and governance and stimulating wide and inclusive debate on public matters. In emergent democracies like Zambia, the extent of the media's role as a public sphere, not to mention its impact, is not known. The study set out to investigate the extent of the press' public sphere role, particularly how Zambian newspapers report Parliament and how such coverage informs public opinion. It found that though the press covers Parliament, the nature of coverage does not empower newspaper readers with the kind of context, background and interpretation they would otherwise need to engage in public discourses on matters that affect them from an informed perspective. In the main, the role of the press in informing citizens is not fully realised, not only because uninformative character of coverage, but partly because of low literacy levels and the limited reach of local newspapers. It was against this background that the study recommended ways in which the Zambian press could re-focus its approach to parliamentary news coverage to make it more informational and more inclined towards playing a public sphere role, at least to the newspaper-reading public. Making parliamentary coverage an integrated newsroom function was the main recommendation. It provided the basis for suggesting a practical editorial option for the coverage of the legislature that accommodates the integration of context, background and interpretation into parliamentary news.

Orientador: Jose Alves de Freitas Neto<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-13T15:32:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Padua_DaniloDestro_M.pdf: 851556 bytes, checksum: 7abffeb056882ad1557d48b627090983 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009<br>Resumo: Este trabalho faz uma análise das transformações políticas ocorridas na Argentina no período de 1989-2001. Ocorreram mudanças no movimento peronista e na condução da política econômica no período da ditadura militar (1976-1983) e governo de Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989) que foram se aprofundando durante o governo de Carlos Menem. Essas mutações se relacionam com o surgimento do movimento dos piqueteros e novas formas de ação política da sociedade Argentina que tiveram seu auge durante as jornadas da chamada crise de 2001.<br>Abstract: Not informed.<br>Mestrado<br>Historia Cultural<br>Mestre em História

Orientador: Alvaro Gabriel Bianchi Mendes<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T15:34:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alves_DouglasSantos_M.pdf: 1014452 bytes, checksum: 812fb73ba5d745609160b8901812c987 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009<br>Resumo: Na década de 1980, muitos países latinoamericanos,experimentaram a transição de regimes autoritários para democráticos. Essas mudanças aconteceram nos marcos do aprofundamento das relações de dependência em relação às economias centrais, bem como no contexto de graves abalos econômicos e políticos, como a crise da dívida externa dos países da região. As transformações ocorridas em tal situação engendraram contradições que marcaram o desenvolvimento ulterior das relações sociais e políticas. No âmbito institucional, trouxeram a conquista de novos espaços políticos para a regulação dos conflitos sociais; mas também se somaram às mudanças econômicas caracterizadas pela implementação das políticas neoliberais, tendo como consequência o agravamento do desemprego, da pobreza, além de diversas outras mazelas sociais. Constataram-se, ainda, grandes mudanças nos segmentos ativos e organizados da sociedade. O movimento sindical parecendo atravessar uma profunda crise, enquanto atores antes secundários passando a ganhar importância social e política. Assim, o desenvolvimento desse processo tem gerado frequentes mobilizações e protestos populares, acarretando no crescente desgaste do próprio regime institucional e da relação das classes subalternas com o mesmo. Desse modo, seria possível falar de uma deslegitimação da "esfera" política a partir do comprometimento das bases materiais necessárias para a construção do consenso dentro da sociedade. Estaríamos, portanto, diante de situações de crise, que culminariam com a derrubada de presidentes Equador (2000), Argentina (2001) e Bolívia (2003). O objetivo desta pesquisa é, a partir da análise do caso argentino, pensar a articulação existente entre crise econômica e crise política, buscando as conexões existentes entre as recentes convulsões sociais e as contradições que se formaram ainda no começo da década de 1980, de modo a identificar, a partir de seu alcance e profundidade, se esses processos configuram uma crise de hegemonia.<br>Abstract: In the 1980s, many Latin American countries, experienced the transition from authoritarian to democratic regimes. These changes occurred within the framework of deepening the relations of dependence on central economies and in the context of several economic and political shocks, as the crisis of external debt of countries in the region. The changes in this situation engendered contradictions that marked the further development of the political and social relations. Within institutions, brought the conquest of new political spaces for the regulation of social conflicts, but also added to economic changes characterized by the implementation of neoliberal policies, resulting in the aggravation of unemployment, poverty, and various other social ills. Found should also be major changes in active and organized segments of society. The trade union movement appears through a deep crisis, as secondary players now is passing to gain social and political importance. Thus, the development of this process has generated frequent mobilizations and popular protests, resulting in increased wear of the institutional arrangements and the relationship of the subordinate classes to it. Thus, it would be possible to speak of a loss of legitimacy process of the "ground" from the political commitment of the necessary material basis for building consensus within society. We therefore faced with a crisis, which culminated in the overthrow of presidents Ecuador (2000), Argentina (2001) and Bolivia (2003). The objective of this research is from the analysis of the Argentine case, to think the articulation between economic crisis and political crisis, seeking the connections between the recent social upheavals and contradictions that are also formed at the beginning of the 1980s, so to identify, from the scope and depth, if these processes constitute a crisis of hegemony.<br>Mestrado<br>Mestre em Ciência Política

The Bush administration's decision to abandon the Kyoto Protocol can be explained by prospect theory. The change in federal climate policy between the Clinton and Bush administrations was due to the difference in domain that each president operated under. President Clinton operated under a domain of losses as he associated continued fossil fuel use with future socio-economic and environmental damages from climate change. This domain of losses increased President Clinton's risk tolerances and explains his pursuit of the Kyoto Protocol, an international agreement to limit greenhouse gas emissions. Conversely, President Bush operated under a domain of gains where he did not connect fossil fuel use with future damages, rather with continued economic growth. President Bush's domain of gains reduced his risk tolerance and resulted in his pursuit of fossil fuel intensive economic development policies. This paper defines the domain that Presidents Clinton and Bush operated under regarding climate change, the independent variable of this analysis. A total of 26 speeches on climate change by these presidents were coded to explicate domain according to two categories of beliefs. The single most salient variable is the decision makers beliefs about the perceived robustness of the current state of scientific knowledge on climate change. The second most important aspect of these decision makers beliefs revolve around the role of fossil fuels in economic growth. Once domain has been defined through the cognitive maps and each decision makers corresponding risk tolerance explicated, the dependent variable of policy preferences are analyzed. Two policy options are analyzed; the business as usual (BAU) option associated with the status quo, as well as a climate protection policy that is reflective of the emissions reductions associated with US compliance with Kyoto. These two policy options are evaluated in three case studies; the economy wide costs of compliance with Kyoto targets for greenhouse gas emissions, the public health impacts of greenhouse gas reductions, and finally against a component of the Kyoto Protocol that allows for international trading of permits to emit greenhouse gases.

Le nationalisme peut-il être envisagé comme un simple instrument de légitimation ?Cette thèse répond à cette question en se penchant sur un nationalisme particulier à une époque donnée, celui du moldovénisme du Parti des Communistes de République de Moldavie au pouvoir dans ce pays entre 2001 et 2009.<p><p>Sur base d’un cadre théorique mettant en avant les théories de Hermet, Greenfeld, Brass, Breuilly, Hobsbawm, Calhoun et Brubaker, le nationalisme est envisagé comme un discours et la réponse à la question centrale de recherche a été donnée suivant une méthode influencée par l’Analyse critique de Discours, telle qu’élaborée notamment par Wodak. Après une mise en contexte problématisée, reprenant les divers projets nationaux ayant été historiquement mis en place en Moldavie, une recherche empirique a été effectuée :la construction discursive de la nation a été étudiée, premièrement, dans les discours des présidents de la république, Vladimir Voronine entre 2001 et 2009 et Mihai Ghimpu entre 2009 et 2010 ;deuxièmement, dans les discours des partis politiques à l’occasion d’une campagne électorale en 2009 ;et troisièmement, dans les articles de presse qui traitent de la participation du pays au Concours Eurovision de la Chanson entre 2004 et 2010.<p><p>Cette recherche montre empiriquement que le nationalisme est principalement une affaire de « politique », selon l’expression de Breuilly, qu’il est utilisé par les acteurs en fonction d’un intérêt de préserver ou de conquérir le pouvoir. Les acteurs créent une nation ad hoc et en usent en fonction du contexte dans lequel leur lutte s’inscrit et en fonction de l’électorat à convaincre. Néanmoins, cet usage politique de la nation n’est pas le fait de l’ensemble des acteurs étudiés :les journalistes, même proches des acteurs politiques étudiés, esquissent une conception « primordiale » de la nation. Par ailleurs, la recherche montre empiriquement que le moldovénisme, comme tout nationalisme, est forcément exclusif, le « nous » se construisant implicitement et explicitement contre un « autre ». <p><p><p><p>Can nationalism be seen as a mere instrument of legitimation? The dissertation addresses this issue by focusing on a particular nationalism in a given period, the ‘Moldovanism’ of the Party of the Communists of the Republic of Moldova in power in this country between 2001 and 2009.<p><p>The theoretical framework of the research takes into account the theories of Hermet, Greenfeld, Brass, Breuilly, Hobsbawm, Calhoun, and Brubaker. Following these authors, nationalism is considered as a discourse, and the answer to the main research question has been given by using a methodology inspired by the Vienna School of Critical Discourse Analysis. Before proceeding to the empirical research, the dissertation shows the various national projects that have historically been implemented in Moldova. On this basis, the discursive construction of nationhood has been studied among three different sources :first, the speeches of two presidents of the republic, Vladimir Voronin between 2001 and 2009 and Mihai Ghimpu between 2009 and 2010 ;second, the speeches of political parties during an election campaign in 2009 ;and third, press articles dealing with the country's participation to the Eurovision Song Contest between 2004 and 2010.<p><p>The dissertation shows empirically that nationalism is primarily a matter of ‘politics’, to quote Breuilly. Nationalism is used by actors trying to preserve or gain power. These actors create an ad hoc nation and make use of it depending on the context in which they struggle and depending on the need to convince an electorate. Nevertheless, all the actors taken into consideration in the research do not exhibit this political use of the nation: the journalists, even close to the political actors who were studied, prove a ‘primordial’ conception of the nation. Moreover, the research shows empirically that Moldovanism, like any other nationalism, is necessarily exclusive. ‘We’ is indeed implicitly and explicitly constructed against an ‘other’.<p><br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The attacks of September 11, 2001, have changed America forever. In a horrific manner the vulnerability of the highly developed states was demonstrated and exposed in world politics. The event is ushering a new political era where far reaching shifts in international relations are under way. In the post Cold-War international world it appears that the ideological conflict between capitalism and socialism has been replaced by a new world order. One that has retained the binary conflict structure of the Cold War, except that this binary is now presented by political Islam and consumerist's capitalism (Martin, 2000:155). Indeed, in the previous bipolar world order, the acute distinction between capitalism and communism served to attenuate the discord in and between religions. This complex blurring of distinctions has been systematically heightened since the end of the Cold War, as it has allowed Western governments to maintain controlling interests outside of their dominions (Gupta, 2002:6) . This struggle has since been conceived in a variety of different, but related ways: A 'Clash of Civilizations' (Huntington 1996), or as an inescapable dialectic typical of the process of globalization itself (Barber, 1996:245). In the case of Huntington's (1996:19-20) genealogical narrative, he refers to global politics and the way in which the future will be reconfigured according to cultural identities. The division along these cultural lines, will furthermore "shape" the patterns of cohesion, disintegration, and conflict in the Post-Cold War world" (Huntington, 1996:20). Huntington's thesis is rather overriding in explaining the clash between the supposedly 'West' vs. 'Rest', whose interaction is historically determined. Yet, the genealogical narrative is not sufficient in taking into account the dynamics of globalization. Benjamin Barber's structural narrative, on the other hand, goes to great lengths to illustrate the paradoxical relationship between Jihad and McWorld, and how both forces tend to survive in a world that they inevitably create. By' acknowledging the relevance of both binaries (East/West), it is hoped to transcend them by presenting a structural-genealogical grand narrative, which will essentially allow one to understand Jihad as being a structural moment of the genealogical narrative. Given this general strategy, it will become perceptible that Jihad is one form of anti-globalization as the structural narratives become part of the genealogical and the genealogical part of the structural. In essence, then, this thesis is attempting to come to grips with the phenomenon of September 11, from a political-philosophical perspective. More specifically, this study will firstly be looking at two different, but related narratives that have emerged post-September 11, to make sense of the event. Given the structural-genealogical approach, the central concern in this study is consequently to look at two separate but related interests. The one pertains to history and the other to historiography.

Cette thèse propose d’explorer les modalités de formation des savoirs urbains et leur processus de normalisation. Dès lors, à rebours de la majorité des approches en vigueur en études urbaines, elle n’étudie pas les politiques urbaines à travers les acteurs qui les organisent ou les structures qui les déterminent. De ce fait, en déplaçant le champ d’analyse des acteurs et des structures vers la production des savoirs et de leur normativité, la thèse propose de revisiter les approches traditionnellement employées dans l’analyse des politiques urbaines contemporaines. <p>Au plan théorique, ce choix se construit autour de deux courants sociologiques issus des sociologies dites « pragmatistes ». Premièrement, la thèse développe un travail ethnographique sur des situations spatialement et temporellement délimitées dans lesquelles se jouent des épreuves d’urbanités. Celles-ci révèlent et distribuent les statuts des différents êtres qui participent à la composition de l’urbanité de la ville. C’est donc à l’examen de telles épreuves que peuvent se reconstruire les modalités de production de savoirs sur la ville qui donnent forme aux mondes urbains. Ce travail se complète ensuite d’une étude du processus de normalisation, inspiré de la théorie de l’acteur-réseau. La notion d’épreuve est là conçue comme un ensemble de situations où s’observe la stabilisation de différentes formes de savoirs. Cette stabilisation peut ainsi se comprendre comme un processus de normalisation de certains cadres cognitifs qui conditionnent des manières différentes d’agencer l’ordre urbain, c’est-à-dire de le gouverner.<p>Au plan empirique, ce type d’approche implique l’étude de situations concrètes où se joue le gouvernement de la ville. De ce fait, la thèse structure la description du processus d’internationalisation de la ville à travers l’ethnographie de six situations spécifiques où le lien entre la ville et son internationalisation est mis à l’épreuve :un débat parlementaire, une assemblée consultative, la constitution d’un groupe de pression, une exposition d’architecture, une occupation artistique d’espace public et la production d’un guide touristique. L’étude de telles situations permet d’isoler cinq modèles du gouvernement de la ville (administrer, gérer, projeter, dénoncer et imaginer). Ceux-ci sont observés autant dans leur version purement discursive au sein de l’assemblée parlementaire que dans le contexte matériel, discursif et visuel qui organise leur pratique dans les cinq autres situations. Cette étude permet ainsi d’aborder, en profondeur, une histoire très contemporaine de l’internationalisation de Bruxelles qui montre la manière dont certaines modalités de son gouvernement se sont développées et stabilisées.<p>Enfin dans une dernière partie, les différents modèles sont respécifiés afin de saisir le processus de normalisation de certaines manières de gouverner la ville. Cette respécification des modèles passe par l’exploitation de la notion de "régime" telle qu’elle est conçue dans les sociologies pragmatistes, c’est-à-dire l'isolement, à partir des observations de terrain, d’un ensemble conventionnel qui ordonne la tenue des situations. Une telle respécification des modèles en régimes s’opère par l’intermédiaire d’une grille d’analyse qui rassemble dix-sept valeurs correspondant à six régimes particuliers (les régimes d’énonciation publique, d’action, d’engagement, cognitif, figuratif et d’urbanité). Ceux-ci permettent d’appréhender dans le même mouvement autant les modalités d’action retrouvées dans l’ensemble des modèles que le type d’urbanité auquel il fait droit. Dans un deuxième temps, les modèles sont évalués dans leurs rapports réciproques afin de saisir les valeurs qui les caractérisent le plus par rapport aux autres. Enfin, ce travail permet de hiérarchiser les différentes valeurs orientant les cinq régimes de gouvernement de la ville et d’évaluer les rapports de domination et de marginalisation entretenus entre les différents modèles.<p>Une telle exploitation de l’hypothèse des « régimes de gouvernement de la ville » permet ainsi de ne pas dissocier les modalités de gouvernement de la ville des situations dans lesquelles elles sont mises à l’épreuve. De ce fait, cette hypothèse incite directement à un travail comparatif qui permettent leur réévaluation à partir de nouveaux terrains. L’examen de leur hiérarchie permet en outre d’appréhender la question des rapports de force et de pouvoir non entre acteurs mais entre cadres cognitifs.<p> <p><br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This study has attempted to explain the dramatic challenges to the existing party system that occurred in Canada and the United States in the early 1990s. The emergence of new political movements with substantial power at the ballot box has transformed both party systems. The rise of United We Stand America in the United States, and the Reform Party in Canada prompts scholars to ask what forces engender such movements. This study demonstrates that models of economic voting and key models of party system change are both instrumental for understanding the rise of new political movements.

This thesis examines and compares newspaper coverage of the first two general elections after Scottish devolution, looking at both the Scottish and English/UK press. By considering the coverage of a major political event which affects both countries, it contributes to debates regarding the performance of the Scottish press within an arguably distinct Scottish public sphere as well as that of the press in England within a post-devolution context. The research is based on a content analysis of all the coverage of the 2001 and 2005 elections in seven Scottish and five English and UK daily morning newspapers, a critical discourse analysis of a sample of the coverage of the most mentioned issues in each campaign and a small set of interviews with Scottish political editors. As a framework for its analysis, this thesis focuses on theories of national identity and deliberative democracy in the media. It finds that the coverage of elections in the two countries has a similar issue agenda, however Scottish newspapers appear less interested in the UK aspect of the elections and include debates on Scottish affairs which are discussed in isolation, within an exclusively Scottish mediated space. These issues are constructed as particularly relevant to a Scottish readership through references to the nation, inclusive modes of address to the reader and the inclusion of exclusively Scottish sources, which contrast with the Scottish coverage of “UK” issues. This distinction between “Scottish” and “UK” topics emerges as the key differentiating factor in the discursive construction of election issues in the Scottish press, rather than that between devolved and reserved issues. Newspapers in England on the other hand, report on the two campaigns without taking into consideration the post-devolution political reality. These core questions are contextualized within the thesis by reference to relevant dimensions of Scottish culture and politics, and interpreted in the light of events since 2005.

I was born in the district village of Cilimus, a little mountainous place in the residency of Cirebon. Between five and nine years old I suffered from dysentery, typhus and eye disease which could have made me die or go blind. Praise be to God I recovered under the loving care of my parents. At that time the uprising of the PKI broke out and soon after the Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI) was set up by Ir. Sukarno. From 1928 till 1932 Indonesia suffered from the Great Depression which caused much unemployment and business became very bad. At first my education was not a great success since my parents were hesitant in choosing between sending me to a Chinese school or a Dutch school. When I was successful in finishing at Dutch Primary School with good examination records I went to Solo and Yogyakarta to attend Dutch teachers’ Training College and a Dutch Theological College. I had to leave school when the Japanese arrived. My family had to move to Kadugede, a remote village on the slope of Mount Ciremai, 45 km from the city of Cirebon. I could not continue my studies since all Dutch schools were closed. All the young people had to undergo military training or serve the Japanese Military by building airports and so on. I underwent Japanese Keibotai (Intelligence) military training in Linggajati, a mountainous village, 5 km from Cilimus. The Keibotai military training centre in Linggajati was headed by Mr. Watanabe who was a colonel and quite likely responsible to Colonel Kurija, chief of the Joohoobu (Intelligence Staff) of the 16th Army. Some other assistants to Watanabe were Akano, Fukuda and Tomita. The purpose of this training was to train the Chinese youth to become auxiliary Intelligence Staff. I had to flee to the military training dormitory when I was not permitted to go home in order to get engaged to my fiancée. When I came back to the military training I was punished by one week’s room arrest. One month after the arrest I heard that Japan had surrendered to the Allied Forces after suffering from atomic bombardments on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. I returned home on 15 August 1945. Two days later, 17 August 1945, Sukarno and Hatta proclaimed the independence of Indonesia. Native young people underwent military training to defend their country. The republic set up the people’s Security Body (BKR) which later become the People’s security Forces (TKR), the foundation of the current Indonesian Armed Forces. Somebody was slandering me and accused me of being a spy for the Japanese military. I had an interview with the council of the BKR of Kuningan which trusted me and set me free. On 10 March 1946 my fiancée and I celebrated our wedding party. When the Dutch occupied West Java I went to Batavia (Jakarta) to find a job and asked my parents, my wife and children to come over when I settled. In Jakarta I improved my knowledge and achieved several diplomas, and degrees in Languages and Business. For many years I worked as manager and managing director of several enterprises until I ran a transportation business where I had 50% share and was appointed Managing Director. The business was running smoothly until the abortive coup of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). After the Communist coup and the rupia devaluation there came a slump in my business. I got a job at the National University as lecturer in English and Dutch. I also had private students in English, Dutch and Indonesian which became a good teaching business. But since I wanted to obtain a foreign degree, my wife and I migrated in 1983 to Australia. In this thesis I address the issue of the role of the Chinese in late colonial Indonesia. In many ways my family was typical of the Chinese as businesspeople and entrepreneurs. My attitudes to colonialism changed from enthusiastic admiration for the Dutch in my youth to a more nationalistic approach and embrace of the Indonesian Republic as a young man. While, like most Chinese, I was no supporter of Japan’s war aims, I was obliged to serve in Japanese-sponsored organisations and my analysis of the Japanese occupation is not entirely negative. This autobiographical analysis charts these important (and representative) changes in my attitudes, as well as providing a personal perspective on a crucial period in Indonesia’s history from the point of view of a representative member of a significant minority.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:25:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 AlinyDPM_DISSERT.pdf: 3280601 bytes, checksum: ab6256e6dad03ba48bbec08a0e7518fa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-30<br>This work is about a search that takes the Comit? pela Anistia no Rio Grande do Norte and the Associa??o Norte-Rio-Grandense de Anistiados Pol?ticos as Political Spaces capable of expressing History, Memory and Politic. And has as main objective analyzing the amnesty process in the State from these Spaces of political struggle and of resistance, from the 1970s until the early 2000s. The discussion of amnesty and struggle for rights and remedies are still present today on the political agenda of the country, which demonstrates the importance and the incompleteness of the amnesty. Beyond the oral sources, which are essential for understanding periods of oppression, we also used written sources, such as digital and printed newspapers, laws, meeting minutes, pamphlets of political parties, magazines, theses, dissertations, among others. We made the crossing of oral sources with written guides us as Paul Thompson, highlighting the importance of Memory, especially of Collective Memory in line with the perception of Maurice Halbwachs. Work the concept of history approached by Jacques Le Goff and Politic from the perspective of Hannah Arendt. And consider the space from the approach taken by Doreen Massey<br>Este trabalho se trata de uma pesquisa que toma o Comit? pela Anistia no Rio Grande do Norte e a Associa??o Norte-Rio-Grandense de Anistiados Pol?ticos como Espa?os capazes de expressar Hist?ria, Mem?ria e Pol?tica. Tem por objetivo principal analisar o processo de anistia no estado a partir desses Espa?os de luta e de resist?ncia pol?tica, desde a d?cada de 1970 at? o in?cio dos anos 2000. A discuss?o sobre anistia e sobre luta por direitos e repara??es est? presente ainda hoje na agenda pol?tica do pa?s, o que demonstra a sua relev?ncia e o car?ter incompleto da anistia. Al?m das fontes orais, indispens?veis para a compreens?o de per?odos de opress?o, tamb?m s?o utilizadas fontes escritas, como: jornais digitalizados e impressos, legisla??es, atas de reuni?o, cartilhas de partidos pol?ticos, revistas, teses, disserta??es, dentre outras. Neste trabalho, ? realizado o cruzamento das fontes orais com as escritas, conforme orienta Paul Thompson, destacando a import?ncia da Mem?ria, sobretudo da Mem?ria Coletiva, em conson?ncia com a percep??o de Maurice Halbwachs. Al?m disso, ? trabalhado o conceito de Hist?ria abordado por Jacques Le Goff e o de Pol?tica na perspectiva de Hannah Arendt, bem como ? considerado o Espa?o a partir da abordagem feita por Doreen Massey

Why is black partisan identification so one-sidedly Democratic forty years past the Civil Rights movement? A black/non-black political dichotomy manifests itself through one-sided African-American partisanship. Racial consciousness and Republican hostility is the basis of the black/non-black political dichotomy, which manifests through African-American partisanship. Racial consciousness forced blacks to take a unique and somewhat jaundiced approach to politics and Republican hostility to black inclusion in the political process in the 1960s followed by antagonism toward public policy contribute to overwhelming black Democratic partisanship. Results shown in this dissertation demonstrate that variables representing economic issues, socioeconomic status and religiosity fail to explain partisan identification to the extent that Hostility-Consciousness explains party identification.

The thesis examines individual Scottish soldiers and Scottish regiments abroad in the second half of the seventeenth century, with particular focus on Scottish military service in France and the Netherlands, c.1660-92. The study contends that privately contracted units, of the sort common in the period of the Thirty Years' War (1618-48), evolved into regular standing regiments by the end of the seventeenth century. This process is visible in the altered conditions experienced by professional Scottish officers and ordinary soldiers who served abroad in this period. This study proposes that Britain's foreign policy was primarily affected by that of her two most potent neighbours: France and the Netherlands profoundly affected the attitude of the Stuart monarchs towards their subjects fighting abroad.

This thesis responds to the longstanding call from constructivist and poststructuralist scholars for a turn to discourse. It focuses on the paradox of the ability of language to act as a constituting and constraining device within an agent-structure discussion. The Copenhagen School (CS), its attention to language and its concept of securitization is examined in terms of its strengths and weaknesses, including bringing discourse onto the security agenda to an unprecedented extent. This thesis seeks to speak security at a deeper level and move securitization beyond the moment of utterance and the notion of agents breaking free of rules that would otherwise bind, as well as beyond a singular definition of security. It is proposed that the CS framework can be theoretically complemented by Wittgenstein’s notion of language games on board. The analytical shift made by juxtaposing a speech act and a language game also foregrounds the link between language and rules. Wittgenstein’s idea of ‘acts of interpretation’ is also considered, and substantive questions are raised about what the language of security legitimates in principle and in practice. The Bush administration’s justifications for the 2003 Iraq war are taken as a point of departure, and covers how the Bush administration deployed the language of security to justify highly controversial moves. Their narrative about the use of the pre-emptive use of force without an imminent threat existing and ‘enhanced interrogation techniques’ such as those seen in the Abu Ghraib photographs in the name of security exemplify that words matter. The arguments conclude that adjustments are needed in the way security is currently spoken in IR theory.

Attempts to solve the continued problem of low youth voter turnout in the U.S. have included get out the vote drives, voter registration campaigns, and public service announcements targeting 18- to 25-year-old voters. Pay Attention and Vote added to this effort to motivate young voters in its 2006 campaign. This thesis analyzes the rhetorical strategies employed by the Pay Attention and Vote campaign advertisements, measures their effectiveness, and adds to the limited body of knowledge describing the attitudes and behaviors of young nonvoters. This thesis applies a mixed method approach, utilizing both rhetorical criticism and quantitative method. The results of both analyses are integrated into a discussion which critiques current strategies of addressing the youth voter turnout problem and offers suggestions for future research on the topic.

This study examined the ideograph of <collateral damage> through an analysis of the Bush Administration's rhetoric as well as visual photographs of Iraqi civilian deaths. The project argues that the psycho-dynamic rhetoric of the Bush Administration during a time of visual censorship lead to the dehumanization of Iraqi civilian deaths during the War in Iraq. The method consisted of a textual analysis of the Bush Administration's rhetoric and continued with a content analysis of news media's photographs. The author argues that critics gain a deeper understanding of the disappearing dead phenomenon of Iraqi civilians by examining ideographic fragments of psycho-dynamic rhetoric.

This thesis examines from an historical perspective the series of events between 1995 and 1999 in which the public school teachers’ union, the New South Wales Teachers federation, challenged the NSW and Australian government’s provision of funding to private schools. Such funding is known colloquially as state aid. The state aid struggle is conceived in this thesis as an industrial relations contest that went beyond issues simply of state aid. The state aid struggle was a centrepiece of the Teachers Federation’s broader challenge to government’s intensification of efforts to reduce the federation’s effectiveness in shaping the public school system’s priorities. This thesis contends that the decisive importance of the state aid struggle arose from the fundamental strategy used by governments to lower the cost of schooling over time. To achieve this they undertook the state aid strategy – cost reductions would flow from residualising public schools, de-unionising teachers and deregulating wages and conditions. The state aid strategy was implemented through those areas of policy and funding over which the Federation had negligible control or where the Federation’s membership was disunited. The Federation was undermined by governments using policy initiatives to fragment teacher unity. By the end of 1999, governments’ prosecution of the state aid strategy did not seem to have been diverted from the main thrust of its course by the federation’s struggle.

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2008.<br>The primary goal of this thesis is to explore, analyse and apply the New War theory to the West African case of Sierra Leone. The motivation for conducting a study of this nature was that much literature exists on the assumption that the Sierra Leonean conflict equates to a resource war. This research project attempts to bridge the gap between the New War schools of thought and those who maintain a resource war approach. Although Kaldor’s (2006) work on New Wars is significant, she does not place much emphasis on Africa. In order to supplement this, William Reno (2001) and Paul Collier (2000) have also been studied. Both write about Africa. The RUF virtually razed the Sierra Leonean society to the ground. The overtly violent methods employed were dissimilar to the interstate and intrastate wars of the past. Blatant exploitation of the country’s mineral wealth aggravated the situation. In attempting to reach a relevant finding, this study is divided into distinctive sections. Chapter two documents the theoretical background. The writings of Kaldor (2006), Reno (2001) and Collier (2000) are explored and applied. The third chapter investigates the factors in the conflict. Issues such as the resource factor (diamonds) and poverty are discussed; the failed state in Sierra Leone; criminal networks; social conditions; arms; and the role of youth and children. The general finding of this chapter indicates that Sierra Leone fits this model. Chapter four describes and analyses the actors. Identity was not an issue in the Sierra Leone war; thus a large part of Kaldor’s theory becomes redundant. In the final assessment the study establishes what Sierra Leone’s position is: New War or merely resource war? The bulk of the applied theory proved to be applicable to this case; but the study also acknowledges the mistaken views regarding Kaldor’s identity theories. Collier and Reno’s works prove to be significantly more relevant. This study was able to determine that Sierra Leone was indeed an example of New Wars, albeit considerably affected and influenced by greed.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria do Carmo Godinho Delgado.pdf: 4655002 bytes, checksum: 029fe686425dddc137b3b86772364fdd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-10-10<br>The present study focuses on the creation of governmental mechanisms, arisen in Brazil as of the 1980s, designed to guide government intervention in women-related policies. It analyzes the proposal, drafted by Workers Party feminist militants, of a government body for elaboration, formulation and policy-executing, in conjunction with other government areas, so as to propel the implementation of government political action from a feminist perspective. It places the drafting of the proposal within the framework of the emergence of women as a new political and social actor in the country, who organized a strong movement in the late years of the dictatorship and pointed to the need for building specific instruments to influence State action; hence, the creation of the councils on the status of women, as mediating bodies between the women s movement and the State; a model distinct from that advocated by other Workers Party feminists. Considering the critique presented by the Workers Party feminists regarding the ambiguity present in the concept underlying the councils on the status of women, the thesis analyzes the implementation of the Workers Party proposal at the two moments during which the party took over the local government of the city of São Paulo (1989-1992 and 2001-2004), with the creation of the Women s Special Coordination (Coordenadoria Especial da Mulher). It points out constraints to the proposal s assimilation by the party and the potentialities of feminist action within the administration, boosted by a government structure designed to that end. It confirms that the hierarchical locus in the government s organizational structure and the legitimacy and authority for this body s mandate tributaries of the weight that the nucleus of the government attributes to it are crucial for its action to be efficacious, affecting also conditions available for performing the task. It argues that the women s movement is a central actor in pushing for changes in State action, albeit not sufficient. The presence of a feminist core inside political parties is decisive for the State to adopt policies in favor of women, given that parties are the central agents in forming governments. It also indicates that the political and economic context and the strategic choices made by the women s movement strongly influence the likelihood of the State including women policies in its agenda. It considers that State action is still guided by a limited concept of women s citizenship, which ascribes to them the priority responsibility for social reproduction, founded on the dichotomy between public and private. It draws on elaborations on social relations of sex and on the sexual division of labour as theoretical instruments that would better explain the dynamic of inequality between women and men, to the detriment of the form whereby the concept of gender was overwhelmingly incorporated in Brazil<br>Este trabalho aborda a criação de mecanismos governamentais voltados à intervenção do poder público em políticas para mulheres, surgidos no Brasil a partir da década de 1980. Analisa a proposta, elaborada por militantes feministas do PT, de um organismo de caráter elaborador, formulador e executor de políticas, em conjunto com outras áreas de governo, como propulsor da implantação de uma ação política de governo orientada por uma perspectiva feminista. Insere o surgimento da proposta no contexto de emergência das mulheres como um novo sujeito político e social no país que, organizando um expressivo movimento nos anos finais da ditadura, apontaram a necessidade de construir instrumentos específicos para incidir sobre a ação do Estado; sendo, então, criados os conselhos da mulher, que se caracterizaram como organismos de mediação entre o movimento de mulheres e o Estado; modelo distinto do defendido por feministas petistas. Considerando a crítica apresentada pelas petistas à ambigüidade presente na concepção de conselhos da mulher, a tese analisa a implementação da proposta petista, nos dois momentos em que o partido assumiu a prefeitura de São Paulo (1989-1992 e 2001-2004), com a criação da Coordenadoria Especial da Mulher, apontando limites da assimilação da proposta pelo partido e as potencialidades de uma ação feminista no interior da administração, impulsionada por uma estrutura de governo voltada a este fim. Confirma que o lugar hierárquico na estrutura organizacional do governo e a legitimidade e autoridade para a atuação deste organismo tributárias do peso que o núcleo de governo atribui ao projeto são definitivos para que sua ação seja eficaz; incidindo, também, sobre as condições disponíveis para o desempenho do trabalho. Argumenta que o movimento de mulheres é ator central para pressionar por mudanças na ação do Estado, mas não suficiente. A presença de um pólo feminista no interior dos partidos políticos é decisiva para que o Estado adote políticas em favor das mulheres, uma vez que são os partidos os agentes centrais na formação dos governos. Aponta, ainda, que a conjuntura e as opções estratégicas desenvolvidas pelo movimento de mulheres têm forte influência nas possibilidades de que o Estado inclua em sua agenda políticas para as mulheres. Considera que a ação do Estado ainda é pautada por uma concepção limitada da cidadania das mulheres, que atribui a elas a responsabilidade prioritária com a reprodução social, fundada na dicotomia entre público e privado. Apóia-se na elaboração sobre as relações sociais de sexo e na divisão sexual do trabalho como instrumentos teóricos que melhor explicam a dinâmica da desigualdade entre mulheres e homens, em detrimento da forma como o conceito de gênero foi majoritariamente incorporado no Brasil

Sources of state revenue have major implications on the patterns of state formation. While this issue has been increasingly attracting attention in academia, its impacts have been little explored in aid-dependent contexts, particularly in terms of how the delivery mode of revenue shapes the impacts. Accordingly, this thesis studies Afghan state building in relation to its sources of revenue as it has experienced many experiments since 1747, with tribute, subsidies, and foreign aid playing a striking role in the development of state institutions, and consequently the formation of state-society relations. However, the amount of foreign aid received by Afghanistan in the post-2001 dwarfs that received during any previous period. Although scholars have extensively examined Afghanistan's politics, society and its relations with external powers, very little attention has been directed to the economy, to the sources of state revenue or to the specific relationship between revenue sources and state building. This thesis examines how foreign aid and its delivery mode have affected Afghanistan's state building from 2001 to 2009. It analyses the particular effects of aid on taxation, budget transparency and state-society relations. The relationship between state building and external revenue is a distinct feature of Afghanistan's modern history; the study therefore situates state building in a historical context. This thesis argues that, between 2001 and 2009, externally aided state building reiterated a historical path of dependency, in that foreign aid reinforced building of a rentier state and had mixed effects. Foreign aid has contributed to economic growth, the promotion of education, and the expansion of health services. However, these improvements remained largely dependent on continued foreign aid inflows and were not supplemented with effective institution building and improvements in state-society relations. The inflow of huge amounts of aid outside of Afghanistan's own state mechanisms, together with a concentration on military priorities and a general lack of coordination or coherence amongst the aid donors and the pre-aid socio-political dynamics and institutions, have thus contradicted the initial goal of state building. As a result, the focus of government accountability has shifted from the Afghan legislature and the citizens of Afghanistan to international donors, resulting in poor budget transparency. Tax reforms have also failed to achieve the development of a social contract around taxation, despite the strong desire of Afghanistan's taxpayers for such contract. These factors have further weakened state-society relations.

Can transitive state-building and post-conflict reconstruction models ever exist in a vacuum, or must they always be crafted to specific circumstances? Much of the current discourse and practice around state-building and war economies seeks to understand how change can be achieved through an analytic lens that poses dichotomies of formal versus informal institutions, public versus private authority, and legal versus illegal or morally unacceptable activity. Through an examination of the 'money men', or hawala networks, in Afghanistan, this thesis reflects on the political, social, and economic mechanisms of institutional change that tend to be excluded from such thinking on post-conflict states. It argues that the above dichotomies not only begin to dissolve when considering the predicament of local money dealers, but that more important dynamics emerge around the legitimacy of change and the challenge of how to reconcile broad models with specific and unique contexts. For all the media and policy attention given to the 'money men' of Afghanistan in the wake of 9111, little remains known about the institutions that support these groups, how they have survived and adapted throughout the centuries, and why they continue to persist into the present day despite state collapse and subsequent efforts to regulate, disrupt, or replace them with formal structures. Using a dynamic bottom-up approach, this study combines archival and qualitative research methods to unravel the money dealer's unique predicament in Afghanistan. As prospects for security and development worsen in major parts of Afghanistan, and opium trafficking - supported by informal financial mechanisms - is consistently identified as one of the major obstacles to a durable peace, it seems timely to improve on current examinations of how powerful socio-economic networks like those of the money men persist and function under strain. There are clear implications for aid and regulation in the context of post-conflict reconstruction; hence the study addressees these two areas throughout, framing the analysis with a critique of the 'liberal peace' paradigm. In providing a bottom-up perspective, this thesis draws extensively on interviews conducted in and around the money bazaars of Afghanistan and NWFP in Pakistan where it was necessary to employ the use of sociological, anthropological, psychological, and political science concepts to enhance the excessively macro-level, state-focused debate that dominates thinking on economic governance systems in 'failed states' within the field of politics and international relations. The melding of both new and existing concepts across disciplines permits a fresh and more rigorous examination of what form economic governance can take when chaos supposedly reigns. Boundaries between peace and war, the legal and illegal, cultural and rational economic, criminal and benign, and the pressures of survival and profit, are found to meet and blur in ways that inspire both a revision of the widespread criminalisation accounts of 'informal economies' and closer focus on the burgeoning question of 'legitimacy contests' in transition. Overall, in response to the challenge facing 'state-builders' of how to reconcile broad models with unique contexts, the thesis examines what key mechanisms of political, social and economic change are revealed when the typical IR view of state-building is adjusted to consider the institutions that not only support society during periods of instability, but also have the potential to be harnessed for greater international stability.

This thesis is an examination of the role of armed sub-state actors in situations where the state is weak or failing. There is a substantial body of literature on state failure and on the role of warlords. For the most part there are considerable problems with the definitions of both concepts and also strongly negative assumptions about the consequences of state failure and the role of warlords. It is suggested in this study that warlordism can be a type of transitional leadership for traditional societies, especially those where institutional structures are weak or even non-existent. For these traditional societies a transitional leader may emerge when the traditional community is threatened, a figure that might otherwise be described as a warlord. This thesis proposes to these two hypotheses. First, this thesis contends that rather than warlords being solely the product of state failure or collapse, those armed sub-state actors so labelled as "warlords" are also the result of the disruption to traditional society caused by the expansion of state power. The second hypothesis of this research project is that the focus on the apparent institutional weaknesses of the central government, and thus the mechanisms judged necessary for the functioning of the state, particularly in the delivery of essential public goods, overlooks other more enduring localised sources of legitimacy and control within countries with otherwise weak or non-existent national governmental institutions. The case studies analysing the types of warlordism in Papua New Guinea and Afghanistan highlight how state disruption distorted traditional elite structures leading to warlordism emerging quite distinctive forms in both countries. An assessment of the conduct of warlordism in both cases studies illustrates how these warlords have taken on on part of the traditional habits of leadership in their societies. The distortions attributable to the state have altered their behaviour, though, to the extent that the inclination and ability to provide public goods is severely constrained.

This thesis examines dynamics of statebuilding and social mobilisation in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2016 and seeks to contribute to two sets of scholarly literature. First, it aims to contribute to better understanding of the complexity of the post-2001 international intervention and statebuilding in Afghanistan. Second, it aims to contribute to broader literature on contentious politics by extending its theoretical insights to explore dynamics of social movements in the context of a fragile state The thesis investigates how state fragility, characterised by weakness in extending its authority, in providing public services, and in developing effective and legitimate institutions, can shape contentious politics, and whether state weakness creates conditions that benefit some movements over others. It combines a relational and mechanism-based approach with a multi-institutional view of politics and society and highlights the nature and dimensions of change and conflict. This is achieved by studying four groups and three protest events in Afghanistan. Through detailed analysis of the four groups, which provide examples of broadly liberal, left-leaning and Islamist movements in the country, as well as analysis of three mass protest events, the thesis argues that the character and strength of the state has a number of important implications for contentious politics. First, while the institutions of liberal democracy, and parallel processes of exposure of Afghan society to globalisation between 2001 and 2016, helped give rise to a new generation of activists, the highly-centralised institutional structure combined with institutional discouragement of political parties and predominance of patron-client relations drove a new generation of activists towards street politics. Consequently, the neopatrimonial character of the state and dominance of patron-client relations discouraged a younger generation of activists from directly participating in the affairs of state. Second, based on the type and level of statebuilding programmes and policies, the thesis identified four responses by the case study groups towards the post-2001 international intervention and statebuilding process: reformist, transformationist, rejectionist and partial rejectionist. These case studies show that while these groups tend to be ideologically oriented towards certain strategic responses, in general policy-level contention and social movement formation were undermined by deeper programmatic and foundational conflicts. Furthermore, these group-level responses were the outcomes of collective attribution of threats and opportunities in a strategic environment that was shaped by a multitude of actors, including non-state and anti-state actors. Mass protests were closely linked to a period of particular decline in state authority and capacity to provide security and services from 2014 to 2016. The three protest events, the largest of their kind during this period, were collective responses to state failures to provide security and basic public services. Finally, while the Islamists have tended to be more successful in building organisations and reaching out to masses and even assuming some state-like functions such as providing services, it was not clear that these organisational gains would necessarily lead to political advantages as in winning elections. Furthermore, the more successful Islamist organisations also appropriated a wide range of secular socio-economic and political responses which may shape their long-term political orientations.

Defence date: 7 March 2003<br>Examining board: Prof. Stefano Bartolini (EUI) ; Dr. Ghia Nodia (Ilya Chavchavadze University for Language and Culture, Tbilisi) ; Prof. Philippe Schmitter (EUI) ; Prof. Robert Service (St. Anthony's College, Oxford)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

碩士<br>國立成功大學<br>政治經濟學研究所<br>93<br>According to the democratic theory and experience, Parliament politics is equals to party politics. If its connection lacks mechanism of party operation , not only the goals of democracy but also the transparent politics will be impossible to achieve. The thesis is an exploration on the party relations between Tainan city government and parliament from 1998 to 2001. It divides into six chapters: Introduction, The local government-parliament politics in Taiwan, Comparative study on institutions of local government and parliament in England, America and Japan, Party operation between government and parliament in Tainan, The empirical analysis －Tainan case and Conclusions. My research method is to collect and sort out the document information and deep interview, aid the slight observation, observe the party interaction with the process of parliament affairs, examine the relations between government and party, analyze the main factors of party compromise. The research of my thesis discovered that the government and parliament controlled by the different parties is not the necessary factor to cause the government-parliament conflict. It depends on the harmony of political interactions and dialogue between leadership groups and parliament party groups. According to that, my thesis puts forward twelve substantial proposals of enhancing the functions of local party politics. Especially, I suggest that the local party main committee member must be directed and elected openly. In order to remove the disadvantage of weak function, I also emphasize the importance of reform in the primary election system. It is expected that local politics can go with the norms of responsible politics and enrich the local democratic culture.

The BC Liberal New Era was an intense and often controversial period in the province's political history. One day after being sworn into office with a massive majority, Premier Gordon Campbell announced a 25 percent personal income tax cut, potentially relinquishing one billion dollars in tax revenue. Seven weeks later, Campbell and his Finance Minister followed up with another billion in business and corporate tax cuts. Based on the apparent success of tax cuts in provinces like Ontario, where tax cuts coincided with very strong economic growth, they believed tax cuts in 2001 would prove efficacious despite sharply declining economic indices. Cautionary advice was dismissed and tax cuts quickly translated into a $4.4 billion deficit and deep expenditure reductions for ministries other than Health, Education, and Advanced Education. Their decision proved to be a compelling, real-world example of prescription before diagnosis. The 2001/02 fiscal year sawonly 0.6 percent economic growth, much as the Ministry of Finance had predicted, not the 3.8 percent growth anticipated by the Premier and Finance Minister. An overall $4.4 billion deficit quickly translated into deep expenditure reductions for ivministries other thanHealth, Education, or Advanced Education. The latter ministries accounted for seventy percentof BC’s budget and were protected from cuts by a campaign commitment.Resource ministries were hit hard with cuts of up to 45 percent but could not come close to filling the budgethole. The New Era thus offers a second and stark example of prescriptionbefore diagnosis: the belief that social ministries could also manage deep budget cuts without detrimental consequences to the disadvantaged and vulnerable clients they served.Long before tax cut optimism began to fade, Campbell introduced an array of processes –like core review, deregulation, devolution,and alternative service delivery –drawn from other jurisdictions and, indirectly, from the tenets of New Public Management. Those processes were clearly designed to foster smaller government, prompting a critical question:was the introduction of dramatic tax cuts into a recessionary environment intended to produce aself-induced crisis, thereby underlining the imperative of austerity? My dissertation supportsthat suggestion, butalso concludes that the “burning platform” became a far greater conflagration than its authors anticipated. The BC Liberal New Era campaignplatform’s ambitious social policy agenda was consequently sacrificed to sustain its economic agenda. The New Era campaign document aimed to maximize voter appeal by promising “everything at the same time”and similar expectations drove New Era processes.Ministries were obliged to deliver on process goals as well asexpensive New Era platform commitments while simultaneously cutting staff and programs. Confronted by seemingly endless and intractable problems, ministries looked nationally and internationally for policy experience that might inform provincial solutions. Policy transfer produced mixed results. The New Era experience suggests that the frequency and intensity of process demands –compounded by budget-driven resource attrition –inhibited rather than fostered policy success.<br>Graduate<br>2020-12-04

This study consists of eleven chapters and a conclusion. Chapter One is entitled Introduction - Echoes From the Past. It serves several purposes. It introduces briefly a summation of the political aspirations of Malietoa Vaiinupo, who accepted the LMS mission, and the political mayhem that beset Samoa from the 1850s to 1962. The introduction also introduces briefly the relationship between the Samoan (LMS) Church, the LMS missionaries, and Samoan politics, and how these interacted with one another, during the political turmoil in the late nineteenth century, and the nationalistic fervour of the Samoans ln the early twentieth century. The next ten chapters are presented chronologically as far as it is possible, although the guiding principle for the placement of each chapter is thematic, consisting mainly of case studies. Chapter Two, entitled A German Plantation and Samoan Aspirations, looks at the German administration of Samoa from 1900 to 1914. The study highlights various factors, issues and events that contributed to the motivation of Samoans towards independence. It looks at Germany's treatment of Samoans under Wilhelm Solf, and how Samoans reacted to Selfs administration. The chapter points to inconsistencies in the German administration, and Samoan misunderstanding as to their role, and Germany's role, in the administration of Samoa. The study illustrates Solfs negative treatment of Samoan protocol, which eventually led to hostility, rejection, and anti-German opinions and the role of the missions in supporting the German regime to the displeasure of the Samoans. The view of the LMS mission, and the Samoan (LMS) Church leaders, on the issue of independence, during the German period is also discussed. Chapter Three is entitled The O!oa Kamupani Controversy. This is a case study taken out of the German administration era. The Oloa Kamupani (Goods Company) was a Samoan enterprise, which struck a chord with the political aspirations of some of the Samoan leaders. Although initiated by a partEuropean opportunist, the Samoan Faipule immediately entertained the idea. The Samoans were reeling under Selfs administration policies, which had taken away most of the Samoan protocol. The political leaders were looking for a way to reassert their authority, albeit an economic one. The Oloa Kamupani gave the Samoans the opportunity to control their own economic future while, indirectly, voicing an economic protest at the low price offered by the merchants and the Germans for their products. It gave Samoans like Mata'afa losefo and Lauaki Namulau'ulu Mamoe the opportunity to regain political ascendancy, especially in the eyes of the Samoans. The German administration's reaction to the Samoan enterprise and the consequence thereafter set a bitter anti-German reaction. Chapter Four is entitled The Mau a Pule Conflict This is the second case study from the German administration period. The Mau a Pule conflict is further evidence of the anger stored up within the Samoan community. The German administration had by 1909 destroyed all the customs, tradition, and authority that meant anything to the Samoans. The failure of the Oloa Kamupani, and the punishments meted out to the Samoan leaders for defying German authority, was still haunting the Samoans. The worst affected was Mata'afa losefo whose status as Alii Sili (Primary or Greater Chief) was diminishing as the Faipule closer to Solf were consulted on important Samoan matters. The Mau a Pule also provided an opportunity for Lauaki Namulau'ulu Mamoe to regain some of his authority, and to re-unite Samoa under Samoan control. The Mau a Pule was not just a reaction to the German administration but a cry and a call for Samoan independence. Chapter Five is entitled A Ramshackle Administration and Samoan Expectations. This chapter looks at New Zealand's administration of Samoa from 1914 to 1926. It takes a brief look at the Samoans' reaction to New Zealand's arrival and Germany's departure because of World War I. New Zealand's 'ramshackle administration' caused some animosity among the Samoans and Europeans, especially New Zealand's role in the 1918 influenza epidemic, which took many Samoan lives. The chapter highlights how New Zealand dealt with Samoan rejection, and Samoans called for New Zealand's removal. The year 1926 marked the beginning of an era in which Samoan nationalism began to surface and New Zealand's competency as administrator declined. For the Samoans, the Germans' first fourteen years as administrators, compared to New Zealand first fourteen years, was paradise. Chapter Six is entitled An Administrative Blunder and The Logan - Moore Debate. This is a case study taken out of the New Zealand administration period. The 1918 influenza epidemic blunder cost many Samoan lives, and New Zealand its credibility to administer other nations. The lack of positive action and immediate medical assistance only highlighted the incompetence of the New Zealanders. The Samoans were furious, and from that time harboured angry sentiments that would surface again and again in their future dealings wtth New Zealand. The pain for the Samoans was not just a result of the epidemic, but also Colonel Robert Logan's (Samoa's administrator) insensitivity in his attack on the LMS mission, especially the missionary Elizabeth Moore, and the Samoans. This chapter looks at the impact of Logan's actions, and Moore's reactions, and how the Samoans perceived their verbal confrontation in relation to New Zealand's irresponsibility. Chapter Seven is entitled Political Incompetence and Samoan Nationalism. This chapter continues the story that ended in Chapter 5. It highlights the beginning and expansion of the Mau movement, and how it became the vehicle for nationalistic fervour and independence aspirations. The chapter highlights the close working relationship between Samoans and other members of the communi1y, especially the half-castes. It discusses New Zealand's reaction to Samoan nationalism, and also looks at the efforts of those outside Samoa to promote Samoan grievances. The chapter looks at the various petitions drawn up and sent to New Zealand, England, America and the League of Nations (later replaced by the United Nations) - a sign of determination to gain independence. Chapter Eight is entitled Samoan Patriotism and the Emergence of the Mau Church. This chapter focuses mainly on the relationship of the Mau and the Samoan (LMS) Church, at a specific time in the history of the Samoan Church, when the involvement of the Mau in the Samoan (LMS) Church was at its height (1928 -1931). Although the relationships between the three main mission societies were cordial, they sometimes deteriorated into hatred and spite. These attitudes were ultimately transferred onto the Mau - Samoan (LMS) Church conflict, especially when the Catholics stood in opposition to the Samoan (LMS) Church. The other minor denominations, such as the Mormons and the Seventh Day Adventists, had very little influence on the Mau. The period covered saw the Mau and the Samoan (LMS) Church unite to form the Mau Church. The alliance formed a strong foundation for propagating Mau beliefs. The alliance also questioned the continuing existence, and the control the LMS mission had on the Samoan (LMS) Church. The issue of the Samoan (LMS) Church taking control of its religious life surfaced again during this perlod to haunt the LMS missionaries. Chapter Nine is entitled Chinese in Paradise and Indentured Labour Problems. This chapter covers a period that stems from the German era to just after the end of World War IL The previous chapters act as a background to the Chinese problem, and the chapter itself will help fill some of the gaps in the previous chapters. The chapter has been included because it helps paint a bigger picture of the many problems facing the New Zealand administration. The problem was not just with indentured labourers but with the Chinese, Melanesians, and others arriving in Samoa to satisfy the planters greed. The issue at hand was an ethical one - keeping the Samoan race pure, and the failure of the New Zealand administration to consult the Samoans in its decision to recruit Chinese labourers. The story of the Chinese in this chapter highlights the plight of the Chinese in Samoa and how the New Zealand administration tried to deal with it. The social problems that went with the recruiting of Chinese labourers affected the Samoans greatly. For many Samoans, especially at the height of the Mau period, the Chinese issue was both a problem and a blessing. The treatment of the Chinese by the New Zealand administration and the planters was not condoned by the Samoans. Jt not only black marked New Zealand's administration, but it gave the Samoans a further opportunity to denigrate New Zealand. Chapter Ten is entitled A Question of Authority: Samoan {LMS) Church Leadership Challenges. This chapter covers a period that encompasses the German era to World War II. lt is a case study chapter that highlights the intense conflict between Samoan pastors, especially the Samoan elders, and the missionaries of the LMS mission. It looks at the relationship between the National Advisory Council and the Samoa District Committee. It also discusses the conflict between Samoan pastors and LMS missionaries in the mission fields, such as Tuvalu and Kiribati, to highlight the Samoans' struggle for leadership and control. The chapter looks at the Goward conflict, Sibree and Huckett's dismissal, and other events, which undermined LMS leadership in the Samoan (LMS) Church. It includes a case study of Samoan pastors trying to replace Christian ideals with fa'ataulaitu or faipe/e practices. The radical actions reflected a challenge to the LMS for control of their own spiritual destiny. It happened at a time when the Samoan quest for independence had reached the minds and hearts of the League of Nations. Chapter Eleven is entitled The Impact of World War II and A Mandate For Independence. This chapter deals with the arrival of Americans troops in 1942 and how Samoans responded to the change of lifestyle and to the wealth the Americans offered. It examines the reaction of the missions to the Americans, and how they dealt with the problems at hand. The chapter also focuses on the events after the war in relation to Samoan's petitions for independence and their dealings with the United Nations. It examines the pressure and the impact of other newly formed institutions, such as the World Council of Churches, on Samoan aspirations for independence. Finally, the Conclusion places this study in the context of existing literature on Samoan history. The conclusion also collects all the factors, issues and events, which motivated Samoans to seek independence, and shows how these factors impacted on the Samoans in their struggle for independence. These factors, issues and events are evaluated to highlight the intimate relationship between the Samoan (LMS) Church and the political vein of Samoa's independence movement. The conclusion also evaluates whether the Samoan (LMS) Church influenced Samoa's political independence or vice versa. It also evaluates the impact of church independence on the Samoan (LMS) Church itself, and its relationship to an independent political government. Finally, the conclusion attempts to provide an answer to the dilemma as to who made Samoa independent, and explores whether independence was indeed the aim of the Samoan people or something completely different.