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Tesis sobre el tema "Africa United States"
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1
Udezulu, Ifeyinwa E. "Imperialism or realism: United States and West Africa". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1988. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1339.
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The purpose of the thesis is to utilize the realist-neorealist paradigm to analyze the United States policy objectives in West Africa, comparably to other African regions. The basic premise of the realist paradigm purports that states are unitary actors and they act to protect their national interest.
Through a critical analysis of secondary data, my findings clearly point to the fact that the former colonial powers, Britain and France are the major actors in West Africa not the United States. The United States policy strategy centers solely on the crisis areas of other regions, the Horn, Central Africa and Southern Africa. This is because of the power struggle between the super powers and because these areas are endowed with vast mineral resources. The Nigerian oil and Chadian conflict with Libya are the only two areas of U.S. interest in West Africa.
2
Spaven, Paul F. "A US Air Force strategy for Africa /". Maxwell AFB, Ala. : School of Advanced Air and Space Studies, 2008. https://www.afresearch.org/skins/rims/display.aspx?moduleid=be0e99f3-fc56-4ccb-8dfe-670c0822a153&mode=user&action=downloadpaper&objectid=b150a2ed-53f8-4dfa-8521-41f9c1869e56&rs=PublishedSearch.
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Matanji, Frankline Bradly. "Framing the Chinese Investment in Africa: Media Coverage in Africa, China, United Kingdom, and the United States". Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1562652784093464.
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Higgin, Hannah Nicole. "Disseminating American ideals in Africa, 1949-1969". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709221.
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Nwaubani, Chidiebere Augustus. "The United States and decolonization in West Africa, 1950-1960". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1995. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ27802.pdf.
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Sujee, Zain Jadewin. "Anti-money laundering framework in South Africa the United States and the United Kingdom". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/60100.
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Given the fact that money laundering can serve to create a smokescreen for financing of various activities that not only are criminal in nature but that can also threaten lives and can sweep across borders it has been recognised globally that mechanisms have to be put in place to prevent money laundering as a conduit for criminal activity. An effective AML framework is thus not only necessary but is essential for South Africa to combat money laundering.
This study investigates whether the AML framework in South Africa is sufficient in combating money laundering. In addition, it seeks to address the shortcomings of the AML framework in South Africa, highlight certain areas for improvement in comparison to the UK AML framework and reveals the need for further incorporation of the global AML framework into the AML framework in South Africa.
The UK has adopted a progressive stance towards combating money laundering which pre-dates the measures introduced by the international community. It has implemented all the international legal AML instruments emanating from the UN and EU and in many instances, its provisions have exceeded the international benchmarks.
South Africa is a country that is highly susceptible to money laundering as a result of its financial system being the major financial center in the African region and it is clear that South Africa will need to rely on the available international expertise in money laundering from countries such as the UK.
Ultimately this study illustrates that it is essential for South Africa to critically examine its AML framework and address remaining deficiencies to bring it in line with the global AML framework. In addition, South Africa needs to adopt an aggressive stance towards money laundering and go beyond the international standards and implement and formulate its own legislation which is tailored towards its own unique challenges. South Africa further needs to increase available resources and institutional and structural capacity in order to combat money laundering and ultimately seek solutions to overcome the challenges it faces as a developing country.Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2016.
Mercantile Law
LLM
Unrestricted
7
Ukiru, Judi Minage. "Acculturation experience of Africa immigrants in the United States of American". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2002. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2127.
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The conclusions extracted from this research project show that little research has been done on social issues presented by the African immigrant to America. Those charged with public welfare research and intervention must develop tools and strategies necessary to assess the needs of African immigrants, to facilitate their improved adjustment to their environment. African immigrants in the United States can benefit from similar research designs and resources accorded to the Latino and Asian populations.
8
Reed, Joel Christian. "Hiv/aids workplace interventions in south africa and the united states". [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0001117.
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Walker, Robin E. "Securitization : the case of post-9/11 United States Africa policy". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/9234.
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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 103-127).In the wake of AI Qaeda's attack against the United States on September 11, 2001, Africa has gained strategic significance due to the belief that its weak states are a danger to American national security. US Africa policy is now centered on the logic that weak African governments unable to provide for the basic needs of their people and lacking full control of their borders provide both a breeding ground and safe-haven for terrorist organizations. Africa has thus gone from being a marginalized humanitarian concern in the 1990s, to a continent of strategic significance in the US War on Terror (USW01) in the wake of the attacks on the World Trade Center, as seen in the fact that American aid to the continent has more than tripled in the years following 9/11. The purpose of this thesis is to critically analyze the political process behind this shift in policy in order to address the question of who was responsible for this change in US Africa policy and how did they make the change happen. This study takes the form of a theoretical case study, using the Copenhagen School's Securitization Theory, designed to identify the means by which an issue is placed on the national security agenda, to address this change in post-9/11 US Africa policy. In accordance with this theoretical framework, primary sources from government and non-government agencies including policy statements, speeches and legislative testimonies are surveyed to identify instances of the claim being articulated that Africa represents a threat to American national security and its legitimation and reiteration by an audience. This study finds that the unified executive branch under the Bush administration and Washington think tanks made the unified claim that the condition of Africa is a threat to US national security and the legislative branch served as the singular audience, legitimating this claim and appropriating dramatically increased and enhanced aid to the continent. The factors of political agency and context are offered as additions to the Securitization Theory framework in this study, and their incorporation in this case determines that the high-level of the agency of the securitizing actors and audience facilitated the legitimation process, as did the use of the contextual factors of the trauma of9/11 and the American identity as promoters of democratic ideals. These additional factors underscore both the political power of the actors involved and the techniques they use to support their claims, thereby developing the political quality of the theory and providing a more complete representation of the securitization process.
10
Null, Christopher R. "The Barbary Wars ideology and politics in post-revolutionary America /". Birmingham, Ala. : University of Alabama at Birmingham, 2008. https://www.mhsl.uab.edu/dt/2008m/null.christopher.pdf.
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Perryman, Charles W. "Africa, Appalachia, and acculturation| The history of bluegrass music". Thesis, West Virginia University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3605866.
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Though primarily associated with white Southerners, bluegrass music is actually the product of over three hundred years of black and white musical interaction that occurred in the American Southeast. This document begins by reviewing the first complete definition of bluegrass music written by Mayne Smith. It then proceeds to explore the history of cross cultural exchanges in the South, particularly in the Appalachian Mountains, that began when the first slaves were brought to the New World. In the South, these interactions created the folk music that would eventually develop into country music and later bluegrass in the twentieth century. Black musical styles also directly influenced the father of bluegrass, Bill Monroe, especially through his contact with the blues musician Arnold Shultz. The banjo playing of Earl Scruggs, an essential element of bluegrass, also owes a significant debt to African-American banjo styles found in Scruggs's native region of North Carolina.
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Bamfo, Joshua. "Assessing the impact of the United States unilateral Preferential Trade Agreement with sub-Saharan Africa". Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, 135 p, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1257806191&sid=6&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Chinembiri, Evans Wally Kudzai. "An analysis of South Africa exports to the United States under the African Growth Opportunity Act". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/16485.
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Includes bibliographical referencesThe African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) is a unilateral trade policy concession governing United States - Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) trade and investment relations. AGOA provides United States market access for 40 SSA countries, including South Africa. This piece of legislation has the fundamental objective of facilitating the global integration of SSA countries into the world economy by extending preferential access to the United States market for exporters from eligible countries. Over the past decade, AGOA has emerged as a topical issue as scholars and policy makers sought to understand its impact on SSA, especially South Africa. This has been awarded more impetus given its pending expiration in 2015. This, naturally, raised questions about the performance of United States preference programs (such as AGOA) as part of a larger ongoing debate on the form that United States preference programs may take in the foreseeable future. With South Africa facing a serious opposition to inclusion in the next shape of AGOA given the number of trade agreements South Africa has signed with countries that are competitors to United States in certain product categories. This study will seek to highlight the importance of the AGOA dispensation to South Africa, and through that analysis make a case for the continued inclusion of South Africa in the future trade dispensations that may develop. This study focuses on two research objectives; firstly, the study seeks to assess the extent to which increased preferential access to the United States market has translated into a real and tangible increase in exports from South Africa to the United States. Secondly, the study seeks to identify the areas where South Africa and the United States have high trade potential, and help make a case for inclusion of these high potential trade products in the next iteration of the AGOA dispensation. In achieving the first research objective, the study carried out a detailed trade statistics analysis with the hope of gaining greater understanding of the extent to which AGOA has influenced trade patterns between the United States and South Africa. South Africa's trade figures show that the United States is an important trade partner. A key conclusion that can be drawn from the analysis is the observation that a fair amount of growth in South Africa's exports to the United States is fundamentally characterized by two key aspects namely; growth in specific commodities and an export base that is becoming gradually concentrated over time. This implies that trade between South Africa and the United States is shifting towards a new focus in line with AGOA incentives and by extension one may conclude that South African firms are utilizing the market opportunities and the networks that enable them to effectively exploit the United States market. In fulfilling the second research objective, the detailed trade potential analysis that is propped up by a robust analysis of trade trends was carried out. The trade potential analysis identified thirteen commodity groups as having high potential for further exports into the United States market, and Pearls, precious stones and metals were identified as having the highest indicative trade potential, although the picture changes as the data is further disaggregated. This suggests that there is enormous potential and a great scope for export of pearls, precious stones and metals to the United States.
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Matongo, Albert Blue Kanda. "United States policy toward Zambia and Southern Africa : from Eisenhower to Reagan /". Diss., ON-CAMPUS Access For University of Minnesota, Twin Cities Click on "Connect to Digital Dissertations", 2000. http://www.lib.umn.edu/articles/proquest.phtml.
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Van, Wyk Martha Susanna. "The 1963 United States arms embargo against South Africa : institution and Implementation". Diss., University of Pretoria, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/60987.
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From especially the 1950's, campaigns had been launched by the Afro-Asian nations in
the United Nations for the institution of mandatory sanctions against South Africa. In all
the early campaigns, South Africa had rather enjoyed the support of the United States,
although the latter had always verbally condemned the South African policy of apartheid.
When Kennedy became United States president in January 1961, this fact was due to
change. In August 1963, an arms embargo was instituted against South Africa by the
Kennedy Administration in an attempt to bring the verbal condemnation of apartheid in
line with active action. The arms embargo, although not mandatory, was the first
concrete, practical step taken by the United States in its opposition to the apartheid
policy of the South African Government. In 1977 the embargo was strengthened to
become a mandatory one.
The purpose of this study is to analyse the institution as well as the implementation of
the arms embargo by the different United States Administrations up to 1977. By doing
that, the observer can judge the relative commitment of the United States to the arms
embargo from president to president, thus drawing a wide conclusion on the role that
South Africa played in the foreign policy objectives of the United States in the years that
the arms embargo was in effect. The Afro-Asian clearly had an impact on the formulation
of this policy, and part of the purpose of this study is to establish just how big that
impact was. In order to do this, a wide selection of archival material as well as
newspaper reports, articles in journals, governmental publications and some secondary
sources were researched. The outcome is the conclusion that although the different United States Administrations from Kennedy to Carter generally adhered to the arms
embargo, the implementation there-of depended mainly on what role the embargo played
in the foreign policy objectives of each of these Administrations. For some, like Nixon
and Ford, the strategic importance of South Africa weighed heavier than gaining the
favour of the African nations, in comparison with Kennedy and Johnson who followed
a midway. They didn't want to loose the privileges that the United States had in South
Africa, while at the same time they wanted to appease the African countries in the
United Nations. In the case of Carter, the implementation of the arms embargo was
directly based on gaining the favour of the African nations, resulting in the institution of
a mandatory arms embargo in October 1977. A future study on the role of that embargo
in the formulation of the United States foreign policy, will be conducted as continuation
of this study.Vanaf die 1950's veral, is uitgebreide veldtogte deur die Afro-Asiatiese Iande in die Verenigde Nasies vir die instelling van verpligte sanksies teen Suid Afrika gevoer. In al die vroeere veldtogte, het laasgenoemde voortdurend die ondersteuning van die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) geniet, alhoewel daardie land altyd die SuidAfrikaanse apartheidsbeleid mondeling veroordeel het. In Januarie 1961 het Kennedy die president van die VSA geword, en daarmee het die ondersteuning van Suid-Afrika stadig maar seker begin afneem. In Augustus 1963 het die Kennedy-administrasie 'n wapenverbod teen Suid-Afrika ingestel in 'n paging om die mondelinge veroordeling van apartheid in lyn te bring met aktiewe optrede. Die wapenverbod, alhoewel dit nie verpligtend was nie, was die eerste konkrete, praktiese stap wat deur die VSA in sy opposisie teen die apartheidsbeleid van die Suid-Afrikaanse regering geneem is. In 1977 is die verbod uitgebrei na 'n verpligte een. Die doel van hierdie studie is om die instelling sowel as die implementering van die wapenverbod deur die verskillende Amerikaanse Administrasies tot en met 1977, te analiseer. Deur dit te doen, kan die navorser die relatiewe verbintenis van die VSA tot die wapenverbod beoordeel en sodoende 'n wye gevolgtrekking maak oor die rol wat SuidAfrika gespeel het in die buitelandse beleidsdoelwitte van die VSA gedurende die jare wat die verbod ingestel was. Die Afro-Asiatiese nasies het beslis 'n impak gehad op die formulering van hierdie buitelandse beleid, en deel van die doelwit van hierdie studie is om te bepaal hoe groat daardie impak werklik was. Ten einde by h!_erdie gevolgtrekking te kon uitkom, is 'n wye verskeidenheid argivale materiaal sowel as koerantberigte, tydskrifartikels, regeringspublikasies en literatuur bestudeer. Die uitkoms van hierdie navorsing is die gevolgtrekking dat alhoewel die verskillende VSA regerings vanaf Kennedy tot Carter oor die algemeen die wapenverbod ondersteun het, die implementering daarvan hoofsaaklik afhanklik was van die rol wat die verbod in die buitelandse beleidsdoelwitte van elkeen van hierdie Administrasies gespeel het. Vir party, soos byvoorbeeld Nixon en Ford, het die strategiese waarde van Suid-Afrika vir die VSA swaarder geweeg as die guns van die Afrikalande, in vergelyking met Kennedy en Johnson wat 'n middeweg gevolg het. Hulle wou nie die voordele wat die VSA in SuidAfrika gehad het, verloor nie, maar terselfdertyd wou hulle ook die Afrikalande tevrede stel. In die geval van Carter, was die implementering van die wapenverbod direk gebaseer op die guns wat die VSA in die Afrikalande kon geniet. Dit het gelei tot die instelling van 'n verpligte wapenverbod teen Suid-Afrika in Oktober 1977. 'n Verdere studie oor die rol wat daardie verbod in die formulering van die Amerikaanse buitelandse beleid gespeel het, sal as 'n opvolg tot hierdie studie onderneem word.
Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 1998.
Historical and Heritage Studies
MA
Unrestricted
16
May, Cindy Lou. "United States presidential decision-making and the use of force during crises in the Middle East and North Africa, 1979-2009". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648219.
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Morgan, Eric J. "The Sin of Omission: The United States and South Africa in the Nixon Years". Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2003. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?miami1056467752.
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Noble, Keith Edward. "The Complete Guide To Understanding The U.S.-sub-Saharan African Trade Relationship: Analysis and Opinions On The Ghanaian Implementation Of The African Growth & Opportunity Act (AGOA)—A Case Study". Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1155907315.
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Rayneard, Max James Anthony. "Performing Literariness: Literature in the Event in South Africa and the United States". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12083.
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x, 208 p.In this dissertation "literariness" is defined not merely as a quality of form by which texts are evaluated as literary, but as an immanent and critical sensibility by which reading, writing, speaking, learning, and teaching subjects within the literary humanities engage language in its immediate aesthetic (and thus also historical and ethical) aspect. This reorientation seeks to address the literary academy's overwhelming archival focus, which risks eliding literary endeavor as an embodied undertaking that inevitably reflects the historical contingency of its enactment. Literary endeavor in higher education is thus understood as a performance by which subjects enact not only the effect of literary texts upon themselves but also the contingencies of their socio-economic, national, cultural, and personal contexts. Subjects' responses to literature are seen as implicit identity claims that, inevitably constituted of biases, can be evaluated through the lens of post-positivist realism in terms of their ethical and pragmatic usefulness. Framing this reoriented literariness in terms of its enactment in higher education literature classrooms, this dissertation addresses its pedagogical, methodological, and personal implications. The events of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and the literature arising from it serve as a pivotal case study. The TRC Hearings, publically broadcast and pervasive in the national discourse of the time, enacted a scenario in which South Africans confronted the implications for personal and national identities of apartheid's racial abuses. The dissertation demonstrates through close reading and anecdotal evidence how J.M. Coetzee's Disgrace and Antjie Krog's Country of My Skull formally reactivate this scenario in the subject in the event of reading, while surveys of critical responses to these texts show how readers often resisted the texts' destabilizing effects. A critical account of the process that resulted in Telling, Eugene - a stage production in which U.S. military veterans tell their stories to their civilian communities - analyzes the idea of literariness in the U.S. and assesses its potential for socially engaged literary praxis.
Committee in charge: Linda Kintz, Chairperson; Suzanne Clark, Member; Michael Hames-Garcia, Member; John Schmor, Outside Member
20
Harning, Jeannie. "The South African lobby in America: the battle over sanctions". Thesis, Rhodes University, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002989.
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The relationship between South Africa and the United States was, historically, quite mutually profitable. The South African government regarded the United States as an ally in the world and sought continued friendship with them. The United States was mildly critical of the South African system of apartheid, but they, however, viewed South Africa as an ally. During the 1980's the relationship between the two countries became strained as the anti-apartheid voices in the United States grew louder and louder. The movement sought to end the atrocities of apartheid and change American foreign policy toward South Africa. The strongest diplomatic means available to them was imposing economic sanctions on South Africa in an attempt to force political change in the country. The anti-apartheid movement lobbied extensively gaining support among the American pub1ic and eventually the U.S. Congress. The sanctions campaign culminated in the enactment of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act (CAAA) of 1986. Prior to the enactment of the CAAA the South African government and its allies launched their own campaign in an attempt to combat the imposition of sanctions. Lobbying played a key role in the process for those on both sides of the issue. For the anti- apartheid movement, lobbying was effective on the American public and the U.S Congress. For the South African government lobbying was effective on the conservative right wing and President Reagan and his administration.
21
Michel, Edward Richard. "The White House and white africa : presidential policy on Rhodesia, 1965-79". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2017. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7172/.
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My thesis offers an examination of U.S. policy towards Rhodesia as viewed through the lens of the respective Presidential administrations. The aim of my research is to demonstrate the changing American perspective on the Rhodesian question and how this directly affected the ultimate emergence of an independent Zimbabwe. I discuss the transformation in U.S. policy from the cautious approach of the Johnson White House, the shift towards 'white Africa' during the Nixon years as anticommunism and economic interests took centre stage and the subsequent attempt of the Ford Administration to achieve a peace settlement to prevent further communist expansion into southern Africa. Finally, I will analyse the critical role played by President Carter in bringing an end to UDI. When evaluating U.S. policy I highlight the diverse factors which drove presidential decision making. Anti-communism, trade, strategic interests, the increasing interdependence of the global system, a moral belief in decolonization, the growth of human rights, domestic race relations and the growing importance of the African-American vote all significantly impacted White House actions. On a broader level, I will demonstrate how relations with Salisbury offers an interpretative prism which reveals the evolution of U.S. foreign relations during the Sixties and Seventies.
22
Melendez, Jaysen. "Scratching the surface expectations of USAFRICOM /". Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA491226.
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Decadt, Leen. "Public participation in environmental impact assessment : a comparative analysis of the United Kingdom, South Africa and the United States'". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52424.
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Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Despite calls for greater public participation in all aspects of environmental planning, impact assessment and decision making, opportunities for participation in the planning, legal and administrative systems governing these activities, are limited. Public participation has often been reduced to a procedural exercise instead of a substantive process to include the public in environmental decision making. Thus, it is relevant to examine public participation in Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA), providing ways to improve its effectiveness. The emphasis of this thesis is therefore, to compare the role of public participation in the environmental assessment process in the United Kingdom, South Africa and the United States. It begins by defining the principles of Environmental Impact Assessment and the concept of public participation and explores how the rationales of public participation may be integrated into the environmental planning process. Features of each of the three existing EIA systems are examined since components such as the appropriate legislative framework, the institutional framework, the public, and formal and informal public participation opportunities in the EIA process are the factors contributing towards effective public participation in Environmental Impact Assessment. The author argues that public participation deserves attention because the degree of participation affects the quality of the Environmental Impact Assessment, which, in turn, affects the quality of a decision about a project. Broader participation creates more information and alternatives to be presented to decision makers, enhancing the opportunity to mesh public values and government policy. Although public participation may slow down the EIA process, the real goal of EIA theory is to ensure sustainable development, no matter how long the EIA process takes. Apparently, the three EIA laws discussed in the comparative analysis, are consistent with sustainable development since these laws operate to force considerations of environmental impacts into the decision making process. Moreover, properly drafted EIA laws are based on a strict standard of procedural compliance to ensure that the responsible decision makers are fully apprised of the environmental consequences which they review. Involving the public is a safeguard against bad or politically motivated decisions, and a mechanism to increase public awareness of the delicate balance between economic and environmental trade offs. If conducted openly, it may ultimately increase public confidence in the decision making process. Public participation has the potential to enhance the maintenance of accountability in public and private sectors. The public should realise that they, individually or through interest groups, can participate in public matters that affect them, with a view to persuading decision makers and shaping environmental policies. The thesis further reviews the different roles the public can play during the various stages of an Environmental Impact Assessment process, whereby formal and informal public participation opportunities are explored according to the country-specific context. The comparative analytical framework in the thesis reveals significant variations within and between the three countries. Apparently, the three EIA systems seem to possess more or less mature, well-defined and formal Environmental Impact Assessment systems. For the UK and South Africa, examples could be taken from the United States, which has developed more adequate public participation provisions than those of the European Directive and of the South African EIA Regulations, particularly as far as the level and degree of public participation and techniques are concerned.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ten spyte van beroepe op groter openbare deelname in alle aspekte van omgewingsbeplanning, inpakbeoordeling en besluitneming, is geleenthede vir deelname in die beplannings-, administratiewe en wetlike sisteme wat hierdie aktiwiteite beheer, beperk. Openbare deelname word dikwels gereduseer tot 'n proseduriële oefening in plaas van 'n substantiewe proses te wees om die publiek in omgewingsbesluitneming te betrek. Dit is derhalwe relevant dat openbare deelname in Omgewingsimpakbeoordeling (algemeen in Engels na verwys as EIA) ondersoek word tot einde wyses vir effektiwiteitsverbetering daar te stel. Die aksent van hierdie tesis is dus 'n vergelyking van openbare deelname in omgewingsbeoordeling in die Verenigde Koninkryk, Suid-Afrika en die Verenigde State van Amerika onderskeidelik. Daar word begin met definiëring van die beginsels van EIA en die konsep "openbare deelname" en 'n ondersoek na integrering van die rationales vir openbare deelname in die omgewingsbeplanningsproses. Kenmerke van elk van die drie bestaande EIA -stelsels word ondersoek aangesien komponente soos die geskikte wetgewende raamwerk, die institusionele raamwerk, die publiek, asook formele en informele openbare deelname-geleenthede in die EIA -proses, die bydraende faktore is tot effektiewe openbare deelname in EIA. Die navorser argumenteer dat openbare deelname aandag verdien omdat die graad van deelname die kwaliteit van die EIA affekteer met voortspruitende effek vir die kwaliteit van besluitneming rakende 'n projek. Breër deelname skep meer inligting en alternatiewe vir voorlegging aan die besluitnemers ter verbetering van die geleentheid vir die ineenskakeling van openbare waardes en regeringsbeleid. Hoewel openbare deelname die EIA-proses mag vertraag, is die werklike doel van EIA-teorie die bewerkstelliging van volhoubare ontwikkeling, ongeag van hoe lank die proses ook mag duur. Die drie EIA-wette bespreek in die vergelykende analise is oënskynlik konsekwent in terme van volhoubare ontwikkeling aangesien hierdie wette gerig is op die inkorporering van omgewingsimpak oorwegings in die besluitnemingsproses. Verder is behoorlik geformuleerde EIA-wette gebaseer op 'n streng standaard van proseduriële onderworpenheid ten einde te verseker dat die verantwoordelike besluitnemers ten volle ingelig is oor die omgewingsgevolge onder hersiening. Die insluiting van die publiek is 'n voorsorg teen swak of polities gemotiveerde besluite en 'n meganisme om openbare bewustheid ten opsigte van die delikate balans tussen ekonomiese en omgewings komprimieë. As dit openlik gedoen word, behoort dit op die lange duur die publiek se vertoue in die besluitnemingsproses te verhoog. Openbare deelname kan tot die behoud van, deur hul betrokkenheid aanspreeklikheid in die openbare en private sektore bydra. Die publiek moet besef dat hulle deur hulle betrokkenheid, individueel of deur middel van belangegroepe, in openbare aangeleenthede wat hulle raak, beluitnemers kan oorreed en omgewingsbeleid help vorm. Die tesis beskou ook die verskillende rolle wat die publiek gedurende die verskillende fases van 'n Omgewingsimpakbeoordelingsproses kan speel, en verken geleenthede vir formele en informele openbare deelname binne elke land se spefieke konteks. Die vergelykende analitiese raamwerk in die tesis bring betekenisvolle variasies binne en tussen die drie lande aan die lig. Oënskynlik verteenwoordig die drie EIA stelsels min of meer volwasse, goed definieërde en formele Omgewingsimpakbeoordelingstelsels. Die VK en Suid Afrika kan leer uit die voorbeeld van die VSA wat meer voldoende voorsienning vir openbare deelname bied as die van die Europese Direktief en van Suid Afrika se EIA Regulasies, in besonder sover dit die vlak en graad van openbare deelname en tegnieke betref
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Van, Wyk Martha Susanna. "The 1977 United States arms embargo against South Africa institution and implementation to 1997 /". Pretoria : [s.n.], 2004. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-01312005-150408.
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Buga, Harriette. "Reflections on Disability: Perspectives on South Africa, India and the United States of America". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/4504.
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The aim of this paper is to reflect on disability and social protection in three jurisdictions. [...] Section 1 provides an overview of the concept of disability. The background and trend disability has taken from the post-war period, which provided quota systems for the war veterans who were disabled by war to the alternative approach of anti-discrimination. The section will also discuss disability as a human rights issue and will give an overview of international organizations implementing the rights of disabled persons. Section 2 will deal with the definition and prevalence of disability in South Africa. It also discusses the fragmented nature of disability and the legal frame work to support and protect disabled persons, and the challenges and problems faced in implementing policies to protect disabled people. This Section will also look at legislation that has been enacted to include people with disabilities. Section 3 will deal the definition and prevalence of disability in India. In India has approximately 5 to 6 percent of its total population is disabled. This Section will discuss the legal framework that has been enacted to support and protect disabled persons. It will also deal with the challenges faced in the implementation and monitoring of disability policies in India. Section 4 will deal with disability in the United States. The United States has very strong advocates for disability rights. This chapter will deal with the legal framework that has been enacted to protect the disabled persons. It will also look at the disability benefit systems and the challenges they face. Finally the section will discuss the conflict that exists between the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) and the Social Security Disability Insurance (SSDI) Sections 5 and 6 will deal with the conclusion recommendations respectively.
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Burpeau, Kemp Pendleton. "A historical study of John Graham Lake and South African/United States pentecostalism". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006484.
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American minister John Graham Lake (1870-1935) was a pivotal participant in an era of profound religious and political transition. Surprisingly, Lake's often provocative life had previously been largely neglected as a field of academic inquiry. In the U.S. Lake associated with key Holiness, Wesleyan and Apostolic Faith charismatics like John Alexander Dowie of the Zion City, Illinois Utopia, Charles Parham of the Topeka Revival and William Seymour of the Azusa Street Revival. Lake served as an important intermediary between Parham's often reactionary, white orientation that was unreceptive to an enthusiastic black liturgy and Seymour's expansive African-American egalitarianism expressed through exuberant spirit manifestations. Lake's South African ministry was shaped by his middle class white business background, Azusa Street message and American perspectives. He brought together the faith healing movement inspired by Dutch Reformed minister Andrew Murray, P. Ie Roux's black and white Zion charismatic adherents affiliated with Dowie and the new U.S. Pentecostalism of Parham and Seymour. Lake's African-American influenced Pentecostalism was compatible with indigenous African worship. His emphasis on the spiritual needs of the disempowered found a receptive audience in talented black evangelists Elias Letwaba and Edward Lion. Even though acquainted with Mohandas Gandhi, Lake did not undertake a South African social gospel-type civil protest against societal injustice. In fact, Lake's participation with Afrikaner politicians like Louis Botha in fashioning a segregationist land use law was most troubling. Lake was ambivalent about racial integration. His belief in an egalitarian status for all Christians, his Populist/Progressive ethics and his enthusiastic promotion of women's rights were complicated by his advocacy, or at least tolerance, of some disparate racial treatment in his Apostolic Faith Mission and South African society at large. Lake's paternalism and notion of Westem cultural superiority conflicted with his love of all persons. Lake's otherworldly prioritization of individual spiritualism over a socioeconomic agenda usually stymied activism. His uncharacteristic use of nonviolent protest to protect faith healing formed a remarkable contrast with his reluctance to actively campaign against unequal racial treatment in Africa and America. Historiographical perspectives on Lake range from the saintly pioneer charismatic missionary to the Elmer Gantry type charlatan acting only for personal benefit. Lake was a unique personality with his flamboyant rhetoric, strong convictions and feelings of personal worth. His distinctive Jesus as healing and suffering God theology evidenced both consistency with precedent as well as creative anticipation. Shortcomings resulting from his preference to address social concerns on an individual spiritual rather than societal level, his liberties with truth and his bad business judgments resulting in litigation. Nevertheless, Lake's life demonstrated that a gifted but imperfect instrument could accomplish a meaningful ministry.Adobe Acrobat Pro 9.5.4
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Esterhuyse, Abel Jacobus. "Die militere betrokkenheid van die Verenigde State van Amerika in Sub-Sahara Afrika 1993-2001 (Afrikaans) /". Pretoria : [s.n.], 2003. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-02122004-150146.
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Bogard, Donald P. "An analysis of codified legal systems in the United States and unwritten legal systems in tribal Africa". Virtual Press, 1989. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/560301.
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This study was a comparative analysis of the highly structured legal systems of the state of Indiana and the United States of America and the unwritten legal systems of the Ashanti, Barotse, Buganda, and Nuer tribes of Africa. The purpose was to review the similarities and differences in the way in which those legal systems are structured, the way they function, and the scope of their impact on their respective societies.Complex societies have governmental entities which perform different functions in the legal system, but tribal societies tend to have people who perform multifunctional roles. The key is to observe the system to see what functions are being performed, and not to observe the system only to see if the same types of entities are performing the functions in simple societies as in complex societies.The “law is whatever is needed in a particular society. Dispute resolution must be accomplished, but the absence of a formal system does not mean the there is absence of law.Department of Anthropology
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Sunkara, Ranga Rao. "Comparative study of breast cancer in the United States, India, and South Africa: 1996- present". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2001. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1693.
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This study identifies forces that prevent or contribute to women's participation in breast cancer screening and other breast cancer prevention activities. The study was based on the premise that women from the lower socioeconomic groups in India, South Africa, and the United States had a higher rate of breast cancer because they are diagnosed at the more advanced stages of the disease and do not engage in breast screening opportunities. Moreover, there is limited access to services and transportation, and there is little faith in the professional health care provider and the treatment received from the health care provider.
Surveys and interviews were used to assess the women's level of involvement in breast cancer related prevention programs. Similar methods were used to assess the level of involvement by health care professionals in providing breast cancer prevention activities.
The researcher found that the issues related to breast cancer are comparable in South Africa, India, and the United States. Further, it was found that, for the women in all three countries, there was a lack of access to health care; thus, women were not receiving the medical treatment they needed; the women were diagnosed at the more advanced stages of the disease; there was a lack of available transportation to the sites where they could participate in health prevention programs; there was a lack of information about breast cancer made available to women of color; and the level of participation in health care programs is related to the socioeconomic conditions and to the cultural aspects of some women's lives and the long waiting periods for medical services.
The conclusion drawn from the findings suggests that a culture-sensitive model is needed for women of color, and health care professionals need to be more sensitive to the needs of women regardless of socioeconomic level. The three countries should consider holding global workshops on breast cancer, and health clinics and other medical facilities should send reminder cards to female patients or have health care workers do home visits to remind patients of the need for mammogram.
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Badibanga, Junior A. "Cultural Values and Creativity: A Two Country Comparison Between the United States and South Africa". UNF Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/429.
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Research on the influence of culture on creativity is in its infancy. Organizations world-wide may benefit from such research by implementing work environments that maximize creativity. In this article, the cross-cultural differences in creativity and the cultural values of cognitive uncertainty and desire for change were investigated. Three hundred eighty three undergraduate students from the University of North Florida and the University of Pretoria in South Africa participated in a study where creativity was measured using the Abbreviated Torrance Test for Adults (ATTA; Goff & Torrance, 2002) and the Creative Achievement Questionnaire (CAQ), particularly the portion of the CAQ identifying domain specific achievements (CAQ; Carson, Peterson, & Higgins, 2005). In addition to measuring creativity levels in both cultures, two cultural values, Cognitive Uncertainty and Desire for Change, were measured. Results indicate a significant positive correlation between Desire for Change and the CAQ in the United States and a significant negative correlation between Cognitive Uncertainty and the CAQ in South Africa. Independent samples t-tests were also conducted, resulting in higher scores from the United States sample on the ATTA and higher scores from the South African sample on Cognitive Uncertainty. It is argued that the results could have implications for developing work environments that foster creativity.
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Bottomley, Edward-John. "Governing 'Poor Whites' : race, philanthropy and transnational governmentality between the United States and South Africa". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/270079.
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Throughout the twentieth century so-called Poor Whites caused anxiety in countries where racial domination was crucial, such as South Africa, the colonies of European empire and the United States. The Poor Whites were troubling for a number of reasons, not least because they threatened white prestige and the entire system of racial control. The efforts of various governments, organisations and experts to discipline, control and uplift the group necessarily disadvantaged other races. These controls, such as colour bars and Jim Crow laws, had an enormous effect on the countries where the Poor Whites were seen as a problem. The results can still be seen in the profoundly unequal contemporary racial landscape, and which is given expression by protest groups such as Black Lives Matter. Yet the efforts to manage the Poor Whites have thus far been examined on a national basis — as a problem of the United States, or of South Africa, to name just the most significant locales and regimes. This dissertation attempts to expand our understanding of the geography of the Poor Whites by arguing that the ‘Poor White Problem’ was a transnational concern rooted in racial interests that transcended national concerns. The racial solidarity displayed by so-called ‘white men’s countries’ was also extended to the Poor Whites. Efforts to control and discipline the population were thus in service of the white race as a whole, and ignored national interests and national borders. The transnational management of the Poor Whites was done through a network of transnational organisations such as the League of Nations and the Rockefeller Foundation, as well as the careering experts they employed. The dissertation argues that these attempts constituted a transnational ‘governmentality’ according to which these organisations and their experts attempted to discipline a Poor White population that they viewed as transnational in order to uphold white prestige and tacitly maintain both global and local racial systems. This dissertation examines some of the ways in which Poor Whites were disciplined and racially rehabilitated. It examines health and sanitation, education and training, housing standards and the management of urban space, and finally photographic representation.
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Agboaye, Ehikioya. "Media Agenda-Building Effect: Analysis of American Public Apartheid Activities, Congressional and Presidential Policies on South Africa, 1976-1988". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331332/.
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The mass media's role in informing the American public is critical to public support for government policies. The media are said to set the national agenda. This view is based on the assumption of selective coverage they give to news items. Media coverage also influences the salience the public attaches to issues.
However, media agenda effect has been challenged by Lang and Lang (1983). These scholars, in their media agenda-building theory, argued that the success of media effect on national agenda is dependent on group support.
In order to test this theory, time-related data on South Africa crises, media coverage"of South Africa, American public reactions, congressional, and presidential apartheid-related activities, between 1976 and 1988, were analyzed. Congressional anti-apartheid policies were the dependent and others, the independent variables. The theory made analysis of the data amenable to the additive adopted to test for the significance of the interactive variables, indicated that these variables were negatively related to congressional anti-apartheid policies. The additive model was subsequently analyzed. The time series multiple regression analysis was used in analyzing the relationships. Given autocorrelation and multicollinearity problems associated with time series analysis, the Arima (p, d, q) model was used to model the relationships. This model was used to indicate support, or nonsupport, for the time series regression analysis.
The result of the additive model indicated that South African political crises were negatively related to congressional anti-apartheid actions. It also showed that the relationship between the American public reactions and congressional anti-apartheid policies was greater in comparison to all other independent variables. The presidential actions taken against South Africa were negatively related to Congress' anti-apartheid actions. Television had the greatest relationship with congressional anti-apartheid actions compared to newspapers and magazines.
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Bishwende, Augustin Ramazani. "When Will There Be a United States of Africa? Stepping-stone Toward an African Renaissance in the Age of Globalization". Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 2011. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,175.
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Ude, Assumpta Onyinye. "Hypertension Experience of Foreign-born West African Immigrant Women in the United States". ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/6287.
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Foreign-born African immigrants (FBAI) have a high rate of severe hypertension (HTN) and psychosocial-cultural factors have underlying roles in this, as in other chronic diseases. Literature lacks studies on FBAI women living with HTN. This study explored the HTN experience of FBAI women in the Washington Metropolitan area. This qualitative phenomenological study, was guided by a theoretical framework that included the Health Belief Model, Patient Centered Access to Health Care and the Transactional Model of Stress and Coping. Highly educated health care professional of 15 women participated in in-depth interviews. Thematic analysis was used for data analysis. Key findings included (a) most had a family history of HTN and believed HTN is deadly but reported going into denial after their initial diagnosis; (b) many did not practice lifestyle modifications and did not consider it a priority to take their medications as prescribed by their clinicians; (c) many preferred their ethnic foods to American food; (d) many used herbs from West Africa, though some were concerned about long-term side effects; (e) many had medical insurance and easy access to HTN services, but reported that clinicians did not listen to their concerns or provide culturally appropriate guidance; and (f) some recommended that HTN treatment services for FBAI should be designed better to address cultural patterns of communication, diet and exercise. The results of this study may contribute to social change by offering more culturally sensitive HTN services that would likely increase treatment compliance among FBAI women
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Maxwell, Lindsey Brooke. "The Pneuma Network: Transnational Pentecostal Print Culture In The United States And South Africa, 1906-1948". FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2614.
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Exploding on the American scene in 1906, Pentecostalism became arguably the most influential religious phenomenon of the twentieth century. Sparked by the Azusa Street Revival in Los Angeles, the movement grew rapidly throughout the United States and garnered global momentum. This study investigates the original Los Angeles Apostolic Faith Mission and the subsequent extension of the mission to South Africa through an examination of periodicals, mission records, and personal documents. Using the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa as a case study, this study measures the significance of print media in the emergence and evolution of the early Pentecostal movement.
Based on historical analysis of more than 260 issues of the mission’s periodical, “The Comforter and Messenger of Hope,” this dissertation demonstrates how the publication served a variety of functions critical to the establishment of Pentecostalism in South Africa. As a work of cultural history, it situates the periodical within larger trends in South African culture and society. It illustrates how the periodical functioned simultaneously at the local and international level to standardize Pentecostal discourse and formulate an early Pentecostal identity. Finally, this dissertation argues that Pentecostal periodicals formed a transnational network of Pentecostal thought, connections, and support in the early twentieth century that influenced the development of Pentecostalism in the South African context.
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Tyler, Angelia R. "Immigrant Experiences in the United States: The Murids of Senegal in New York". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/249.
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This thesis explores West African Muslims in New York as a case study of the immigrant experience in America through discussion of the main theories of assimilation and modes of incorporation into American society. As foreign-born, black Muslims, the Murids of Senegal rely on cohesive social networks to protect themselves from discrimination. This thesis argues that through a process of “segmented assimilation” and reliance on the ethnic enclave, which provides a critical network of support, immigrants like the Murids of Senegal can better manage the challenges they face in the host environment and achieve upward social and economic mobility in urban America while maintaining their cultural identity.
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Frazier, Javan David. "Atomic aparthied [sic] United States-South African nuclear relations from Truman to Reagan, 1945-1989 /". Auburn, Ala., 2006. http://repo.lib.auburn.edu/2006%20Spring/doctoral/FRAZIER_JAVAN_24.pdf.
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Kao, Yuk-chun. "Democratisation and law of Taiwan : with special reference to United States economic pressures". Thesis, University of Warwick, 1995. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3993/.
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This thesis discusses the impact of the United States' foreign economic policy on the legal and political systems of Taiwan. Its focus is the bilateral negotiations between Taiwan and the United States and the evolution of the legal and political systems on Taiwan. The widely acknowledged economic miracle of Taiwan has been combined, in recent years, with a deliberate attempt to transform the country's political structures in a democratic direction. Paradoxically, Taiwan's move towards democracy has seriously strained Taiwan / United States relations. For many years, the special relations between the two countries were characterised by Taiwan's almost total dependency on the United States both as a market for its products as well as a protector of its territorial integrity. The end of the Cold War, the new role of the People's Republic of China and the globalisation of the international economy have brought this special relation to an end. The changing nature of the relationship between the United States and Taiwan has not, however, brought an end the traditional behaviour of the United States towards Taiwan which was characterised by aggressive unilateralism. This thesis argues that in the changing context of the 1990s as the negotiating agenda between the two countries expand, the aggressive unilateralism of the United States is undermining the process of democratisation and eroding the rule of law on Taiwan. In order to comply with American pressure, the government of Taiwan is forced to resort to authoritarian measures based on the old corporatist framework that the transition to democracy is meant to supersede. Interestingly, the implications of the undemocratic consequences of these pressure do not seem to concern the United States, as short term economic advantage takes precedence over other considerations. For Taiwan, the way out of this vicious circle of external pressure - undemocratic response - external pressure is to diversify its international economic links. The problems and implications of this policy options are discussed in the thesis. The specific policy areas analysed in this thesis are commodity trade, trade in services and intellectual property protection.
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Beater, Anne Brenda. "The applicability of two simple single event rainfall-runoff models to catchments with different climate and physiography". Thesis, Rhodes University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001896.
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The study presents the results of applying two isolated event, constant runoff proportion, conceptual models to a range of catchments drawn from various climatic and physiographic regions of South Africa and the USA. The models can be operated in either lumped or semi-distributed modes. The research progressed through the following stages. The initial stage involved the calibration of both models on two sets of catchments so that an initial evaluation of the performance of the models could be carried out and any deficiencies in the model structure identified, and where practical, corrected. The models were then calibrated on a further 8 catchments. An important result of the calibration is that for both models to produce reasonably acceptable simulations, at least one parameter has to vary between storms on the same catchment to account for variations in storm or antecedent moisture characteristics. The next stage consisted of compiling quantitative descriptions of the physical characteristics of the catchments and rainfall events and an attempt to relate the calibrated parameter values to relevant physical characteristics for the purpose of estimating parameter values when calibration is not possible. Despite the difficulties encountered in quantifying some of the hydrological characteristics the general trends exhibited by many of the relationships are encouraging and the format of the combinations of physical variables used, do make sense with respect to the original parameter conceptualisations. The relationships between storm characteristics and parameters of both models are less satisfactory. There is a high degree of scatter and the between-catchment variation in the form of the relationships, indicates that the derived relationships are likely to be of little use for parameter estimation purposes. The final stage involved a validation exercise in which new parameters were estimated from the physical variable-parameter relationships for all the catchments previously used, as well as a further four. The new parameters were used to re-simulate all the storms and comparison of these results were made with the original calibration results. Both models produced poor results and are unlikely to give reliable results where calibration is not possible. The parameter relationships for the parameters related to storm characteristics are so catchment specific that transfer to other areas will produce unpredictable results. Foot note:- For compatability with computer printouts decimal full stops are used in the format of real numbers in tables etc
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Howard, Lawrence C. "American involvement in Africa south of the Sahara, 1800-1860". New York : Garland Pub, 1988. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/18629170.html.
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Kamara, Musa Suaray. "A comparative study of television news coverage between the United States and Sub-Saharan Africa (Sierra Leone)". The Ohio State University, 1989. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1272463190.
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Ndzuta, Akhona Amanda. "South African Festivals in the United States: An Expression of Policies, Power and Networks". The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1554903391508711.
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Uhakheme, Aig Smart. "Nigeria-United States relations with respect to their perspectives on political change in Africa: the cases of Angola, Zimbabwe, Namibia, and South Africa". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1985. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1134.
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This study centers around Nigeria-United States relations with respect to their perspectives on political change in Africa. It is premised on the assumption that international politics is generally a mix of conflictual and cooperative relationships. It is in this context that the study examines Nigeria-United States perspectives, and the positions taken by both countries on the issue of political change in Africa, using Angola, Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa as case studies.
The study shows that, at the level of diplomatic rhetoric, there seems to be a shared perspective on political change between Nigeria and the United States. However, underneath this shared perspective lie a host of disagreements and differences. Of critical significance are the differences in the interpretation of political change and the motivations behind both countries' policy in Southern Africa.
Nigeria favors radical change, while the United States favors gradual change. Furthermore, there is evidence to suggest that Nigeria is motivated by its commitment to the cause of African emancipation, while the United States is largely motivated by its varied economic and strategic interests in the region. These differences, however, have not made cooperation between both countries in other areas impossible.
The conclusion suggests that, on the whole, Nigeria-United States relations during the period under study have been marked by disagreements and cooperation. Relations between the two countries were decidedly cool at times, cordial at other times and uneasy in the Reagan years.
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Conradie, C. F. G. "Is the US Farm Bill undermining the objective of AGOA?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50000.
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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates both the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) that was signed into US law in May 2000 and the subsequent US Farm Bill, signed in May 2002. AGOA is a temporary, non-negotiated, non-reciprocal law by the USA to allow dutyfree and quota-free access to almost all products produced in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). Many people in SSA are dependant on agriculture to provide employment and livelihood. In the agricultural sector The Farm Bill is a unilateral law by the USA granting enormous subsidies to its farmers for a wide variety of products. It is the purpose of this study to investigate both these laws and to determine whether or not the Farm Bill undermines the objectives of AGOA. AGOA was studied and the real reasons for US interest in SSA determined. The main reason found for the inception of AGOA was US interest in the oil resources of SSA as well as other commodities like precious metals and textiles. The USA is also interested in SSA to find new markets for its own products as it can produce far more food and fibre than it can utilise in its domestic market. The study investigated the potential benefits of AGOA for SSA as well as the real benefits that were realised in the first two and a half years since its inception. It was found in the study that the real benefits were far less than the potential benefits and several reasons are offered for this phenomenon. The trade data between the USA and SSA was analysed to determine the effect of AGOA on trade and the major products traded. It was found that by far the largest product group was in the petroleum sector. The Farm Bill was investigated to determine the provisions of the Bill, the products involved and the conditions for subsidy payments. The payments include direct payments, counter-cyclical payments and marketing loan gains or loan deficiency payments. The detail of the calculation methods for the payments and a sample calculation of the subsidies are given, other provisions of the Farm Bill that apply to specific commodities like sugar and dairy products are also listed as these are important commodities for SSA. The Farm Bill was investigated in terms of AGOA and it was found in the study that the Farm Bill does indeed undermine the objectives of AGOA by reducing commodity prices. Both AGOA and the Farm Bill were further investigated in the context of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) to determine their consistency with the rules of the WTO. It was found that AGOA is consistent with the WTO rules, but the subsidies of the Farm Bill are trade distorting and therefore not consistent with these rules. There is a WTO limit set for the US support programmes and it is expected that the payments would exceed the limit during times of low commodity prices.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie studie word beide die 'African Growth and Opportunity Act' (AGOA) wat in Mei 2000 deel van die Amerikaanse wetgewing geword het sowel as die daaropvolgende 'US Farm Bill' wat in Mei 2002 goedgekeur is, ondersoek. AGOA is 'n tydelike, eensydige, nie-wederkerige wet deur Amerika wat tariefvrye en kwotavrye toegang tot die Amerikaanse mark toelaat vir bykans alle produkte wat in Afrika Suid van die Sahara (SSA) geproduseer word. Baie mense in SSA is afhanklik van landbou vir werk om vir hulle families te kan sorg. Dit is juis in die landbousektor waar Amerika die 'Farm Bill' as eensydige wet goedgekeur het wat enorme landbousubsidies vir 'n wye reeks produkte aan sy boere toeken. Die doel van die studie is om beide hierdie wette te ondersoek en vas te stel of die 'Farm Bill' die doelwitte van AGOA ondermyn, al dan nie. AGOA is eerste ondersoek en die werklike redes vir Amerika se belangstelling in SSA is bepaal. Daar is bevind dat die hoofrede vir die ontstaan van AGOA die strategiese belangstelling van Amerika in SSA se olie en ander kommoditeite soos edelmetale en tekstiele is. Amerika stel ook belang in SSA om nuwe markte te vind vir sy eie produkte omdat Amerika baie meer voedsel en vesel kan produseer as wat sy plaaslike mark kan absorbeer. Die studie het die potensiele voordele van AGOA vir SSA asook die werklike voordele wat in die eerste twee en 'n half jaar gerealiseer het, ondersoek. Die studie het getoon dat die werklike voordele baie minder as die potensiele voordele was en verskeie redes word vir die verskynsel aangevoer. Die handelsdata tussen Amerika en SSA is ondersoek om die effek van AGOA op handel asook die hoofhandelsprodukte vas te stel. Die data het getoon dat by verre die grootste produkgroep wat verhandel is, olie en verwante petroleumprodukte is. Die 'Farm Bill' is ondersoek om die bepalings van die wet vas te stel, watter produkte betrokke is en onder watter voorwaardes subsidiebetalings van toepassing is. Hierdie betalings sluit direkte betalings aan boere, wederkerige betalings en bemarkingslenings in. Die detail van die berekeningsmetodes van die verskillende dele van die subsidies asook 'n voorbeeld-berekening word getoon. Ander bepalings van die wetgewing wat van toepassing is op spesifieke kommoditeite soos suiker en suiwel word ook gelys omdat hierdie produkte baie belangrik vir SSA is. Die 'Farm Bill' is ook met betrekking tot AGOA ondersoek en daar is getoon dat die 'Farm Bill' inderdaad die doelwitte van AGOA ondermyn deur die pryse van kommoditeite te laat daal. Beide AGOA en die 'Farm Bill' is verder ondersoek in die konteks van die Wereldhandelsorganisasie (WHO) om vas te stel of elkeen van hierdie wette voldoen aan die handelsreels van die WHO. Daar is bevind dat AGOA wel voldoen aan die WHO reels, maar dat die subsidies van die 'Farm Bill' handel verwring en daarom nie voldoen aan die vereistes van die WHO nie. Daar bestaan 'n WHO-beperking vir Amerika op die hoeveelheid ondersteuning wat aan die boere toegestaan mag word en daar word verwag dat die beperking oorskry kan word in tye van lae kommoditeitspryse.
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Knight, Margaret Anne. "The evolution of online news: a comparative case study of the process of implementation at two South African news organisations". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002901.
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This study examines the evolution of online news strategy in South African and American newspaper companies, and compares the approaches used in the two countries. The Internet has had a major effect on news worldwide, and has contributed to sweeping changes in the news industry in all media. This study looks at the changes and the evolving strategy wrought by online news in the newspaper industry in two countries. In order to do this comparison, a model of the US experience has been constructed, using material published in the US academic and professional journalism press. Since there is no equivalent published material available dealing with the South African experience, interviews were conducted with staff at two newspaper companies (Johnnic and Naspers), and a broad historical overview was created for each company. These “narrative histories” were then compared with the US model, and areas of commonality and difference were highlighted and discussed. Several structural and national differences be tween the two countries were also raised and analysed. Finally, a conclusion as to how applicable the US model is to the South African experience is drawn, and suggestions are made for further study.
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Perez, David C. "U.S.-China competition for energy resources". Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FPerez.pdf.
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Thesis (Master of Arts in Security Studies)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Lawson, Letitia ; Miller, Alice. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 28, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: U.S.-CHINA Competition, energy resources, economic interdependence, Africa. Includes bibliographical references (p. 47-53). Also available in print.
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Perreault, Melanie Lynn. "First contact: Early English encounters with natives of Russia, West Africa, and the Americas, 1530-1614". W&M ScholarWorks, 1997. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623910.
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In recent years, the field of comparative history has enjoyed a resurgence of popularity as scholars attempt to understand the past in a global context. This study examines the early period of English exploration of the Atlantic world and the confrontation of English men and women with natives of geographically distinct regions. By comparing English interactions with Russians, West Africans, and North and South Americans during the contact period, this dissertation argues that the mutually constructed dialogue between the visiting English and the natives of each region was a struggle for power and control. In their efforts to construct the natives as being both recognizable and inferior, the English utilized contemporary notions of class and gender not only to understand the people they encountered, but as a strategy to make the natives submissive.;While the English noted that the natives of each region had different skin color, notions of racial hierarchy were not fixed in the sixteenth century. In fact, the English were more threatened by similarity than by difference during their early encounters. Convinced that they were a unique and superior people, the discovery of Russia as a distorted image of English society was cause for great consternation among the English visitors. In an effort to distance themselves from the apparently barbarous Russians, the English suggested that despite their outward signs of "civility," the Russian people had a fundamental flaw that allowed them to accept tyranny and oppression.;Despite their belief in the superiority of their society, the English focus on economic matters above all else during the first-contact period forced them to act within the parameters of native cultures. Not only did the English have to come to terms with the demands of unfamiliar environments, but they often had to meet the demands of native peoples. Natives in each region held considerable power based on their military prowess and their monopoly on local trade and information about the area. as vital allies, trading partners, and informants, the natives recognized their power and manipulated the English visitors at every opportunity.
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Kyamulesire, Sarah Janet Kabalengura. "A comparative study of the exchange of information to enhance tax transparency in the United States of America, the United Kingdom and South Africa". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/67757.
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The 2008 financial crisis shifted the focus of governments and their tax authorities and led to efforts to prevent base erosion and profit shifting through ‘tax transparency’. As a result, tax authorities are marking their territories and exhibiting determination to identify perpetrators who are seen to be benefiting from profits being shifted with the sole intention of avoiding, evading or even reducing their tax liability.
Organisations such as the OECD, governments and tax authorities have come together to combat the erosion caused by gaps that had been identified and used by taxpayers to their advantage. This has led to the drafting and implementation of legislation and standards, the signing of financial and tax information exchange agreements between countries, and an emphasis on the disclosing of information in reports, such as country-by-country reports or reports provided directly to tax authorities.
The aim of this study was to review the available literature on three precise techniques that can be used to aid the exchange of information; to identify the similarities and/or differences between the way in which these techniques are applied in the USA, the UK and SA; and to conclude on whether the methods that have been implemented to in fact enhance tax transparency in the USA, the UK or SA in any way, shape or form.Mini Dissertation (MCom)--University of Pretoria, 2017.
Taxation
MCom
Unrestricted
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Van, Wyk Albertus Maritz. "The proposed SACU-US free trade agreement : impact on AGOA benefits". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/21977.
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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2006.The African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) was signed into law in May 2000 by President Clinton to allow sub-Saharan countries to export designated products duty-free into the US. AGOA is a temporary measure that is non-reciprocal and not negotiated by the participating parties. The initiative was launched to liberalise the markets of developing countries on the road to become integrated in the global economy. The initial success of AGOA was limited, with only a few countries making use of AGOA to increase their exports into the US markets. Problems encountered were high levels of protectionism from the US and the existence of technical trade barriers (including sanitary measures in agriculture) and nontariff barriers (including quotas). African countries are using shipment as the main transport for exports, and the US barred transshipment due to corruption that occurred in the past. The AGOA also made provision for 'special provisions' measures to enable AGOA eligible countries to export apparel and textile to the US. The export of apparel was very successful until the Multifibre Agreement expired in 2005, leading to relocation of apparel factories to lower cost bases. The real beneficiaries from AGOA are oil-exporting countries that make up more than 90% of total AGOA benefits. South Africa is the only country who succeeded in diversified AGOA exports. AGOA has been supplemented by AGOA II (extending the product range) and AGOA III (extending the expiry date to 2015). After the EU-SA Free Trade Agreement has been concluded in 1999, the US started with FTA negotiations with the South African Customs Union (SACU) to improve the exposure of US products to the SACU market and to decrease the trade deficit. However, the agenda of the FTA negotiations included second generation issues of intellectual property rights, trade in services, investment and government procurement. The SACU negotiators learnt some lessons from the EU-SA FTA and progress was slow. The extension of AGOA to 2015 saw a decrease in the urgency of striking a SACU-US FTA. Negotiations slowed down and the decision was made in April 2006 to conduct talks on a lower level. This breathing time can be used by the SACU negotiators to develop an aggressive offensive strategy for future negotiations, and to build competency against the efficient and offensive US negotiators. The US-SACU FTA must still be pursued to ensure that the benefits of AGOA are locked in. It will be beneficial for SACU if the different needs for all the SACU countries are addressed and the negotiations are done in incremental steps .
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Odendaal, Daniel Jacobus. "AGOA III and the proposed Free Trade Agreement between SACU and the USA : implications of a Free Trade Agreement with an industrialised country for SACU". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/21982.
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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2007.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The SACU bloc, which accounts for one-half of the subcontinent's GDP, is the largest market for the US exports in SSA (Langton, January 2005). Wide differences exist among the economies of SACU - while SA has developed a significant manufacturing and industrial capacity, the other countries remain dependent on agriculture and mineral extraction. The grouping is dominated by SA, which accounts for 87% of the population, and 93% of the GDP of the customs area. SACU member states had a combined real GDP of $201bn in 2003. Services made up 65% of SA Trade in 2003 and had become a major player. In 2003, SACU was the 32nd largest trading partner of the US with two-way trade equivalent \ $7.3bn. Merchandise imports from SACU totaled $5.6bn in 2003, a 17.3% increase from 2002 and a 126% increase from 1996. They were composed of minerals such as platinum, diamonds, and titanium, textiles and apparel, vehicles, and automotive parts. Major US exports to the region include aircraft, vehicles, computers, and construction and agricultural equipment. Services trade between the US and SA has increased dramatically for both countries, with US exports increasing 154% and service imports from SA increasing by 383% respectively since 1992. The stock of US FDI in SA totaled $3.9bn in 2003 and was centered around manufacturing chemicals and services. The main economic objective of FTAs is to reduce trade barriers between member countries and liberalize trade and investment rules (Kanoute, November 2005). This improves market access which is the key to foreign export earnings and investment. But market access is a door that swings both ways, opening local markets to a flood of imports. This can undermine domestic production and employment, and thus exacerbate poverty. Some US civil society organizations have expressed concern that a SACU FTA could have negative consequences for poor Southern Africans, citing potential adjustment costs for import-competing farmers, poor enforcement of labour rights, privatization of utilities, and increased restrictions on importing generic drugs to treat HIV/AIDS (Langton, January 2005). The proposed FTA is ambitious, especially given the tight deadline and the broad range of topics on the negotiating table (Zunckel, Tralac). These include not only tariffs on goods, as is traditional in trade talks, but the wider global economic panoply of agriculture, rules of origin intellectual property, trade in services, investment, government procurement, trade remedies, labour, environmental standards and trade dispute settlement. The US gains reciprocity by gaining improved access to the SACU market than it currently enjoys under AGOA. The IP and "TRIPS plus" provisions are of particular concern to consumers (www.tralac.org.) Ongoing developments at the multilateral level bode against the advisability of entering into binding bilateral agreements with less favourable provisions on essential medicines. Foreign investment could lead to greater industrialization within SACU and competition within local industry, boosting efficiency. But safeguards and industrial policy must be utilized effectively to protect the region's developmental goals. Reliance on domestic courts as the forum of first instance (and state-to-state dispute settlements should those fail) is preferable, as it allows greater possibilities of defending the public interest of SACU citizens over investors' interests (Langton, January 2005). Reaching consensus on negotiating strategy in SACU is no easy feat. Formal negotiations began in June 2003, but talks have made little progress over the past years. The interests of the five different countries, at differing stages of development, have to be reconciled (Draper. 2004). No doubt SA, with its diverse array of interests relative to its BLNS partners in the customs union, will drive this. SACU negotiators, in common with those in many developing countries, have great difficulty in understanding, let alone mobilizing, their services sectors. Hence they have adopted a defensive posture, favouring liberalization only in those (few) sub-sectors that are well understood. SACU has formally accepted an offer made by the US to progress a so-called trade and investment cooperation agreement (TICA). Prior negotiation will be needed among SACU countries, who clearly have an interest in coordinating its negotiation with other US bilateral negotiating partners (Whalley & Leith, December 2003).