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Artículos de revistas sobre el tema "Akkadian"

Autor: Grafiati

Publicado: 4 de junio de 2021

Última modificación: 28 de julio de 2024

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1

Stubičar, Robert. "Prikaz drugih i drukčijih u akadskoj književnoj tradiciji, iz perspektive Emmanuela Levinasa / Portrait of the different and the others in Akkadian literary tradition, from the perspective of Emmanuel Levinas". Journal of BATHINVS Association ACTA ILLYRICA / Godišnjak Udruženja BATHINVS ACTA ILLYRICA Online ISSN 2744-1318, n.º 7 (28 de diciembre de 2023): 35–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.54524/2490-3930.2023.35.

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In the paper Portrait of the different and the others in Akkadian literary tradition, from the perspective of Emmanuel Levinas, the author will, with the help of literary and historical sources from the Akkadian literary tradition, investigate the existence of the different and the others in Akkadian scripture and in their society. The concept of otherness, within Akkadian society, will be linked to the characters of literary works, their sexual orientation, gender, race, disability, ethnic and national affiliation. Furthermore, due to the fact that this topic is socially determined, it is necessary to present the social groups that are identified as the different and the other, not just in the literary, but also in the social and civilizational sense, that is, in the form of their position in Akkadian society. Based on this, with the help of Levinas’s interpretation of the other and otherness, it will be concluded that the ancient Akkadians were a type of society that successfully integrated the different and the others into their society, and in this way those people were enabled to live a normal and dignified life like other members of their community.

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2

Westenholz, Joan Goodnick. "The Old Akkadian presence in Nineveh: Fact or fiction". Iraq 66 (2004): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002108890000156x.

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The goal of this article is to investigate the enigma of the Old Akkadian presence at Nineveh. After reviewing the written and archaeological evidence for such a presence, the lack of evidence at Nineveh will be compared with the comparatively richer testimony of the Old Akkadian occupation at Assur. The thesis of this paper is that Šamši-Adad's claim that Maništušu was the original builder of the temple of Ištar of Nineveh should be regarded as suspect in the absence of any other data to back up his claim. I would like to make it clear that I am not insisting that Nineveh was a desolate site with no inhabitants during the Old Akkadian period. On the contrary, I do believe that it was inhabited at this time, although the evidence is meagre. However, who these inhabitants were is a question that needs to be answered. An official residence or presence of the Old Akkadians at the site seems unlikely, and I hope that I can prove this thesis to you.The previously cited proof of an Old Akkadian presence in Nineveh rests on primary and secondary evidence. The primary evidence said to reflect such a presence implies Old Akkadian texts and objects. However, the Old Akkadian texts consist of a few fragments of two broken stone inscriptions bearing royal dedications of the Old Akkadian king Naram-Sin. The fragments were found in the area of the first-millennium Nabû temple. These dedications apparently recorded Naram-Sin's rebuilding of the Ekur in Nippur and were not concerned with any northern site. Consequently, the original inscriptions, of which these fragments are remnants, were probably brought to Nineveh in the seventh century from Nippur. They were carried there presumably at the same time as the Šulgi foundation document from Kutha and the Warad-Sin inscription from Ur, so they can hardly be used as evidence of an official Old Akkadian residence in Nineveh. Moreover, there is not one reference to the town of Nineveh in Old Akkadian sources.

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3

K., S. A. y Richard Caplice. "Introduction to Akkadian". Journal of the American Oriental Society 111, n.º 1 (enero de 1991): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603803.

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4

Stolbova, Olga V. "AKKADIAN-CHADIC COGNATES". Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, n.º 4 (22) (2022): 63–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2022-4-063-067.

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5

Gibson, McGuire y Augusta McMahon. "Investigation of the Early Dynastic-Akkadian transition: Report of the 18th and 19th seasons of excavation in Area WF, Nippur". Iraq 57 (1995): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900002965.

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The Akkadian Period has not received the archaeological attention it deserves, despite its great historical and artistic importance. Excavated remains from the period have been more extensively reported from Syria, at such sites as Tell Brak, than from the core area of southern Iraq. The artifactual assemblage is still ill-defined, in part due to delays in the final publication of crucial excavations, including our own work at Umm al-Hafriyat and Tepe al-Atiqeh. A full assessment of the Akkadian Period also has been hindered to a significant degree, however, by errors in the dating of strata and artifacts at the key sites of Tell Asmar and Khafajah in the Diyala (see Gibson 1982), which have resulted, at these and other sites, in the disguising of early Akkadian material under the terms Protoimperial and Early Dynastic IIIB.The excavators of the critical sequence of the Northern Palace at Tell Asmar originally assumed that the main level of the palace was pre-Akkadian because of its plano-convex bricks (Frankfort 1933: pp. 34 ff.); but subsequently they assigned this level, correctly, to the Akkadian Period (Frankfort 1934: pp. 29–39). Seton Lloyd, in his manuscript for the final monograph, maintained an Akkadian dating for the main level of the building but was persuaded to allow the date to be changed to Protoimperial for the publication (Delougaz, Hill, and Lloyd 1967: pp. 181–196). Lloyd has continued to discuss the main level of the Northern Palace as an Akkadian Period building in his own books (e.g. Lloyd 1978: p. 141). Having read the Lloyd manuscript and having witnessed the process of editorial change from the vantage point of an editorial assistant, M. Gibson was aware as early as 1963 that there were some difficulties in the interpretation of the Diyala stratigraphy, especially in the zone of transition from Early Dynastic to Akkadian.

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6

Gai, Amikam. "The Relationship between the relative clauses of Akkadian and Old Akkadian". Revue d'assyriologie et d'archéologie orientale 96, n.º 2 (2002): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/assy.096.0103.

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7

Al- Juboori, Assist Lecture: Raghad Jamal Mohammed. "The evolution of political life In Mesopotamia from the period of dawn dynasties, the end of the state of Ur III (2006-2900q.m)". ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 222, n.º 1 (5 de noviembre de 2018): 337–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v222i1.382.

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I wrote in this research brief on the system of governance How evolved, but can not give an exact time period in which originated the first asset of the governance systems and forms of the lack of archaeological sources, then About the Period of dawn the dynasties and how it originated dynasties in each statelet city and the separation of religious authority from power mundane, enables Alkotyon of the occupation of the country in the period of Akkadian after they quoted the arts of war and weapons of the Akkadians, Vdilaan case of cultural stagnation during the reign of Alkotien in the period of ur III.

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8

Cohen, Eran y Guy Deutscher. "Sentential Complementation in Akkadian". Journal of the American Oriental Society 122, n.º 4 (octubre de 2002): 803. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3217619.

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9

Streck, Michael P. "Etymological Dictionary of Akkadian". arbeitstitel | Forum für Leipziger Promovierende 5, n.º 1 (25 de junio de 2013): 47–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.36258/aflp.v5i1.3260.

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Das keilschriftlich notierte Akkadische (Babylonisch-Assyrisch) ist die älteste überlieferte semitische Sprache und zugleich nach Dauer und Umfang der Dokumentation auch die bedeutendste altorientalische Sprache und eine der am besten belegten Sprachen der Antike. Als sprachhistorisches Reservoir ist das Akkadische bislang noch nicht umfassend erforscht und analysiert worden. Diese Aufgabe soll das Projekt erfüllen, wobei zahlreiche Erkenntnisse sprach- und kulturgeschichtlicher Art zu erwarten sind.

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10

Marcus, David y John Huehnergard. "The Akkadian of Ugarit". Journal of Biblical Literature 109, n.º 4 (1990): 695. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3267374.

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11

Rubio, Gonzalo y John Huehnergard. "A Grammar of Akkadian". Language 74, n.º 4 (diciembre de 1998): 877. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/417033.

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12

Al-Rawi, F. N. H. y J. A. Black. "A Rediscovered Akkadian City". Iraq 55 (1993): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4200373.

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13

Bozanic, Nick. "Translations from the Akkadian". Manoa 15, n.º 1 (2003): 168–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/man.2003.0068.

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14

Piccin, Michela. "Verba Dicendi in Akkadian". DABIR 9, n.º 1 (30 de noviembre de 2022): 47–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/29497833-00901006.

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Verba dicendi are among the most widespread lexemes in Indo-European cultures, reflecting the oral matrix of the milieu. Until now, it is not clear if the ancient Near Eastern cultures also had a predilection for these lexemes. To understand the importance and function of verba dicendi, they have to be studied in a wide range of texts of different types and from different periods. The focus of this analysis is to monitor the diachrony and synchrony of lexical and semantic nuances, as well as syntactic variations, along with quantitative analyses. The article is intended as a precursor to a more detailed study on verba dicendi, which will offer a linear treatment of the topic, and discuss collocations and other related lexemes in relation to direct speech.

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15

Goldstein, Ronnie. "A Suggestion Regarding the Meaning of 2 Kings 17:9 and the Composition of 2 Kings 17:7-23". Vetus Testamentum 63, n.º 3 (2013): 393–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341118.

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Abstract This article adduces Akkadian idioms to explain three formulations in 2 Kgs 17:9-11 which differ from the standard Deuteronomistic phraseology employed in 2 Kgs 17:7-23. The awkward Hebrew phrase ויחפאו. . . דברים is interpreted as a loan from Akkadian hepû + dibbu = “to break an agreement”, the following expression דברים אשר לא כן compared with the Akkadian dibbu ša lā kinnu = “disloyal talk”, and the ending of v. 11 understood in the light of an Akkadian idiom. On this analysis, vv. 9-11 appear to be composed of two strata, the original core—composed during the Neo-Assyrian period—and a later Deuteronomistic redaction which reinterpreted the initial text. The former can be understood as a very early theological response to the destruction of Samaria and Assyrian imperial claims regarding its fall which utilizes Neo-Assyrian covenantal terminology to describe the relationship between the God of Israel and His people.

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16

Matthews, Donald. "The Early Dynastic-Akkadian transition, Part 1. When did the Akkadian period begin?" Iraq 59 (1997): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900003314.

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We may want to recognise an “Akkadian period” in archaeology for two reasons. A sequence of periods is used as a system of chronological reference, and the Akkadian period conventionally represents the time from 2334–2154 BC (Walker 1995, 234). Periods are also used to define fields of analysis in which studies of social structure or other synchronic investigations may be conducted. The Akkadian period is known as the “first empire” which saw major political and administrative innovations. In archaeology periods have to be defined from the changes in artefact types, so a concordance is needed between the historical and artefactual phases. During the last thirty years McG. Gibson has persistently addressed questions of chronology, and has made an especially important contribution to the chronology of the Akkadian period. A new article (Gibson and McMahon 1995) represents the present state of this issue, based on excavations in the Diyala and Hamrin regions, and in the vicinity of Nippur. Dr McMahon has subjected thousands of sherds from stratified occupation surfaces to statistical analysis, and publication of their distribution and comparanda is expected. The resulting pottery sequence, exhaustively constructed, and summarised in that article, will constitute the principal reference sequence for archaeological sites of this period in southern Iraq. In this article, while accepting the validity and importance of this achievement, I will examine how the Akkadian period should be defined and how pottery sequences should be calibrated with respect to historical periods. I will suggest that the Akkadian pottery should be calibrated by ultimate reference to the glyptic sequence, and that this results in a different dating for the strata in question.

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17

Kudrinski, Maksim. "Hittite heterographic writings and their interpretation". Indogermanische Forschungen 121, n.º 1 (1 de noviembre de 2016): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2016-0009.

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Abstract All attested texts in the Hittite language along with the phonetic writings of Hittite lexemes make broad use of Sumerian and Akkadian morphemes, words and word combinations conveying the meaning of corresponding Hittite elements. This article questions the common assumption that all foreign elements were read and dictated in proper Hittite and presents evidence suggesting that in some cases word combinations underlying Sumerian and Akkadian writings cannot be interpreted as grammatical Hittite strings because of their different syntactic properties. The phenomena discussed in the article are most likely due to the features of the scribal jargon heavily influenced by the Sumero-Akkadian scribal tradition.

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18

Christopher Frechette, S. J. "The Ritual-Prayer Nisaba 1 and Its Function". Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 11, n.º 1 (1 de septiembre de 2011): 70–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921211x579588.

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The Mesopotamian ritual-prayer Nisaba 1, a monolingual text in Akkadian addressed to the goddess of grain, blends the functionality of two genres: Akkadian Šuillas and Kultmittelbeschwörungen. Like Kultmittelbeschwörungen, it is addressed to a material (here, the flour identified with Nisaba) in order to activate it for ritual use. As do other Akkadian Šuilla-prayers, it serves to gain a favorable reception from an influential deity whose powerful intercession it requests for reconciling the speaker with his or her personal god and goddess. The royal ritual bīt salā’ mê provides important context for establishing functionality. An edition of the prayer is appended to the article.

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19

Gibson, McGuire y Augusta McMahon. "The Early Dynastic-Akkadian transition, Part 2. The authors' response". Iraq 59 (1997): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900003326.

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Dr Matthews was kind enough to show us a draft of the preceding article before publication so that we could reply, for which we thank him. Our original article was intended as a review of the problem of the Early Dynastic to Akkadian transition and as a quick general overview of the WF excavation at Nippur, rather than the final statement on either. The point of the article was not to define the Akkadian Period but to make steps towards the identification of an assemblage of material culture (pottery, tablets, objects, and seals) found in levels which are dated to the historical Akkadian Period. That assemblage included pottery types, but we did not suggest that a single pottery type or a few types alone should be the basis for dating; nor would we prefer, as is implied by Matthews, to define a period by pottery as opposed to other objects. What the Nippur WF excavation gave us was a well-stratified sequence of artifacts; and we were careful when suggesting the level at which we might have entered the Akkadian (historical) period not to be adamant about the date of the pertinent level and to precede it with a “transitional” level (Level XVII) which might have been either Early Dynastic or Akkadian. Perhaps we should have been more cautious and extended that transitional label to cover Level XVI as well.

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20

Deutscher, Guy. "The rise and fall of a rogue relative construction". Studies in Language 25, n.º 3 (31 de diciembre de 2001): 405–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.25.3.02deu.

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In the earliest attested stage of the Akkadian language, relative clauses were introduced by a pronoun which agreed in case with the head noun in the main clause, rather than with the relativized NP in the relative clause. Such a system is extremely rare across languages, is demonstrably dysfunctional, and has been termed ‘inherently disfavoured’. This article attempts to explain how Akkadian acquired this rogue relative construction, and how the language then managed to get rid of it. I argue that this construction was only an unstable way-station in the emergence of a new relative clause in the language. The final section of the article examines the few parallels from other languages to the Old Akkadian system.

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21

Matthews, Donald. "The Early Dynastic-Akkadian Transition Part I: When Did the Akkadian Period Begin?" Iraq 59 (1997): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4200433.

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22

Azize, Joseph y Ian Craigie. "Putative Akkadian Origins for the Greek Words Κίναιδος and Πυγή". Antichthon 36 (noviembre de 2002): 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001337.

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The purpose of this note is to suggest Semitic, specifically Akkadian, etymologies for two Greek nouns, and thus for words derived from these. The first noun in question is κίναιδος, for a person participating in certain male homosexual acts. The authors suggest that this word is ultimately derived from the Akkadian noun ‘qinnatu’, meaning anus, or more generally, the rear. This noun was productive in Greek, and also passed into Latin as ‘cinaedus’.The second Greek noun for which we suggest an etymology is πυγή denoting buttocks. Our hypothesis is that this word is derived from the Akkadian ‘pūqu’ meaning cleft or buttocks. Within the Greek language itself, the noun καταπύγων was developed from the noun πυγή by use of a prefix.

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23

Geller, M. J. "Babylonian Physiognomic Omens in Cryptic Hebrew Orthography". Aestimatio: Sources and Studies in the History of Science 4 (12 de junio de 2024): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/aestimatio.v4.42936.

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A unique text of physiognomic omens in Hebrew from the Dead Sea Scrolls (4Q186) is remarkable in that it mimics the similar Akkadian omens upon which it is based, in that it is written in a left-to-right format beginning with the column on the left. The Qumran text also avoids final letters and includes some words in Paleo-Hebrew script and Greek letters, all pointing to its Vorlage being an exemplar of Graeco-Babyloniaca (an Akkadian text in Greek transliteration), employed in order to make technical Akkadian more widely accessible. How to cite: Geller, M. J. Babylonian Physiognomic Omens in Cryptic Hebrew Orthography. Aestimatio: Sources and Studies in the History of Science (2023) 4: 1-16. https://doi.org/10.33137/aestimatio.v4.42936

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24

Schumann, Andrew. "On the Babylonian Origin of Symbolic Logic". Studia Humana 6, n.º 2 (1 de junio de 2017): 126–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sh-2017-0016.

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Abstract The logical reasoning first appeared within the Babylonian legal tradition established by the Sumerians in the law codes which were first over the world: Ur-Nammu (ca. 2047 – 2030 B.C.); Lipit-Ishtar (ca. 1900 – 1850 B.C.), and later by their successors, the Akkadians: Hammurabi (1728 – 1686 B.C.). In these codes the casuistic law formulation began first to be used: “If/when (Akkadian: šumma) this or that occurs, this or that must be done” allowed the Akkadians to build up a theory of logical connectives: “... or…”, “… and…”, “if…, then…”, “not…” that must have been applied in their jurisprudence. So, a trial decision looked like an inference by modus pones and modus tollens or by other logical rules from (i) some facts and (ii) an appropriate article in the law code represented by an ever true implication. The law code was announced by erecting a stele with the code or by engraving the code on a stone wall. It was considered a set of axioms announced for all. Then the trial decisions are regarded as claims logically inferred from the law code on the stones. The only law code of the Greeks that was excavated is the Code of Gortyn (Crete, the 5th century B.C.). It is so similar to the Babylonian codes by its law formulations; therefore, we can suppose that the Greeks developed their codes under a direct influence of the Semitic legal tradition: the code was represented as the words of the stele and the court was a logic application from these words. In this way the Greek logic was established within a Babylonian legal tradition, as well. Hence, we can conclude that, first, logic appeared in Babylonia and, second, it appeared within a unique legal tradition where all trial decisions must have been transparent, obvious, and provable. The symbolic logic appeared first not in Greece, but in Mesopotamia and this tradition was grounded in the Sumerian/Akkadian jurisprudence.

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25

TAKAI, Keisuke. "Akkadian “Petitionary Letters to God”". Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 47, n.º 2 (2004): 64–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/jorient.47.2_64.

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26

Reiner, Erica, Jeremy Black, Andrew George y Nicholas Postgate. "A Concise Dictionary of Akkadian". Journal of the American Oriental Society 123, n.º 2 (abril de 2003): 391. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3217695.

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27

Greengus, Samuel. "The Akkadian Calendar at Sippar". Journal of the American Oriental Society 107, n.º 2 (abril de 1987): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/602830.

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28

Hurowitz, Victor Avigdor y Paul V. Mankowski. "Akkadian Loanwords in Biblical Hebrew". Journal of the American Oriental Society 122, n.º 1 (enero de 2002): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3087687.

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29

Abdulwahed, Hassanein. "Emphasis in the Akkadian Language". Athar Alrafedain 3, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2018): 134–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33899/athar.1970.164553.

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30

Aljuboori, Salim. "Hamzah in the Akkadian language". Athar Alrafedain 3, n.º 1 (1 de enero de 2018): 50–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.33899/athar.1970.164549.

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31

DEPUYDT, L. "On an Egyptianism in Akkadian". Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica 27 (1 de abril de 1996): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/olp.27.0.583535.

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32

Oates, David y Joan Oates. "Akkadian Buildings at Tell Brak". Iraq 51 (1989): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4200303.

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33

West, M. L. "Akkadian Poetry: Metre and Performance". Iraq 59 (1997): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4200442.

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34

Millard, A. "A Concise Dictionary of Akkadian". Journal of Semitic Studies 49, n.º 1 (1 de marzo de 2004): 131–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/49.1.131.

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35

Kutscher, Raphael. "Akkadian śadādum / šadādum = ‘To Camp’". Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie 76, n.º 1 (1986): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zava.1986.76.1.1.

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36

Wilkinson, T. "Akkadian Empire Where to Look?" Science 279, n.º 5355 (27 de febrero de 1998): 1283c—1283. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.279.5355.1283c.

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37

Huehnergard, John. "On Verbless Clauses in Akkadian". Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie 76, n.º 2 (1 de febrero de 1986): 218–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/za-1986-760229.

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38

Kutscher, Raphael. "Akkadian sadädum / Sadädum = 'To Camp'". Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie 76, n.º 2 (1 de febrero de 1986): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/za-1986-760202.

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39

Andrason, Alexander y Juan-Pablo Vita. "Contact Languages of the Ancient Near East – Three more Case Studies (Ugaritic-Hurrian, Hurro-Akkadian and Canaano-Akkadian)". Journal of Language Contact 9, n.º 2 (29 de abril de 2016): 293–334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-00902004.

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This article describes and analyzes three situations of linguistic contact in the Ancient Near East, taking as its staring point three theoretical studies on contact languages which have been developed recently: the framework of mixed languages (Bakker and Matras, 2013; Meakins, 2013), the theory of written language contact (Johanson, 2013) and the approach to contact among genetically related languages (Epps, Huehnergard and Pat-El, 2013a). The authors argue that the contact systems selected for this article (Ugaritic-Hurrian, Hurro-Akkadian and Canaano-Akkadian), although distinct from the grammatical and sociolinguistic perspective, can all be viewed as expressions of the same dynamic phenomena, where each variety of mixing corresponds to a different stage of a universal continuum of languages in the situation of merger. Consequently, they can be located along the universal cline of mixing: Ugaritic-Hurrian matches the initial stage of intermingling, Hurro-Akkadian reflects gradually more intense blending, and Canaano-Akkadian corresponds to the phase of a profound fusion of the two source codes. By examining and comparing the three cases of mixing, the authors introduce new insights to the general discussion on mixed languages, written language contact and relevance of genetic relation in language intermingling, thus corroborating and/or refining certain hypotheses and propositions that have previously been formulated within the latest theoretical studies.

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40

Baranowski, Krzysztof J. "New Light on Peripheral Akkadian from Qaṭna: Texts between Language and Writing System". Altorientalische Forschungen 45, n.º 1 (1 de junio de 2018): 22–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2018-0002.

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AbstractThe linguistic status of Peripheral Akkadian is a complex question. The texts from Qaṭna help to elucidate it. The texts, which underlie these documents, were uttered in Hurrian, while Sumerian, Akkadian and Hurrian constituted complementary writing platforms to record it. Seen in this light, the question of defining the language of these texts is malapropos. Instead, it is necessary to differentiate the status of individual languages. Such an inquiry is historically feasible by adopting second language acquisition as a theoretical framework.

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41

Butts, Aaron Michael. "The Aramaic Šap̄ˁel in Its Semitic Context". Aramaic Studies 16, n.º 2 (19 de noviembre de 2018): 117–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-01602005.

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Abstract In Aramaic, the productive causative (= C) stem can be reconstructed as *hapˁil- (suffix-conjugation) ~ *yVhapˁil- (prefix-conjugation) with *h as the causative morpheme. There are, however, also traces in Aramaic of what seems to be a non-productive C-stem in which the causative morpheme is š (< Proto-Semitic *s1). This šap̄ˁel, as it is called, was traditionally thought to result from contact with Akkadian, which has a productive C-stem with a causative morpheme š (< *s1), i.e., šaprus (stative) ~ ušapris (preterite). Nevertheless, Rabin convincingly argued, against the traditional interpretation, that many šap̄ˁel forms in Aramaic cannot be loanwords from Akkadian. Different suggestions have been made to explain the Aramaic šap̄ˁel forms that are not loanwords from Akkadian. In this article, I propose an additional option: some Aramaic šap̄ˁel forms are, I argue, backformations from *ˀištapˁal- (suffix-conjugation) ~ *yištapˁal- (prefix-conjugation), which I reconstruct as the Proto-Aramaic CT-stem inherited from Proto-Semitic.

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42

Kaczyńska, Elwira. "Greckie wyrazy βόρατον, βράθυ, βουρί jako przykłady zapożyczenia wielokrotnego". Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae 33, n.º 1 (20 de septiembre de 2023): 169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sppgl.2023.xxxiii.1.13.

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The paper discusses three Ancient Greek appellatives βόρατον, βράθυ, βουρί denoting conifers from the Cupressaceae family and demonstrates a common Semitic origin of these dendronyms. They should be treated as examples of multiple borrowing, the ultimate source of which was the uniform Proto-Semitic archetype *burāṯ- ‘juniper, Juniperus L.’. It should be assumed that the ancient Greeks borrowed two synonymous terms βόρατον n. ‘stinking juniper, Juniperus foetidissima Willd.; savin juniper, Juniperus sabina L.’ and βράθυ n. ‘id.’ from two different Aramaic sources. On the other hand, the Pamphylian dialectism βουρί n. ‘Mediterranean cypress, Cupressus sempervirens L.’ was borrowed from an Akkadian source via Anatolian languages to Ancient Greek (Gk. Pamph. βουρί n. ‘cypress’ ← Lycian *burhi < *burehi < Luwian *burašiš c. ← Assyrian or Akkadian burāšu ‘(Phoenician) juniper’ < Old Akkadian burāšum ‘juniper’ < Proto-Semitic *burāṯ-). A carefully conducted analysis of lexical data clearly demonstrates that language contacts between the Semites and the Greeks took place at different times and in many places, so potential Semitisms could have gradually penetrated the Greek vocabulary by various ways.

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43

IKEDA, Jun. "Some Linguistic Features of Emar Akkadian". Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 38, n.º 1 (1995): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/jorient.38.1.

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44

Edzard, Dietz Otto y Edward I. Greenstein. "The Phonology of Akkadian Syllable Structure". Journal of the American Oriental Society 106, n.º 2 (abril de 1986): 359. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/601614.

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45

Faber, Alice. "Akkadian Evidence for Proto-Semitic Affricates". Journal of Cuneiform Studies 37, n.º 1 (marzo de 1985): 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1359962.

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46

Robson, Eleanor. "Key to a Grammar of Akkadian". Journal of Jewish Studies 49, n.º 1 (1 de abril de 1998): 131–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2065/jjs-1998.

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47

Huehnergard, John y Daniel Sivan. "Northwest Semitic Vocabulary in Akkadian Texts". Journal of the American Oriental Society 107, n.º 4 (octubre de 1987): 713. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603309.

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48

Giusfredi, Federico. "The Akkadian Medical Text KUB 37.1". Altorientalische Forschungen 39, n.º 1 (diciembre de 2012): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/aofo.2012.0003.

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49

Stol, Marten. "Blindness and Night-Blindness in Akkadian". Journal of Near Eastern Studies 45, n.º 4 (octubre de 1986): 295–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373197.

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50

George, Andrew y Manfred Krebernik. "Two Remarkable Vocabularies: Amorite-Akkadian Bilinguals!" Revue d'assyriologie et d'archéologie orientale Vol. 116, n.º 1 (12 de diciembre de 2022): 113–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/assy.116.0113.

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