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1

Eriksson, Elin. "Perceptions of Women in the Far-Right : A Comparative Ideology Analysis of Far-Right Perceptions of Women". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444733.

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This bachelor’s thesis aspires to contribute to the field of research concerning women and far-right extremism. Scholars have during recent years called attention to the surge of far-right extremism and female participation in jihadi terrorism. However, when these fields of research meet, various knowledge gaps are distinguishable. The explicit research gap that this thesis aims to fill concerns a lack of comparative research on how men and women in the extreme-right perceive women. To fill this gap, this thesis aspires to describe how women are perceived, on a sex-disaggregated basis, in the far-right extremist movement by answering the research question: How do the female far-right extremists in Proud Girls and the male far-right extremists in Proud Boys' perception of women differ? Using the gender-separated US extreme-right group Proud Boys/Proud Girls as a typical case, the study performs an ideology analysis to distinguish how the groups perceive women. Thus, this study contributes to the field by presenting a comparative analysis of how extreme right perceives women. The results of the study suggest a difference in how Proud Boys and Proud Girls perceive women as the former conveys a more misogynist perception whereas the latter adheres to a more empowering view of women.
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2

Perez, Alyssa Cathryn. "“Make America Great Again”: Political Rhetoric of the American Alt-Right Movement". Universität Leipzig, 2018. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A21128.

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On November 8th, 2016, Republican nominee Donald Trump was elected President of the United States of America. On November 9th, 2016, Twitter was flooded with messages hashtagged #TrumpsAmerica which narrated various ways that marginalized groups were being attacked, verbally or physically, by self-proclaimed Trump supporters whose inappropriate actions had been legitimized by Trump’s election into office. Many Americans were in shock upon receiving the news of the new President Elect. Jon Ronson, journalist and author of The Elephant in the Room: A Journey into the Trump Campaign and the Alt-Right, stated in the closing remarks of his book that “the alt-right’s small gains in popularity will not be enough to win Trump the election […] but if some disaster unfolds […] and Trump gets elected […] that is terrifying” (2016: 793). Ronson’s book was published before the election had concluded, and his closing remarks haunt many Americans who are now just that—terrified. Still others ponder at how the country transitioned from the progressive era of the Obama administration to the election of a man who helped inspire the 2016 word of the year, “post-truth”. What many believed was a joke in the Republican primaries has suddenly evolved into a Presidency that is all too real. Many Americans believed Trump appeared out of nowhere, ran his mouth carelessly during his campaign, and was elected by the racist, xenophobic, anti-Semitic, and homophobic population of America, more specifically known as the Alternative Right Movement. Matthew Lyons, author of “Ctrl, Alt, Delete: The Origins and Ideology of the Alternative Right”, defines the Alt-Right movement as “a loosely organized far-right movement that shares a contempt for both liberal multiculturalism and mainstream conservatism [which] combines White nationalism, misogyny, anti-Semitism, and authoritarianism in various forms and in political styles ranging from intellectual argument to violent invective” (2017: 2). He continues to note the Alt-Right maintains, “a belief that some people are inherently superior to others; a strong internet presence and embrace of specific elements of online culture; and a self-presentation as being new, hip, and irreverent” (Lyons 2017: 2). However, this alt-right rhetoric which Trump stands for has always been a counter-narrative throughout American political history, quietly lingering in the shadows until the moment it could finally reveal itself. My paper will be focusing specifically on this counter-narrative that has pervaded throughout American political history and how the alt-right has evolved and harnessed this rhetorical narrative to create an environment that has lent itself to the election of a man such as Donald Trump. By first establishing the necessity of using a rhetorical lens with which to evaluate the 2016 American Presidential election, I will then trace the rhetorical genealogy in order to show the gradual ascension of alt-right rhetoric through American political history, concluding with the election of Trump.
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3

Johnson, Natalie Marguerite. "Making America White Again: Twitter, the Alt-Right, and Colorblindness in Trump America". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1144.

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This project investigates the Alternative Right's racial discourse on Twitter. It examines to what extent the Alt-Right indicates a fundamental break from "colorblind racism", the United State's dominant racial discourse. Does the Alt-Right's ascendency and project signify a new period of racial formation? Analyzing tweets from three celebrity Alt-Right figures, Richard Spencer, David Duke, and Jared Taylor, this project finds that the Alt-Right does not indicate a new period of racial formation. Rather, they demonstrate an extremist development to that rhetoric.
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4

Stigermark, Anton. "Alt-Modernism : Challenging the idea of postmodernism as a left-wing movement". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324280.

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In this thesis, I’m working from the premise that postmodernism hitherto has been associated with the left. The next line of argument is, however, that this relation is contingent and that there is no necessity in postmodernisms association with left-wing ideas and political ambitions. To challenge this assumption, I intend to demonstrate that the Alt-Right, a far-right movement, at least in some respects can be considered as postmodern. If there is indeed cause to think of the Alt-Right as postmodern, then we would have to rethink postmodernisms political inclination. I intend to operationalize this by looking at the Alt-Right’s views on the changeability of politics and the social world, and pop culture, through the lens of a set of postmodern ideas. In particular, postmodern ideas concerning language, discourse and culture, and in doing so get a grip on whether it is correct to view the Alt-Right as postmodern or not. If a connection between the Alt-Right and postmodernism indeed exists, then we would have to rethink the necessity in the left-wing nature of postmodernism.
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5

Statham, Shelby. ""Keep it in the Closet and Welcome to the Movement": Storying Gay Men Among the Alt-Right". Scholar Commons, 2019. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7954.

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The fundamental questions this project aims to answer are 1) how the alt-right engages in storying the sexual, specifically the “homosexual” character 2) the ways that broadly circulating ideas about masculinity shape movement boundary work processes, and 3) the work that this storying is doing for the alt-right in the context of American white patriarchy. Broadly, two characters were storied on r/altright: The Degenerate and the Substandard Ally. First, the Degenerate is a pedophile, a diseased sexual hedonist, and a Jewish-led weapon set on destroying the white race. The image of the Degenerate is produced through the mobilization of anti-Semitic tropes, conservative Christian doctrine, and (pseudo)scientific rhetoric. This narrative presents homosexuality as a contagious risk to all people. The second character, the Substandard Ally, is constructed as a foil to the Degenerate. The Substandard Ally can be a member of the movement because they have no control over their sexuality and are adequately masculine. The strategies used to justify the Substandard Ally’s inclusion in the alt-right are to deploy the (il)logic of the closet and redraw the line between good/bad sex. I argue that the sexual storying of the alt-right ultimately functions to maintain white patriarchy by reinforcing the sexual value system, obscuring the workings of patriarchy by presenting a hybrid hegemonic masculinity, reconceptualizing the “good” sexual citizen, and deploying homonationalist discourses.
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6

Zein, Ramona. "En revolution eller en rasistisk rörelse? : En narrativ analys av två nyhetssajters beskrivning av alt-rightrörelsen". Thesis, Teologiska högskolan Stockholm, Avdelningen för mänskliga rättigheter, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:ths:diva-70.

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This thesis examines the alt-right movement through two conservative American news sites. The sites that were looked at were Breitbart and National Review. Five articles that discussed the alt-right movement were chosen from each news site. The articles that were chosen had all been written under 2016. This specific year was chosen due to the presidential election that was held that year. It is also because of the increased media coverage that the alt-right movement was receiving due to their connection to then candidate Donald Trump. The purpose of this thesis is to examine if there is a difference in the way the alt-right movement is described by the two new sites. To examine this, three factors were chosen as a foundation for the thesis. The factors dealt with the description of the members of the alt-right, racism and western values. The result showed a significant difference in how the alt-right movement was being portrayed by the articles form Breitbart and National Review. The articles from Breitbart showcased a positive description by sympathizing with their fight against the conservative establishment. The articles from National Review had a complete different outlook on the movement and deemed it as racist and threatening to the foundation of conservatism in the United States.
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7

Garpvall, Jessica. ""I’m tired of being sh-t on for being white” : Collective identity construction in the Alt-Right movement". Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6830.

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This thesis examines collective identity construction within the extreme right movement Alt-Right that gained public recognition during the 2016 US presidential campaign. Despite it being an increasingly stigmatized practice to openly articulate racist ideas in contemporary society, the Alt-Right movement managed to gain a following by doing just that. As collective identity funds collective action, a discourse analysis in line with Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s strand of discourse theory was conducted to understand what encourages and facilitates participation in the movement’s activities. The material consisted of articles connected to three different factions of the Alt-Right published online and the subsequent comments generated by these. The findings indicate that the collective identity constructed in the Alt-Right is white, masculine and heterosexual. This identity is constructed and reified through contrasting themselves against racialized and gendered Others. It is also reinforced by signs of intelligence, enlightenment, bravery and a sense of rebelliousness and fun linked to the collective identity. The Others are primarily constructed as the Jewish community, non-white groups, women and the LGBTQ community. The use of new information and communications technology facilitated the construction, in allowing participants to create virtual communities online where the collective identity was constructed and reified.
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8

Wiklund, Maria. "The misogyny within the manosphere. A discourse analysis in a Swedish context". Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för hälsa och samhälle (HS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-24615.

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Existing research about the manosphere and the subculture of Incels is primarily focused on the discourse on the American online discussion forums. After several high-profile attacks performed by Incels, resulting in severe casualties, the phenomenon of Incels has reached the mainstream media as well as public interest in the forums where members of the manosphere communicate. The discourse displays a highly misogynistic worldview, where the belief in a hegemonic patriarchy is oozing with toxic masculinity. The shared misogyny has also led to discursive interactions between Incels and the alt-right movement. Men are considered to be entitled to women, and a rejection is an excuse for violence. This study aims to investigate if the of misogynistic discourse expressed in the American manosphere as well as in the alt-right has gained hold in a Swedish context. Mainstream media, as well as alternative media, have been investigated and analysed with discourse theory. In discourse theory, language plays an active role in constructing the social world and discourse creates a world that looks real or true for the writer. The Swedish online discussion forum Flashback is where most of the communication seems to take place for groups within the manosphere as well as the alt-right and where most of the misogynistic context can be identified. Themes and concepts from the American misogynistic manosphere can be recognised and has gained a strong hold in the alternative media as well as mainstream media in Sweden. The strong hold of the misogyny in a Swedish context may display a risk for future violent actions.
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9

Wallin, Axel. "Antisemitism i Sverige : Hur kommer antisemitismen till uttryck inom alternativhögern i nutida Sverige?" Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Religionsvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-29229.

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Antisemitism is a word connected with the rise of the Third Reich during the 30s and 40s in Europe. But it is still very relevant today with alt-right movements growing and becoming stronger. This essay aims to show how the growing alt-right movements in Sweden expresses their antisemitic ideologies. Studies has shown that antisemitism has become stronger and more spread across Europe and Sweden. This essay will explain different scenarios from the past two years, which are connected to antisemitism in Sweden. These scenarios will later be analysed through different methods. Examples from alt-right websites and twitter accounts will also be presented to contribute to a thorough analysis. Later a parallel will be drawn between the scenarios and the ideologies of the Third Reich.
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10

Larsson, Oskar. "Appropriating Gaming - A Quantitative Content Analysis and Issue Mapping of the Online Campaign #NotMyBattlefield". Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21377.

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This thesis aims to examine how online engagement in the #NotMyBattlefield campaign can be understood as an online harassment campaign and a continuation of the Gamergate controversy. Research has shown that Gamergate was appropriated by external political groups, such as the Alt-Right. The Alt-Right is known to be highly adept in media manipulation, executing deliberate framing strategies as a means to push political agendas and gain influence online (Blodgett, 2020, p. 187; O’Donnell, 2019, p. 10). The group's appropriation of Gamergate and gaming culture is highly indicative of the politicisation of gaming culture. The aim of this research is twofold. First, an overarching content analysis seeks to analyse the rhetoric arguments and thematic patterns found in conjunction with the hashtag #NotMyBattlefield on Twitter. Secondly, this thesis employs an adapted version of Burgess and Matamoros-Fernández (2016) method of issue mapping. The purpose of this mapping is to analyse the campaign’s relationship to prominent actors within online media, as well as to examine the structure and patterns the campaign followed. The combined results of the content analysis and issue mapping reveal how the #NotMyBattlefield can be understood as a continuation of Gamergate, influenced by Alt-Right ideologies. They bare similarities in the way feminism and political correctness are painted out to be instigators of an attack on gaming culture.Furthermore, the results also reveal how such campaigns are primarily reactionary - only showing increased levels of activity in response to external factors and events. At no point in time did the campaign show any indications of self-sustained motivation or engagement. The results of this thesis further signify the politicisation of gaming culture. The influence of external forces, such as the Alt-Right, signifies a need for further research in order to gain a better understanding of how to circumvent and prevent the radicalisation of gaming.
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11

Gabrielsson, Daniel. "Är Sverigedemokraterna demokrater?" Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-132246.

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12

Lilljedahl, Carl-Magnus y Oscar Borg. ""Expropriation without compensation" : En kritisk diskursanalys av representationer i den folkfinansierade internetdokumentären Farmlands". Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Högskolan i Jönköping, HLK, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-42922.

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Den här studien analyserar Lauren Southerns dokumentärfilm Farmlands, som skildrar konflikten mellan vita och mörkhyade om äganderätten till mark i Sydafrika. Vi analyserar Farmlands utifrån dess språkliga och visuella representationer av den vita respektive mörkhyade befolkningen. Filmen är producerad med hjälp av folkfinansiering (crowdfunding) och distribuerad på Youtube. Syftet är att undersöka vilka diskursiva medel som används och vad dessa har för konsekvens för hur de två grupperna framställs. För att undersöka detta har fyra sekvenser ur filmen valts ut och analyserats med kritisk diskursanalys (CDA) med multimodala inslag som teori och metod. Utöver CDA används teorier gällande dokumentärfilmens logik och förhållande till sanning och verkligheten. Resultatet av analysen visar att Farmlands diskursivt driver ett tydligt vi och de-narrativ som framställer den vita gruppen i rollen som offer och den mörkhyade gruppen som förövare. Filmen erbjuder tittaren en empatisk och personlig relation till de vita individerna medan de mörkhyade diskursivt avpersonifieras och distanseras.
This study analyses Lauren Southern’s crowdfunded doumentary Farmlands, which depicts the ongoing land disputes between the black and white population of South Africa. The analysis focuses on the various representations of the white and black population in South Africa. The production of the documentary was made possible with the help of crowdfunding before it was published on Youtube. The purpose of this study is to identify which discoursive tools Southern utilizes and how those tools shape the representations of the white and black population of South Africa. In order to do this we selected four sequences from the documentary which we then analyzed using critical discourse analysis (CDA) with multimodal features as both the method and theory. In addition to CDA, we also used theories of documentary logic and the relationship documentary film has with the concept of truth and reality. The result of the analysis shows that Farmlands discoursively enforces a we and them narrative which paints the white population as the victims and the black population as the perpetrators. The documentary offers the viewer an emphatic personal relationship with the white individuals seen in the documentary, while the black people in the documentary are, through Southern’s use of discoursive tools, dehumanized and made difficult to relate to.
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13

Törnquist, Johannes y Leeloo Hägglund. "QANON : Från intressegrupp till statskupp". Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för informatik, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-183652.

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This study aims to dive deeper into the specific structure, propagation and adaptability of the American alt-right political movement QAnon’s underlying narrative through the lens of “Digital Storytelling”. The method employed being a holistic narrative analysis. Utilizing data collected from the image boards 4chan, 8chan and 8kun we look at a large narrative specifically centered around Donald Trump’s presidency. By gaining a more thorough understanding of the narrative techniques employed to create said narrative, this study will highlight resilient and recurring structures within the QAnon movement. Our findings show that the movement through the application of several characteristic features of digital storytelling have created a highly adaptable narrative. The cryptic nature of messaging used by the movements original author has through the instance of “decoding”, allowed a range of different interpretations to flourish. We identify three key factors connected to the success of the QAnon narrative, these being, 1: An authentic message, created through both hidden and visible feedback. 2: An elastic and resilient narrative, formed through iterative interpretations of coded messages. 3: A tight knitted group-identity, reinforced by the self-classifying as underdogs.
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14

Ridley, Simon. "Les sens de la liberté d’expression : socio-anthropologie comparative des campus de Berkeley et de Nanterre : appropriations, retournements, récupérations, recompositions et prolongements des mémoires collectives du Free Speech Movement de 1964 et du Mouvement du 22 Mars de 1968". Thesis, Paris 10, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA100013.

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L’université est une des institutions les plus fortes de l’époque moderne. Lieu d’élection de la contestation, elle peut se retrouver à présent la cible d’attaques sans précédent de l’extrême droite, en particulier aux Etats-Unis. Cette thèse vise à suivre un conflit de définition par le biais d’une ethnographie multisituée, avec comme terrain de recherche la liberté d’expression sur les campus universitaires. En partant d’une sociologie historique comparative du Free Speech Movement de 1964 à Berkeley et du Mouvement du 22 Mars de 1968 à Nanterre, une approche socio-anthropologique permet d’examiner une dualisation des mémoires collectives des mouvements étudiants des années 1960. Suivant une démarche inductive, je voyage avec mon terrain dont l’étude inclut une immersion au sein de plusieurs groupes révolutionnaires, l’observation des rites commémoratifs, des attentats, d’une diversité de pratiques autonomes, et s’étend jusqu’à l’inauguration de Trump et le retournement de la liberté d’expression par des groupes d’extrême droite, la montée en puissance de l’alt-right et ses spectacles/meetings sur les campus, provoquant une série d’émeutes urbaines. La contextualisation systématique et radicale, la pratique et la généalogie de l’archive, le savoir vécu, alliés à une approche comparatiste latérale, engagent à un travail historique sur l’institution universitaire. À rebours des thèses du capital humain, de la démocratie comme libre marché des idées, je retrace la question de l’émancipation, suivant la création d’une « génération civique » après 1944, jusqu’à son retournement numérique. Cette ethnographie politique incite à (re)penser la sociologie et la pédagogie critique comme contre-discours face à une culture anti-intellectuelle, pour rendre possible une culture commune de l’intelligence démocratique, un héritage choisi et réfléchi
The university is one of the strongest institutions of the modern era. After having been a prime place for dissent in the 1960s, today it is the target of unprecedented attacks by the far-right. This work aims to follow a conflict of definition via a multi-sited ethnography using freedom of expression on university campuses as a world for research. The method combines comparative historical sociology – of the Free Speech Movement (1964) and the Mouvement du 22 Mars (1968) – with a socio-anthropological approach, to shed light over the dualization of the collective memories of student movements. Taking an inductive approach, I travel with my fieldwork via commemorative rites, terrorist attacks, an immersion in several revolutionary groups and a diversity of autonomous practices, all the way to the Trump inauguration and the battle of free speech with the rise of the alt-right and the far-right shows/meetings on campuses, and a series of urban riots. The systematic radical contextualization as well as the practice and genealogy of archives, a living knowledge and lateral comparison, commit to a historical study of the university. Against the theories of human capital and of democracy as a marketplace of ideas, I trace the questions of emancipation following the emergence of a « civic generation » after 1944 to the uses of digital technologies as cultural attacks on democracy. This political ethnography encourages us to (re)think sociology and critical pedagogy as counter-discourses against an anti-intellectual culture, and in doing so it aims to empower a culture of democratic intelligence, a reflexive heritage
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15

Donley, Genie A. "The Gathering Storm: The Role of White Nationalism in U.S. Politics". Cleveland State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1526041792631243.

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16

"Alt-Right as a Social Movement: Ethnic Competition Theory and Internet Searches for Online Content". Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.57362.

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abstract: This thesis examines the social determinants of Alt-Right activity and provides an empirical assessment of whether the Alt-Right is influenced by social processes similar to those explaining participation in traditional white supremacist organizations. Using Internet search data from all counties in the United States (U.S.) between 2017 and 2018, I examine the effect of various county-level variables on search volume for Alt-Right content. Results indicate that the determinants of Alt-Right activity systematically differ from what one would expect for conventional racist groups. I find that counties with larger percentages of college graduates, of highly educated non-white and immigrant groups, and higher poverty levels for college graduates tend to have a higher search volume for Alt-Right content. Overall, these findings suggest that, in marked contrast to traditional hate organizations—the Alt-Right’s constituency is comprised predominantly of affluent, college-educated individuals.
Dissertation/Thesis
Masters Thesis Justice Studies 2020
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17

Barkdull, Nicholas y 白洛克. "The Dark Side of the Internet Public Sphere: An Analysis of the Alt-right in Cyberspace". Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/zncydj.

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博士
國立交通大學
社會與文化研究所
107
This dissertation conducts a series of case studies on “Alt-right” (alternative right) Internet communities. The case studies are conducted through the lens of public theory to problematize the Internet as a technology capable of facilitating a healthy, transnational public sphere. The Alt-right is an extremist political movement that gained momentum in the English-speaking world and peaked around the 2016 United States presidential election. Until now, it has been a common, techno-deterministic assumption of both politicians and scholars that the Internet facilitates democratic values by providing an opportunity for assembly in cyberspace, free from body-connected limitations like class, gender, and race. In other words, they believe the Internet provides a digital, global public sphere. However, the prominence of the Alt-right is an important challenge to classic Habermasian public sphere theory since the political movement aims to shift social norms toward white supremacy and misogyny by manipulating speech and truth.
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18

Downs, Alexander. "Rozhraní ANT-Security a současná informační krize". Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-435917.

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We live in a world driven by fast technologies. The same technologies that make information more accessible have created a dilemma by which the same conduits have also enabled access to mass amounts of counter-factual information. It is the assertion of this thesis project that counter- factual information poses a growing risk to the security and stability in liberal democratic societies and warrants a proportional response. The body of work which follows will explore what I have characterized as an information crisis. The information crisis, so presented, is a multi-faceted issue. It's constituent causes and outcomes concern both scholars of security studies and sociology. To address breadth of scope and immediacy of the crisis, the conceptual framework purposed in this project offers an interface between actor-network theory and security studies (ANT-security interface). Actor-network theory is a material-semiotic approach that preferences engagement with human and technological actants as an assemblage. Or, in other words, a network of relationships. The first chapter will introduce the dimensions of the information crisis, providing relevant examples of how counter-factual information embodies a human, and societal security issue. It will delineate important concepts such as misinformation, and...
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19

Larsson, Oskar. ""No Left, No Right - Only the Game" : A Netnographic Study of the Online Community r/KotakuInAction". Thesis, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43871.

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This thesis examines how 'othering' discourse can be used to construct and negotiate boundaries and shape collective identities within online spaces. Through a mixed-method approach of thematic analysis and a netnographic study, and by drawing on theoretical concepts of online othering and identity formation, this thesis explores how the Gamergate community r/KotakuInAction can be understood in relation to Gamergate, the Alt-Right and society at large. The results show that the community perceive and construct the SJW as a common adversary – a monstrous representation of feminism, progressiveness and political correctness. The analysis also revealed how racist rhetorics and white male anxieties characterize the communitys' othering discourse. Through an in-depth study of user-submitted comment, this thesis argues that r/KotakuInAction's collective identity is fluid and reactionary in nature, characterized by a discourse that is indicative of Alt-Right ideology and white male supremacy. Future research should further explore the network of communities that r/KotakuInAction is part of, as well as examine how the community transform over time.
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20

Chagas, Linhares Dominique. "Role které ženy hrají v alternativní pravici: aspirace a limity". Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-436037.

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Despite women's historical involvement in far phenomenon is a mismatch between analysts' expectations and far right women's be The lack of substantial research that focuses on women's narratives and recollections of their women's positions. A recent replication of this phenomenon is right women's motivations in en the movement is aligned to their interests. Additionally, I engage with women's perspectives on right and the lack of space and support for women's the subjects of women's interests in the alt right' women's perspectives in women's terms, as such an approach will provide analysts and
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21

Gordon, Jesse. "When data crimes are real crimes: voter surveillance and the Cambridge Analytica conflict". Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/11075.

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This thesis asks what conditions elevated the Cambridge Analytica (CA) conflict into a sustained and global political issue? Was this a privacy conflict and if so, how was it framed as such? This work demonstrates that the public outcry to CA formed out of three underlying structural conditions: The rise of the alt-right as an ideology, surveillance capitalism, and a growing and unregulated voter analytics industry. A network of actors seized the momentum of this conflict to drive the message that voter surveillance is a threat to democratic elections. These actors humanized the CA conflict and created a catalyst for a large scale public outrage to these previously ignored structures. Their focus on democratic threat also allowed this conflict to transcend the typical contours of a privacy conflict and demonstrate that the consequences of CA are societal, rather than personal. Despite the democratic threat of voter surveillance, Canada and the United States have yet to address the wider implications of voter surveillance adequately. Thus, how these systems are used will be a question of central importance in upcoming elections.
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