Tesis: "American Politics"

1

Hong, Jung-Min. "Political Polarization and Independent Voters in American Politics". University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1439301969.

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2

Wilson, Catherine Heden Alvarez R. Michael. "Political information, institutions and citizen participation in American politics /". Diss., Pasadena, Calif. : California Institute of Technology, 2003. http://resolver.caltech.edu/CaltechETD:etd-05292003-160904.

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3

Mockabee, Stephen T. "Party polarization in American politics /". The Ohio State University, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1486572165277406.

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4

Makse, Todd. "The Redistricting Cycle in American State Politics". The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1279043267.

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5

Camacho, David E. "Chicano Urban Politics: The Role of the Political Entrepreneur". University of Arizona, Mexican American Studies and Research Center, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/218632.

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6

Rousseau, Bobb. "Haitian Votes Matter: Haitian Immigrants in Florida in Local Politics and Government". ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/5520.

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This qualitative study investigated perceived barriers to the incorporation of Haitian immigrants in Florida into local politics and government. The theoretical framework for this study was Marschall and Mikulska's theory of minority political incorporation to better understand the political ambition of Haitian immigrants to emerge as candidates and voters toward achieving electoral success and a substantive representation. The research question addressed the lived experiences and perceptions of Haitian immigrants related to barriers to their political mobilization at district, state, and federal levels. A phenomenological study design was used with open-ended interviews of 10 Haitian Americans who lived in Florida for at least 3 years. Data were analyzed through a six phase thematic analysis, were categorized into themes and subthemes and were later coded to determine which ones best expressed the challenges that Haitian immigrants were facing. Results indicated immigration statuses, language, and poor knowledge of Haitian immigrants of U.S. politics as well as poor leadership and the absence of a communication platform as factors hindering the incorporation of Haitian immigrants into local politics and governments. Haitian-American leaders could benefit from the results of this study as they may develop a cohesive framework for citizenship drives, voter registration, community outreach, and literacy programs. The positive social change implications from this research include the view that Haitian immigrants are not a burden on the U.S. economy, but a potentially mature and attractive minority group with political value to U.S. lawmakers, district, state and presidential candidates.

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7

Schwartz, Devan. "American Cuerpos". PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/97.

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On election night 2008, a child is conceived by two Barack Obama campaign staffers--Daniel from Seattle, Anza from Honduras. American Cuerpos is a novel about the body and the body politic, about what it means to give birth through the eyes of both mother and father.

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8

Coil, William Russell. "Mayoral politics and new deal political culture: James Rhodes and the African-American voting bloc in Columbus, Ohio, 1943-1951". The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1399627321.

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9

Kimball, David C. "The divided voter in American politics /". The Ohio State University, 1997. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487948158629253.

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10

Tiongson, Antonio T. "Filipino youth cultural politics and DJ culture". Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3199265.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed February 28, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 206-220).

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11

Shen, Han. "Integrating the Personal and the Political: The Body Politics in "Daughter of Earth"". W&M ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626480.

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12

Houssouba, Mohomodou Strickland Ronald. "Teaching the diaspora beyond identity politics /". Normal, Ill. Illinois State University, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p9914569.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Illinois State University, 1998.
Title from title page screen, viewed July 11, 2006. Dissertation Committee: Ronald L. Strickland (chair), Jonathan M. Rosenthal, Cecil Giscombe. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 203-208) and abstract. Also available in print.

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13

Zeng, Shuting. "The Dalai Lama in American Documentaries: Symbol, Politics and American Mirroring". W&M ScholarWorks, 2014. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626747.

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14

Kim, Thomas Paul. "Strategy and choice in Asian American politics /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3025939.

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15

Baker, Joseph O. "Theism, Sexual Politics, and the American States". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/487.

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16

Leon, Velez Angelica Maria. "Latino Subgroups Political Participation in American Politics: The Other Latinos’ Electoral Behavior". Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6723.

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This thesis explores the impact of Latinidad in Latino political participation, especially in regard to voting behavior. Although Latinos often have been portrayed as a decisive electoral group, the reality is they have not fulfilled the expectations imposed upon them. Therefore, I argue Latinos with different levels of group consciousness will engage differently in politics, which affects the voting statistics of the ethnicity in Censuses, reports and surveys. The use of pan-ethnic terms and the constant stereotypes of Latinos all being “the same,” has caused separation rather than cohesiveness within the minority group, which has resulted in low political engagement. I propose that those Latino immigrants and their descendants who do not have a strong attachment to the pan-ethnicity will behave differently than those who identify themselves in pan-ethnic terms. Consequently, I have come to wonder how Latinidad impacts those who are not part of the main Latino subgroups —Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, and Cubans— and have been denominated the “other Latinos” when engaging in politics? South Americans, Central Americans, and Caribbean immigrants have been smashed into a group where they do not occupy a significant place. I suggest that differences in country of origin will have an impact on how Latin American immigrants will participate in American politics. To test my hypothesis, I have made a secondary analysis of existent literature. This analysis includes crosstabulations of data obtained from the 2012 National Survey of Latinos, conducted by the Pew Research Center. Through the analysis of the data and the existent literature, I have concluded that the pan-ethnic terms are not strongly entrenched in Latino’s regular use of identity. Respondents mostly said to not have a preference for either term, still their vote intention was high. Differences are noticeable among Latinos/Hispanics that have different ancestries, however, these are sometimes stabilized by citizenship. The data proved that the identity categories used for surveys directed at Latinos/Hispanics are not specific enough, given that a considerable percentage of participants were confused about how to classify themselves, which altered the results. This current study will contribute to the work of Latino studies, that for more than 50 years have tried to get to know those who make up the Latino community, by approaching identity and Latino politics from a different perspective. A perspective where those called Latinos/Hispanics can identify themselves instead of being randomly categorized.

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17

Streator, Campbell. ""Pig-Sawce" and Politics: The History of Barbecue as a Political Institution in the United States". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1920.

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This thesis examines the history of barbecue as a political institution in the United States. It pulls from a wide variety of cultural and political sources to trace the story of barbecue’s evolution in America from cooking structure to social gathering, and addresses barbecue’s varied political meanings and implementations from before the American Revolution through the twentieth century. Along the way, it discusses the ways in which barbecue as a political institution has been used to cultivate an American identity, played a role in the development of personality driven politics in the United States, and found itself at the center of debates over race and equality in America.

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18

Moore, David L. "Native knowing : the politics of epistemology in American and Native American literature /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9376.

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19

Williams, Katlyn E. "American magic: authorship and politics in the new American literary genre fiction". Diss., University of Iowa, 2018. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/6664.

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This project examines how a subset of contemporary American literary cross-genre authors use popular forms within their fiction to comment on, interact with, and critique the possibilities of formula fiction and modern fan communities. I argue that the historic feminization of the popular (set against the stoicism of realism), combined with the startlingly masculine histories of popular genres like science fiction and fantasy, has resulted in distinct differences in the style and aims of male and female authors utilizing hybrid forms. The writers comprising the focus of this study, Junot Díaz, Michael Chabon, Margaret Atwood, and Kelly Link, create a range of competing modes of genre mixing that clarify the lingering effects of popular genre’s marginalization by the literary elite and the academy. The chapters of this project move through these modes by examining, respectively, toxic nerd fantasies and fandoms, the impact of fan fiction and its universalizing impulse, the rise of “speculative fiction,” and the role of domestic fabulism in reimagining the limited frameworks of realism and celebrating the possibilities of mass tropes and forms. Each of these chapters interrogates the author’s impact on the developing field of the new American literary genre fiction, linking their public personas as fans and scholars of genre to the attitudes and ideologies advanced by their fiction. These projects, anti-imperialist or feminist in nature, make self-conscious arguments about the value of the popular genres with which they interact. By focusing on the links between the author’s persona, public reception, and cultural fandoms, and the impact of these elements on contemporary cross-genre fiction, I attempt to revitalize genre theory in a manner that challenges its historically hierarchal configurations, particularly for women authors and consumers of the popular.

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20

Goodrich, Claire. "Texas Politics in State and Nation". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1212.

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This thesis analyzes a gradual political transformation in Texas during the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. It specifically analyzes the political climate following the 2014 Midterm Elections by using the valuable context of past Texas political history. In spite of the massive setbacks of the 2014 election cycle, the Democratic Party may actually have a bright future in the state of Texas. Demographic and economic trends provide the party with an opportunity to make steady gains. But such progress will not happen automatically: Democrats have to run candidates and take positions that appeal to the emerging Texas electorate.

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21

Bell, Monita Kaye Wyss Hilary E. "Getting hair "fixed" Black Power, transvaluation, and hair politics /". Auburn, Ala, 2008. http://repo.lib.auburn.edu/EtdRoot/2008/SPRING/English/Thesis/Bell_Monita_45.pdf.

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22

Adkins, Jason Michael. "Politics from the Pulpit: A Critical Test of Elite Cues in American Politics". Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1531927892623716.

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23

Ura, Joseph Daniel Vanberg Georg. "The effects of judicial review in American politics". Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,349.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 10, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.

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24

Scroop, Daniel Mark. "Jim Farley, the Democratic Party and American politics". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365516.

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25

Bell, J. W. "The Cold War and American politics, 1946-1952". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.596536.

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The thesis attempts to trace the role of the state prevalent in American political discourse in shaping politics and legislation in the late 1940s and early 1950s. This has involved linking developments in American foreign policy with changes in political views of the state at home. The aim of my research has been to set political developments at the centre of American studies in this period by arguing that they had a profound effect upon broader American society and its views of the wider world. This helps to explain why the political ideology of social democracy, or the involvement of government as a provider of economic and social justice, declined in America after World War II in contrast in most other industrialised nations. I argue that while traditional American hostility to government generally weakened during the depression and war, the Cold War encouraged Americans generally to associate the state with totalitarianism. Politically-promoted conceptions of life in the USSR and Great Britain in particular were used both to reorient American political priorities away from social reform and to marginalise those who attempted to take further the more progressive aspects of the New Deal. The association of the state with inimical ideologies abroad, and the notion that America was a socially cohesive nation, in which all citizens were 'free' and 'equal', formed a political orthodoxy strengthened by developments in foreign affairs. The dissertation analyses key figures in both political parties, as well as key pressure groups, in the period 1946-1952. It also traces the development of public opinion over the same period, and attempts to show how the images of others nations at the heart of the Cold War lessened the prospects for European-style social democracy in the United States in the later twentieth century.

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26

Nicholson, Ross. "Young People and American Politics,c.1950-1984". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.517304.

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27

Drolet, Jean-Francois. "American Neoconservatism and the Politics of Liberal Modernity". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.522882.

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28

Twyman, Bruce Edward. "Black Seminoles and North American politics 1693-1845". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1995. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1102.

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This study examined the interaction between rebellious African slaves, who took refuge in Florida, and the governments of Spain, Britain and the United States. The rebels fled British and American slavery in the Carolinas and Georgia. The study is based on the premise that this interaction reveals a genuine political relationship between the rebels and the governments. Administrative documents, records and military correspondence of the various governments furnish the foundation of the study's analytical data. This is a case study in which a political-historical method is used to analyze documents, diaries, and other data. The researcher found that numerous references about rebel slaves in Florida exist in the documents. Also, each government formed specific policies because of the rebels. The conclusions drawn from the findings suggest that because the Florida rebels were able to sustain their freedom through war, they received the scrutiny of the various governments. As a military ally, the rebels helped Spain keep its Florida colony until 1821. British and United States political leaders were forced to seek first diplomatic, then military measures, to counter the activities of the rebels and their allies.

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29

Mason, Francis Andrew. "Narrative and postmodernism : politics and contemporary American fiction". Thesis, University of Southampton, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.386656.

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30

Comba, Lily J. "Literary Relationships That Transformed American Politics and Society". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/877.

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Texts such as Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin, Harriet Jacobs’ Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl, and Nella Larsen’s Quicksand each present a different understanding and perspective of relationships based on their time periods and social statures. The type of relationship Stowe focuses on in her novel is that of friendship. Friends, defined as people with whom have a bond of mutual affection, and friendships, the state of mutual trust and support (Merriam-Webster), anchor the relationships that Eva and Eliza create with members on the plantation. These female protagonists turn to friendship as a way to live each day more normally – that is, to somehow alleviate the brutal cruelty of living through slavery. Despite varying odds, trials, and tribulations, seeking friendships that had preservative and supportive qualities allowed the female protagonists in Stowe’s novel to survive their own lives. The friendships Eva and Eliza formed discredit what many paternalist pro-slavery authors used as evidence to justify the institution of slavery. In the paternalist proslavery mindset, slave-owner and slave friendships revealed the benefits of slavery – that the two groups would be happier together rather than apart. Stowe discredits this mentality by relating to her 19th century reader’s emotions, representative of the sentimental genre in which she writes. However, in writing about slavery from a white woman’s perspective, Stowe isn’t fully exempt from the paternalist genre. As I will examine later, many of her statements about slavery and the friendships she narrates embody implicitly racist stereotypes and caricatures that complicate the abolitionist approach to her novel. In this way, she falls under the category of paternalist abolitionism, rather than paternalist proslavery. Stowe also highlights the fleeting nature of these friendships. Many, if not all, of the friendships Eva and Eliza form are not able to last, which is one way Stowe argues against the institution of slavery. Following Stowe, my discussion of Jacobs will introduce a slave’s perspective to female relationships in slavery. The relationships in Jacobs’ narrative are centered on family, and the power of relying on one’s own blood or close-knit community to survive slavery. Writing also within the sentimental mode, Jacobs focuses on her reader’s emotions in order to propel her anti-slavery argument. The female relationships Jacobs details are grounded in literal and metaphorical motherhood. She highlights these relationships as an emotional and familial, particularly motherly, survival method. Jacobs’ text showcases the importance of family, rather the relationships or friendships formed with strangers– thereby differentiating her argument from Stowe’s. Nella Larsen’s Quicksand draws on the emotional and social difficulties one biracial woman faced in a world affected by the legacy of slavery and World War I. As a biracial woman, Helga develops relationships with men and women she hopes will support her progressive way of thinking and sense of selfhood. Helga’s relationships are more aptly defined as partnerships – given that “partners” may involve sexual, non-sexual, and business-like dynamics between two people. Helga must find authentic, or non-hypocritical, people to assist in her journey for selfhood and kin. But similarly to the relationships in Stowe and Jacobs, the friendships Helga creates often fail her. The question of why they fail in Quicksand connects directly to the question the novel itself is asking: is the search for selfhood more important than the search for kin? The argument all three works make with these failures represents a call to action – not just for the time period in which their novels were written, but also for future American communities. The continuing consequences of racial and gender discrimination exposed by Stowe, Jacobs, and Larsen show us that real social change must come from people – from the relationships we form.

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31

Jessee, Stephen A. "Policy, party and perceptual bias in American politics /". May be available electronically:, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU1MTUmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=12498.

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32

Reyes, Eric Estuar. "The politics of globalization in Filipino American culture /". View online version; access limited to Brown University users, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3134344.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Brown University, 2004.
Available in film copy fromProQuestDissertation Publishing. Vita. Thesis advisor: Neil Lazarus. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 207-235). Also available online.

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33

Mueller, Laura Joy. "The Logic of American Exceptionalism: Petrus Ramus, the Puritans, and Contemporary American Politics". OpenSIUC, 2010. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/207.

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Petrus Ramus was one of the most influential philosophers of the 1500s. His attempted reform of pedagogy, which was exemplified in his dialectic and rhetoric, not only changed the way people generations after taught and thought, but also demonstrated the scholastic reforms occurring in his lifetime. Ramus' influence is evident through the amount of controversy it sparked, the amount of scholarship devoted to Ramus, and, most importantly, the spread of Ramism from Europe to New England, finding its home in the New England Puritans. Through the passing of time, Puritan notions have not entirely been subsumed and have recently reappeared in American political discourse. American Exceptionalism, traceable to the Puritans, has emerged in the words of conservative American politicians such as Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush, and Sarah Palin. Has American identity, imbued with Puritan ideas, also been infected with a subtle Ramism? A study of political and theological reactions to 9/11--a reflection of the Puritan "provoking evils" --and political speeches appealing to the fabled "city upon a hill" not only show the continuance of American Exceptionalism but also demonstrate Ramist logic at work. The identification of America as "exceptional," and the support of this idea as provided by the aforementioned reactions and speeches, exhibit a belief in the ontological relationship between signs and exceptionalism. By investigating Ramism, Ramist influence upon the Puritans, and the theology and logic of Jonathan Edwards, along with recent American political discourse, one can still see not only the Puritan traces in recent American identity, but also the Ramist roots twining through it all.

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34

Berggren, D. Jason. "I had a different way of governing : the evangelical presidential style of Jimmy Carter and his mission for middle east peace". FIU Digital Commons, 2007. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1624.

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President Jimmy Carter once said, “I had a different way of governing.” In attempting to explain what he meant by this, Carter has been variously described as a political amateur, a trustee, a non-political politician, an “active-positive” president, and a forerunner of the 1990s’ New Democrats. It is argued here, however, that mere secular descriptions and categories such as these do not adequately capture the essence of Carter’s brand of politics and his understanding of the presidency. Rejecting Richard Neustadt’s prescriptions for effective presidential leadership, Carter thought political bargaining and compromise were “dirty” and “sinful.” He deemed the ways of Washington as “evil,” and considered many, if not most, career politicians immoral. While he fully supported the institutional separation of church and state, politics for Carter was about “doing right,” telling the truth, and making the United States and the world “a better demonstration of what Christ is.” Like two earlier Democrats, William Jennings Bryan and Woodrow Wilson, Carter understood politics as an alternative form of Christian ministry and service. In this regard, Carter was a presidential exception. Carter’s evangelical faith gave his politics meaning, skill, vision, and a framework for communication. Using Fred Greenstein’s categories of presidential leadership, Carter’s faith provided him with “emotional intelligence”, too. However, Carter’s evangelical style provoked many of his contemporaries, including many of his fellow Democrats. To his critics at home and abroad, Carter was often accused of being arrogant, stubborn, naive, and ultimately a political failure. But as evinced by his indispensable role in negotiating peace between Israel and Egypt, his leadership style also provided him some remarkable achievements. The research here is based on a thorough examination of President Carter’s many writings, his public papers, interviews, and opinion pieces. Written accounts from former Carter administration officials and from Israeli and Egyptian participants at Camp David are also used. This project is largely descriptive, qualitative in approach, but quantitative data are used when appropriate and as supplements.

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35

DePalo, Kathryn Andrews. "State legislative term limits and the law of unintended consequences : an examination of member behavior, power structures, and legislative organization in Florida". FIU Digital Commons, 2006. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2772.

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The implementation of term limits on state legislators has provided a wealth of data for study. Florida, the second largest state in the Union with term limits, has not been comprehensively studied. This research examines the effects of term limits on electoral competition, member composition, legislator career paths, legislative leadership, and intra- and inter-governmental influences on Florida's legislature. This study looks at the Florida legislature from 1992 when term limits were enacted through 2004, three electoral cycles in which term limits have been in effect. This study uses both quantitative and qualitative data where appropriate. Electoral data is used to assess electoral and demographic effects, as well as member career trajectories. Interview data with current and former legislators, lobbyists, and executive branch officials is used to analyze both changes in legislative organization and intra- and inter-governmental influences on the legislative process. Term limits has only created greater competition when a legislative seat opens and has actually created a greater advantage for incumbents. Women and minorities have only made minimal gains in winning seats post-term limits. Newly elected legislators are not political novices with a vast majority having previous elective experience. Leadership is more centralized under term limits and the Senate has gained an advantage over the more inexperienced House. Lastly, the influence of staff, lobbyists, and most importantly, the governor has greatly increased under term limits. This research finds that term limits have not produced the consequences that proponents had envisioned.

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36

Corrigan, Lane Hannah. "Protecting the "Worst of the Worst": The Constitutional Rights of Non-Citizen Enemies in World War II and the War on Terror". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1481.

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After the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, President Bush authorized the detention of certain non-citizens suspected of terrorism at the naval base in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Beginning in 2004, the Supreme Court considered whether these non-citizens were entitled to rights under the Constitution. In deciding that question, the Court compared the facts in the War on Terror cases with World War II cases that dealt with the rights of captured Nazis. Though the cases from World War II denied all protections to nonresident enemies, the Court in 2004 and 2008 determined that detentions in Guantanamo were unique. As such, the Court held that non-citizens detained at Guantanamo had certain constitutional privileges. I analyze two cases from World War II, Johnson v. Eisentrager and Ex Parte Quirin, and two cases from the War on Terror, Rasul v. Bush and Boumediene v. Bush, to illustrate the evolution in the Court’s understanding of non-citizen enemies’ rights. Ultimately, I find that the Court has done its part to protect detainees’ basic rights, but that Congress should do more to enact legislation that embodies our nation’s commitment to fairness, justice, and other constitutional values.

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37

Harris, Charles. "FDR and Economic Rights in the American Tradition". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2190.

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This thesis examines the idea of economic rights and their place in American political history. The American constitutional understanding of rights has historically not included positive economic rights and has focused on negative political liberties. Chapter One is a discussion of what economic rights are in a broad sense. Then in Chapter Two I focus on Roosevelt. In his 1944 State of the Union Address, he proposed a “Second Bill of Rights” for America that was a list of economic rights. I use that speech and some of FDR’s other writings to understand economic rights as they were seen at their height in the American context. Chapter Three is a look at various methods of implementing economic rights, and it includes some comparative elements that demonstrate how economic rights have been put into force internationally. I conclude with a brief proposal for a modern economic bill of rights and a reflection on their enduring importance.

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38

Primus, Richard A. "The American language of rights". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.282058.

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39

Ferreyra, Ricardo Diego. "Political transition and institutionalization of party politics in Venezuela". FIU Digital Commons, 2000. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3314.

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The purpose of this thesis is to evaluate the processes of consolidation and decomposition of the Venezuelan party system and their relation to democratic stability. Both processes are analyzed through a theoretical framework based on four conditions for institutionalization and three conditions for decomposition of a party system. Preliminary findings reveal that the Venezuelan party system became institutionalized as of 1969 but began to unravel during the 1980s. This particular order, whose legitimacy rested on the distribution of rents, solidified an arrangement that collapsed when confronted with a deteriorating economic environment combined with growing popular disenchantment stemming from its institutional inability to represent and respond to shifting demands. The thesis also concludes that current political developments do not respond to a process of institutionalization of a new party system but to the development of an inchoate system.

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40

Einstein, Katherine. "Divided Regions: Race, Political Segregation, and the Fragmentation of American Metropolitan Policy". Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10123.

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Since the 1980s, the American federal government has devolved a wide array of crucial policy decisions - from transportation to welfare initiatives - to the state and local levels. With a decrease in federal aid and an increase in the number of tools available to lower tiers of government, scholars of American urban politics have suggested that cooperation among metropolitan jurisdictions could help address critical political and policy challenges, including inequities in municipal resources and unfettered suburban sprawl. This dissertation argues that metropolitan political segregation|that is, geographically-based political divisions - represents a serious obstacle to these partnerships and remains poorly understood. This project thus has two goals: to explain variations in metropolitan political segregation and explore their consequences for regional coalition-building. I first present a theory connecting America's unique racial geography to political segregation. I contend that racially segregated metropolitan areas with large minority population concentrations will experience more political segregation than their more homogenous peers. These political divisions will in turn hinder coalition-building surrounding critical metropolitan policies. Marshaling 1988 and 2000 precinct-level electoral data for every metropolitan area in the country, I find that racial demographics almost exclusively explain variations in political segregation, with more racially segregated, heavily black and Latino metropolitan areas exhibiting greater geographic political divisions. These rifts in turn have a potent impact on metropolitan policy outcomes. Taking advantage of an array of qualitative and quantitative data on mass transportation and affordable housing policy-making, I discover that greater political segregation constrains metropolitan coalition-building and spurs more fragmented policy outcomes. These findings have a disturbing implication: those regions with concentrated pockets of poverty - places most in need of metropolitan cooperation in the contemporary, heavily localized political climate - are the least able to forge partnerships around shared local policy goals.

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41

Strickler, Jeremy. "Between Guns and Butter: Cold War Presidents, Agenda-Setting, and Visions of National Strength". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/19339.

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This project investigates how the emergent ideological, institutional, and political commitments of the national defense and security state shape the domestic programmatic agendas of modern presidents. Applying a historical and developmental analysis, I trace this dynamic from its origin in the twin crises of the Great Depression and World War II to examine how subsequent presidents since Franklin D. Roosevelt have navigated the intersecting politics of this warfare -welfare nexus. I use original, archival research to examine communications between the president and his staff, cabinet members, administration officials, and Congressional leaders to better appreciate how the interaction of these dual political commitments are reflected in the formulation and promotion of the president’s budgetary requests and domestic policy initiatives. More directly, I focus on the relationship between the national security politics of the Cold War and the efforts of Presidents Truman and Eisenhower to support their objectives in either the expansion or retrenchment of the New Deal-liberal welfare state. My research suggests that Cold War concerns occasionally aided the growth of the welfare state in areas such as public health and federal aid to education, while at other times defense and security anxieties provided the backdrop for presidential efforts to diminish the political capacity of the welfare state. More specifically, I find that both Truman and Eisenhower constructed visions of national strength which framed their initiatives in national defense and social welfare as interrelated goals. In the end, I argue that the changing institutions, ideologies, and international commitments of the warfare state present both opportunities and challenges for presidents to articulate political visions in service of domestic policy advancement.

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42

Evans, Richard Kent. "MOVE: RELIGION, SECULARISM, AND THE POLITICS OF CLASSIFICATION". Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2018. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/505910.

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History
Ph.D.
This dissertation is a study of how religion is manufactured, policed, imagined, and defended in the modern United States. It traces the history of one group, MOVE, from its inception in the late 1960s to the present in order to illustrate how the category of religion functions in the modern United States. The central premise of the book is that MOVE people believed MOVE was a religion. They believed, nearly from the very beginning of the group, that John Africa was a prophet who communicated on behalf of the divine, that his Teachings were inspired and had supernatural effects on the body, and that MOVE people had a role to play in a cosmic conflict between forces of good (The Law of Mama) and forces of evil (The System). Despite this, MOVE was rarely allowed to be a religion. That is, MOVE’s claim that they had a religion was, more often than not, dismissed. Historians of religion have, in recent years, begun turning their attention to the people with the power to define lived experience as either religious or secular. In MOVE’s case, the people who defined their experience as secular, and not religious, included police officers, judges, journalists, established religious leaders, and politicians. At various points throughout MOVE’s history, these social actors articulated a series of claims about what “true religion” was and why MOVE did not count. The disconnect between how MOVE people viewed themselves and how MOVE was understood by most outside the group points to the central concern of this dissertation.
Temple University--Theses

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43

Bissonette, Devan. "Charisma and the American presidency". Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/1425607.

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44

Curtis, Alex. "Investigating the Conceptions of the Tea Party". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/380.

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The Tea Party is a highly publicized movement that has been met with both support and opposition but very little objective reporting from the partisan media. In 2009, amidst a financial crisis unlike any in recent history, a war being fought oversees, and a questioning of American values, this movement known as the Tea Party arose. Borrowing from the annals of history and staying true to the foundations set by the Fathers of our country, the Tea Party movement seeks to provide answers to the growing economic and social issues in the United States. The three core values of the movement are fiscal responsibility, limited government, and free market economics. Yet, the Tea Party movement, while seemingly logical and legitimate, was and continues to be, met with much criticism and combativeness. The frequent colonial dress and showmanship which characterizes their protests, the historical reference from which they get their name, and their strict adherence to the Constitution all seem to fuel the frequent trivialization of these self-proclaimed patriots and their movement, resulting in misconceptions and the stereotyping of supporters. But in a time dominated by sound bytes, tweets and headlines, the media can be deceiving. Therefore, as a young Government major intrigued by a movement that had so rapidly gained America’s attention, I set out to discover through interviews with real Tea Party members what the movement is really all about.

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45

Gallagher, Thomas. "The Entertainment Presidency: American Politics in the Digital Age". Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2016. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/396514.

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Media & Communication
Ph.D.
The essential issue of this project is the relationship between the American people and their president. As technology changes, people adapt to new methods of communication which simultaneously allow them to connect with others and the wider world more easily and yet also separate themselves from others and the wider world more easily. The need for presidential candidates and sitting presidents to connect with citizens has led to the adoption of diverse media strategies that include traditional news initiatives with established journalists, face to face interaction with small groups of supporters, and visits to traditionally non-political entertainment-based venues. This dissertation research examines that last element of presidential-level communication: an embrace of entertainment forums for political purposes. This project is a necessary contribution to the field because there has not been a thorough and exclusive examination of the embrace of the entertainment-based venue by presidential campaigns guided by the thoughts of veterans of presidential campaigns themselves. Some scholars and journalists have partially analyzed this phenomenon as part of a larger examination of presidential communication strategy, but this specific element has largely been uninspected and has become especially relevant in the context of the presidency of Barack Obama, a trailblazer in the use of entertainment-based venues for political purposes, and in the context of presidential campaigns and administrations going forward. The 2016 presidential primaries have only made the purpose of this project more urgent because of the rise of Donald Trump, perhaps the ultimate example of the fusing of politics and entertainment. To understand the phenomena driving presidential campaigns to embrace entertainment-based venues, I conducted interviews with twenty-two veterans of presidential campaigns dating back to the 1980 election. Between them, these twenty-two political strategists have worked for five administrations – Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama – and a number of major campaigns in every election cycle since 1980, including the 2016 campaign. I also conducted two interviews with veterans of the most viewed entertainment platforms of the 1990s and 2000s: The Tonight Show with Jay Leno and The Late Show with David Letterman. These twenty-four interviews, including with one individual who worked for both a presidential campaign and a late night entertainment talk show, were conducted between March 2015 and February 2016 and included targeted questions and an oral history component. Presidential candidates have increasingly needed to stress the lighter sides of their personalities to appeal to a voting public fascinated by the horserace media coverage of presidential politics but largely uninterested in the minutiae of day-to-day policymaking. Slowly, sitting presidents have attempted to do the same but have had to balance revelation with the responsibilities of holding the highest office in the land. This project evaluates the implications of the moves that presidential campaigns and presidential administrations have made to become more accessible and connected with the citizenry in a constantly changing media environment. Based on the data collected through the interview process, his project offers a new theoretical underpinning for this media strategy based on a synthesis of role theory, the postmodern presidency theory, and technological determinism that allows for the significant influence of individual personality in the decision-making process and predicts how future campaigns will operate in this regard as media technology and American political culture evolve.
Temple University--Theses

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46

Jean-Louis, Angela. "Influencing American Health Policy: An Analysis of the Role of National Black Women-Led Organizations". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2017. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/cauetds/73.

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Through a multiple case study approach, this dissertation outlined patterns of activism, examined the factors that assist in decision-making strategies used for the political mobilization of black women, and assessed the role and influence their organizations have in the health policy arena. Building on the belief that the intersectionality of race, gender, and class guides the activism of black women, the study acknowledges the importance of analyzing the political conditions of black women that are different from black men and white women. Furthermore, the research offered an argument for the need of a theoretical framework that provides a multidimensional analysis of black women’s political representation. For that reason, the theory developed in this study was a Black Women’s Activism Theoretical Framework. Expanding on black feminist thought, the framework reveals ways in which black female activists have mobilized for self-representation and building of their own collective self, vision, and voice. A mixed research method and holistic case studies of five national black women- led organizations in the areas of breast cancer, cardiovascular disease, and HIV/AIDS were applied. The qualitative data were quantified, coded, and placed on outcome, legislative, and perception success scales to gauge the level of successfulness achieved by the organizations from 2001 to 2015. The data were analyzed with a Black Women’s Activism model. With this analytical tool, the role and level of successfulness of black women-led organizations in the health policy arena were examined within the context of socioeconomic factors and historical barriers due to the intersectionality of their race, gender, and class, thus validating that the shared experiences of black women characterize their organizational behavior. Moreover, this study challenges the traditional definitions of activism, opting instead to place black women as political actors independent of the dominate group. The findings reveal that there are multiple pathways leading to the attainment of the ability to influence health policy and that black women-led organizations have played a pivotal role in doing so. Dispelling the myth that the political activism of black women should be through the lens of victimhood, the utilization of a Black Women’s Activism model has the potential to assist researchers in increasing their accuracy when assessing the extent in which black women-led organizations have been able to exercise a critical voice within the prevailing political culture.

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47

Brown-Dean, Khalilah L. "One lens, multiple views felon disenfranchisement laws and American political inequality /". Connect to this title online, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1054744924.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2004.
Document formatted into pages; contains 264 p. Includes bibliographical references. Abstract available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center; full text release delayed at author's request until 2005 June 4.

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48

Alam, Nabeela. "Politics, Trade and Foreign Aid". Thesis, Brandeis University, International Business School, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3721587.

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This dissertation examines the influence of donor-driven and recipient-driven interests on foreign aid allocation.

Chapter 1 examines how the donor's trade interests together with elections and the political competitiveness of electoral processes in recipient countries are associated with bilateral foreign aid flows. US gives more aid to its non-competitive larger trade partners, but cuts their aid ahead of elections. It substitutes aid with market access for non-competitive countries for which it is an important export market, but not during election years. Germany, Japan and UK give more aid to countries with competitive electoral systems, but for these countries Japan and UK substitute aid with trade. The substitution disappears for UK during election years. Japan and UK also reward countries for which they are important export markets with more aid, but only during non-election years for Japan. During election years, Germany cuts aid to non-competitive countries, but gives more aid to non-competitive countries for which it is an export destination. There is weak evidence that France substitutes aid with market access for politically competitive countries.

Chapter 2 focuses on recipient incentives. I extend the Grossman and Helpman (1996) model of elections and special interests by adding foreign aid. I show that with conditional aid when the preferred policy of the donor and that of the special interest group are not aligned, the latter has an incentive to alter election probabilities so that the opposition party wins and implements the lobby's preferred policy. Under these circumstances, the government has an incentive to substitute away from conditional foreign aid. Furthermore, if the government has a higher probability of winning under unconditional aid, the lobby succeeds in asking the government to deviate the most in its policy stance.

In Chapter 3 I examine how China's growing importance as an export destination is related to countries' UN voting alignment with the US, and whether this relationship is different if the countries export oil and mineral resources that China. I find regional differences in UN voting alignment response. Latin American countries and Sub-Saharan African countries not heavily reliant on exports of oil and minerals show decreased political alignment with increased export dependence on China. UN voting alignment for the resource exporters from Sub-Saharan Africa do not vary with export dependence on China. Instead, they have a lower level of UN alignment with the US.

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49

Pereverzin, Yevgeny. "Gun Violence And The Path To Reform For American Citizens". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/948.

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Gun control is a topic that has a variety of complex aspects. Creating a solution for gun violence has been a difficult task for the President and Congress in the last few years. The main reasons for this are the many different groups with a vested interest in the topic. There are also so a number of issues that contribute to gun violence in America that it becomes extremely difficult to pin point one exact problem. Trying to reduce the amount of guns that criminals and the mentally ill get ahold of is an important aspect when looking at the issue gun control. Removing flawed systems, inconsistent laws and other loopholes will result in fewer individuals that should not own guns from getting their hands on deadly weapons. These aspects are extremely difficult to solve all at one time, and require time and patients by Congress and the President for results to be seen. The most important part is fixing issues one at a time, and the ones that can cost innocent people’s lives. While there are many opinions towards gun control, one point both sides of this issue can agree on is that the murder of innocent individuals needs to stop immediately. Careful analysis, with accurate research will allow issues to be solved in an appropriate manner. Making it significantly difficult for criminals to access gun is a major step in the right direction for both the federal government and individual states.

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50

Purnell, Kandida Iris. "Bodies, body politics, bodies politic : the making and movement of American bodies since 9/11". Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2016. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=232621.

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Bodies - be they fleshy or other - are simultaneously made by, made of, moved by, and the makers and movers of other bodies. Driven by the questions how do bodies emerge? what makes bodies move? and what can bodies do? bodies are placed at the very centre of this book in order to explain and show, not only how such bodily making and re-making - (re)making - and movement is done, but also why awareness and understanding of the processes and practices involved in the continual and ongoing (re)making and moving of bodies - of three particular kinds in particular (bodies of power/knowledge, humanised bodies, and bodies politic) - is vital to the study of international relations, conﬂict, and security and thus to the discipline of International Relations (IR). In short, bodies - of these three kinds in particular - require foregrounding because international relations, conﬂicts, and security practices are conducted by, on, and for bodies (humanised bodies and bodies politic in particular), according to bodies (namely referred to as dominant bodies of power/ knowledge, which become ﬂeshed out as material bodies including humanised bodies and bodies politic and enact statecraft, further down the line). Moreover, as demonstrated in this book, which takes up the broad empirical case of post-9/11 American body politics and two case studies into the visual body politics of suffering and dead American soldiers since 9/11 and the 2013 Camp Delta hunger strike, there is much to be gained by taking the very particular embodiments of bodies into account, as every body is unique and it is according to distinctive bodily features, malaise/ailments, and feelings that bodies are moved to act (and in turn touch and move other bodies) and continually become other than they are.

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Tesis sobre el tema "American Politics"

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